LIBRARY 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA. 


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Gl  FT    OF 

f]  <\ 


1  0 

Class 


I 


BaDcliffe  College 

No.  14 


The  Neglected  Period  of 
Anti-Slavery  in  America 

(1808-1831) 


BY 

ALICE   DANA  ADAMS,  A.M. 


?V 
U.NlVERSi 


BOSTON  AND  LONDON 

GINN  AND  COMPANY,  PUBLISHERS 

1908 


COPYRIGHT,  1908 
BY  RADCLIFFE  COLLEGE 


ALL    RIGHTS    RESERVED 


gtficnaeum 


GINN   &   COMPANY  •   PRO 
PRIETORS  •  BOSTON  •  U.S.A. 


PREFACE 

THIS  monograph  is  the  result  of  research  work  done  under  the 
direction  of  Professor  Albert  Bushnell  Hart,  Ph.D.,  of  Harvard 
University,  during  1898-1899,  and  in  the  intervals  of  other  work, 
in  1902-1904.  The  work  was  undertaken  with  the  simple  purpose 
of  gaining  inspiration,  and  help  in  methods,  from  association  with 
one  so  justly  famed  in  historical  circles,  with  no  idea  of  any  further 
result.  A  study  of  the  period,  1808-1831,  however,  showed  such 
a  wealth  of  material,  and  reversed  so  many  of  the  ideas  prevalent 
among  historians,  that  the  results  have  been  put  into  permanent 
form  with  the  hope  that  the  work  may  prove  of  some  material 
aid  to  other  students  and  writers  of  history. 

The  period  1808-1831  has  most  commonly,  perhaps,  received 
the  name  of  "the  Period  of  Stagnation."  It  is  credited  with  no 
aggressive  anti-slavery  work;  it  is  rarely  credited  with  even  real 
anti-slavery  sentiment  of  any  sort.  The  anti-slavery  workers  are 
said  to  have  trusted  that  the  abolition1  of  the  African  slave  trade 
would  do  all  the  work  necessary  for  the  benefit  of  the  slave,  even 
to  his  ultimate  emancipation,  until  William  Lloyd  Garrison  with 
his  trumpet-blast  waked  the  sleepers  and  began  the  new  era, 
whose  history  is  familiar  to  all. 

While  it  is  not  to  be  denied  that  in  some  sections  of  the  country 
there  was  considerable  ground  for  such  a  characterization  of  the 
period,  it  is  not  in  reality  a  fair  one  for  all  sections,  nor  for  the 
entire  period.  Investigation  has  shown  anti-slavery  sentiment 
where  none  was  suspected;  anti-slavery  labors  where  none  had 
been  heard  of;  even  appeals  for  immediate  and  universal  eman 
cipation  and  violent  denunciation  of  slavery,  in  a  "period  of 
stagnation." 

So  much  material  has  been  found  which  has  always  been  avail 
able  to  one  who  could  spend  the  time  in  its  search,  and  the  con 
clusions  which  one  must  inevitably  draw  from  the  study  of  the 
material  are  so  opposite  to  prevailing  opinions,  that  the  period 


183238 


iv  Preface 

has  seemed  to  deserve  the  name  which  has  therefore  been  applied 
to  it,  —  "The  Neglected  Period  of  Anti-Slavery  in  America,  1808- 
1831." 

The  research  involved  was  carried  on  principally  in  the  vicinity 
of  Boston,  where  exhaustive  use  has  been  made  of  the  Harvard 
University  Library;  the  Boston  Public  Library;  the  Athenaeum; 
the  Massachusetts  State  Library;  the  Newton  Public  Library; 
and  various  private  libraries.  The  writer  has  also  personally 
visited  the  Library  of  Congress;  Brown  University  Library;  the 
Library  of  the  Historical  Society  of  Rhode  Island,  at  Providence; 
and  that  of  Johns  Hopkins  University  in  Baltimore.  Many 
thanks  are  due  the  librarians  and  assistants,  who  were  of  great 
aid  in  the  investigation.  In  addition  to  these,  many  libraries 
were  kind  enough  to  send  to  Harvard  Library  for  consultation 
books  which  could  not  be  otherwise  obtained.  Among  these 
were  the  Library  Company  of  Philadelphia,  Ridgeway  Branch; 
the  New  York  State  Library;  the  Historical  Society  of  Penn 
sylvania;  Cornell  University;  the  University  of  Pennsylvania; 
the  Historical  Society  of  Wisconsin;  the  American  Antiquarian 
Society,  Worcester,  Mass.;  Oberlin  College;  and  the  Library  of 
Congress. 

The  writer  wishes  also  to  express  her  gratitude  to  those  who 
have  shown  interest  in  the  work,  not  only  by  welcome  words  of 
encouragement,  but  by  substantial  help  in  the  discovery  of  ma 
terial,  or  in  the  preparation  of  the  book.  Among  such  are  the  late 
Judge  William  Birney,  of  Washington,  and  the  late  Dr.  Leonard 
Woolsey  Bacon,  of  New  Haven;  Francis  J.  Garrison  and  Wendell 
P.  Garrison,  the  two  sons  of  William  Lloyd  Garrison ;  all  of  whom 
aided  in  the  discovery  of  material;  to  Miss  Mary  S.  Locke,  the 
author  of  the  monograph  on  "Anti-Slavery  in  America,  1620- 
1808,"  who,  as  a  fellow-student  of  Professor  Hart,  and  a  writer 
on  the  previous  period  of  anti-slavery  labor,  was  of  substantial 
aid  in  the  beginning  of  the  investigation ;  to  Miss  Louise  Manning 
Hodgkins,  formerly  Professor  of  Literature  at  Wellesley  College, 
and  Miss  Frances  Bent  Dillingham,  of  Auburndale,  who  read  the 
manuscript ;  and  to  Professor  Edwin  F.  Gay,  of  Harvard  Univer 
sity,  whose  review  of  the  proofs  has  been  of  great  help.  Especial 
thanks  are  due  to  Professor  Albert  Bushnell  Hart,  Ph.D.,  of  Har 
vard  University,  who,  in  every  way,  from  beginning  to  end,  has 


Preface  v 

been  an  inspiration  and  an  aid ;  who,  with  his  words  of  help  and 
encouragement,  or  of  criticism  and  warning  has  made  the  book  a 
possibility ;  to  whom,  more  than  to  anyone  else,  is  due  whatever 
success  the  author  may  have  achieved. 

ALICE  DANA  ADAMS 

AUBURNDALE,  Mass.,  Sept.  1908 


CONTENTS 

CHAPTER    I 

PAGE 
THE  ELEMENTS  OF  THE  ANTI-SLAVERY  CONTEST,  1808-1831  ....         i 

The  three  periods  of  the  anti-slavery  contest.  Numerical  impor 
tance  of  slavery.  Study  of  the  census  tables.  Condition  and  treatment 
of  the  slaves.  Six  directions  of  anti-slavery  efforts. 

CHAPTER    II 

PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  THE  SOUTH:  MEN  OF  PROMINENCE 17 

David  Rice.  David  Barrow.  John  D.  Paxton.  Thomas  Jefferson. 
Henry  Clay.  James  G.  Birney.  Daniel  Raymond.  Daniel  Bryan. 
Words  of  Randolph,  Crawford,  Drayton,  Benton,  and  Taney.  William 
Swaia  Elisha  Tyson.  Benjamin  Lundy. 

CHAPTER    III 

<r- 
PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  THE  SOUTH:  POPULAR  SENTIMENT 29 

Four  divisions  of  the  epoch.  The  first  period,  1808-1814:  George 
Fowler;  Lewis Dupre;  "Arator."  Second  period,  1814-1819.  The  third 
period:  Missouri  Compromise.  The  fourth  period,  1821-1831 :  begin 
ning  of  aggressive  work ;  individual  emancipations ;  spirit  of  emancipa 
tion  in  slave  states. 

CHAPTER    IV 

PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  THE  SOUTH:    ESSAYS,  MAGAZINE  ARTICLES  AND 

NEWSPAPERS 39 

Plans  for  emancipation.  Newspaper  articles  against  slavery.  William 
Maxwell.  Work  of  women.  '  Of  children.  Editorials  against  slavery. 
Niles'  Register.  Anti-slavery  publications.  Genius  of  Universal 
Emancipation. 

CHAPTER    V 

PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  THE  SOUTH:   MEMORIALS,  PETITIONS  AND   RES 
OLUTIONS    48 

Memorials  from  Maryland.  From  Tennessee.  From  the  District  of 
Columbia.  Legislation  in  favor  of  the  blacks.  Virginia  Constitutional 
Convention  of  1829-1830.  United  States  Congress. 

vii 


viii  Contents 

CHAPTER   VI 

PAGE 

PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  THE  NORTH:  MEN  OF  PROMINENCE 57 

Group  of  anti-slavery  workers  in  Illinois:  Edward  Coles.  Group  in 
Ohio:  Dyer  Burgess;  Charles  Osborn;  James  Gilliland ;  John  Rankin. 
Attitude  of  John  Adams;  John  Quincy  Adams;  Webster.  Congress 
men  from  the  North.  Prominent  anti-slavery  workers  in  Philadelphia. 
Daniel  Gibbons.  William  Jay.  Elias  Hicks.  Anti-slavery  workers  in 
New  England:  Leonard  Bacon;  William  Lloyd  Garrison. 

CHAPTER    VII 

PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  THE  NORTH:  POPULAR  SENTIMENT 71 

Travelers'  witness.  Position  of  negroes.  Northern  travelers  in  the 
South.  Other  writers:  Thomas  Branagan;  John  Bristed;  C.  J.  Fox; 
Matthew  Carey;  "Vigornius."  The  dark  _sj_de^^f_slayery.  Plans  for 
emancipation.  Immediate  emancipation:  George  Bourne. 

CHAPTER    VIII 

PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  THE  NORTH:  NEWSPAPERS,  RESOLUTIONS,  LEGIS 
LATION.    THE  COLORED  CITIZEN     83 

Anti-slavery  periodicals.  Sentiment  in  Ohio.  Anti-slavery  in  Penn 
sylvania  politics.  Meetings  to  protest  against  slavery  in  Missouri. 
Slavery  in  Illinois.  Slavery  in  Indiana.  Emancipation  in  New  Jersey 
and  New  York.  Resolutions  against  slavery  extension  and  for  abolition 
in  the  District  of  Columbia.  Eminent  colored  men:  James  Forten; 
Russell  Parrott ;  Samuel  Cornish.  Conventions  of  colored  men.  John 
B.  Russwurm.  David  Walker.  Walker's  "Appeal." 

CHAPTER    IX 

ATTITUDE  OF  THE  CHURCHES 96 

General  statements.  Methodists:  General  Conference;  Quarterly 
Conference,  Maryland;  general  sentiment.  Presbyterian  Church:  Gen 
eral  Assembly;  individual  Synods  and  Presbyteries:  Chillicothe  Presby 
tery.  Other  denominations.  The  Society  of  Friends. 

CHAPTER    X 

THE  CAUSES  OF  ORGANIZED  EFFORT 104 

American  Colonization  Society.  Table  of  Colonization  Societies.  Im 
mediate  emancipation.  Growth  of  anti-slavery  sentiment.  Southern 
" delicacy."  "Brutus:  The  Crisis." 


Contents  ix 

CHAPTER    XI 

PAGE 

ANTI-SLAVERY  SOCIETIES n6 

General  enumeration.  Tables.  Location  of  societies.  The  size  of 
the  societies.  The  prominent  members.  The  organization  of  the  socie 
ties.  The  work  done  in  the  societies.  Addresses  of  the  Manumission 
Society  of  North  Carolina.  Memorials  and  petitions.  Negro  schools. 

CHAPTER   XII 

ANTI-SLAVERY  SOCIETIES:  DETAILS  or  WORK  IN  THE  SOUTH  ....     127 

DeWware.  District^  Columbia.  Kentucky.  Tennessee.  "Mary 
land.  North  Carolw*,. 

CHAPTER    XIII 

ANTI-SLAVERY  SOCIETIES:  DETAILS  OF  WORK  IN  THE  NORTH     .   .     140 
Massachusetts.     Connecticut.     Rhode  Island.     New  Jersey.     New 
York.    Pennsylvania.    Ohio.    Illinois.   Free  Labor  Societies.    Free  prod 
uce  stores. 

CHAPTER    XIV 

THE  AMERICAN  CONVENTION 154 

The  meetings.  The  representation.  Work  of  the  Acting  Committee. 
Business.  Topics  discussed.  Memorials  and  resolutions  prepared. 
Publications.  Discussions. 

CHAPTER    XV 

REMEDIES  PROPOSED  BY  THE  AMERICAN  CONVENTION 165 

Education  of  free  blacks.  Education  of  slaves.  Free  labor.  Manu 
mission.  Abolition  in  the  District  of  Columbia.  Abolition  in  the  United 
States.  Plans  for  emancipation. 

CHAPTER   XVI 

THE  INFLUENCE  OF  THE  AMERICAN  CONVENTION:  ADDRESSES.   ...     177 

Addresses  to  Societies,  and  others.  Later  addresses  more  significant. 
Address  of  1821  on  the  Missouri  Compromise.  Address  of  1825  on  the 
abolition  of  slavery  and  the  danger  of  slave  insurrection.  Address  of 
1826  on  abolition  in  the  District  of  Columbia.  Addresses  of  1827  on 
publications,  education  of  free  blacks,  and  abolition  in  the  District  of 
Columbia.  Address  of  1828,  the  last  of  the  old  Convention :  denunciation 
of  slavery  and  abolition  in  the  District  of  Columbia. 


x  Contents 

CHAPTER   XVII 

PAGE 

THE  INFLUENCE  OF  THE  AMERICAN  CONVENTION  MEMORIALS.   ...     185 

Memorials  to  Congress  and  to  the  State  Legislatures,  on  abolition  in 
the  District  of  Columbia.  Memorials  on  prohibition  of  slavery  in  Florida. 
The  convention  method.  The  American  Convention  compared  with  the 
confederation.  Characterization  of  the  American  Convention.  Its  atti 
tude  guarded  yet  aggressive. 

CHAPTER    XVIII 

MOVEMENT  OF  SLAVES,  AND  COLONIZATION 195 

African  Slave  Trade  illegal.  Legislation  against  the  slave  trade.  Do 
mestic  slave  trade  not  illegal.  A  point  of  attack  by  the  anti-slavery  men. 
Fugitive  slaves.  African  colonization.  Was  the  American  Colonization 
Society  anti-slavery?  Anti-slavery  advocates  of  colonization.  Pro- 
slavery  opponents  of  colonization.  American  Convention  opposition  to 
colonization.  Anti-slavery  opponents  of  colonization.  Opposition  of 
free  colored  men  of  Philadelphia.  Constitution,  reports  and  addresses 
equivocal.  John  Quincy  Adams'  characterization.  Only  safe  deduction 
from  the  conflicting  statements. 

CHAPTER    XIX 

TERRITORIAL  QUESTIONS  OF  SLAVERY    ...   - 208 

Anti-slavery  struggle  in  Indiana:  indenture  system;  petition  for  in 
troduction  of  slavery;  "Log  Convention";  Constitution  equivocal; 
fugitive  slave  act  of  1824.  Struggle  over  the  slavery  in  Missouri:  slavery 
perse;  memorials  and  petitions  against  slavery  in  Missouri;  "Poca- 
hontas:  a  Proclamation";  Congressmen  on  slavery  in  Missouri ;  words 
of  John  Q.  Adams.  Anti-slavery  struggle  in  Illinois:  Constitution 
ambiguous;  Governor  Coles;  pro-slavery  convention;  Birkbeck. 
Slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia. 

CHAPTER    XX 

COURT  DECISIONS:  QUESTIONS  OF  FREEDOM 222 

Legality  of  slavery  in  Northern  states.  Indenture  law  of  Indiana. 
Kidnapping.  Violation  of  Federal  Slave  Trade  Act.  Violation  of  the 
State  transportation  laws.  Rhode  Island.  New  York.  New  Jersey. 
Maryland.  District  of  Columbia.  Birth  in  free  states.  Removal  to  free 
state.  Decisions  at  variance  with  the  Dred  Scott  Decision.  Rankin  vs. 
Lydia,  in  Kentucky.  Onus  probandi  on  pure  negro,  but  not  on  "persons 
of  color."  Other  conditions  reverse  presumption  from  color:  reputation 


Contents  xi 

PAGE 

for  freedom ;  actual  possession  of  freedom  for  twenty  years.  Emancipa 
tions.  Freedman  protected  in  freedom.  Enforced  emancipation.  Suits 
for  freedom.  Slave  given  the  benefit  of  all  doubts  and  protected  in  his 
suit.  Fugitive  slave  laws.  Children  of  slaves. 

CHAPTER    XXI 

COURT  DECISIONS:  THE  SLAVE  BEFORE  THE  LAW 239 

Marriage  of  slaves  in  the  North.  Trials  of  slaves  in  North  by  common 
law.  Laws  concerning  trials  of  slaves  in  Southern  states.  Slaves  as 
witnesses.  Ill-treatment  of  slaves.  Distinction  between  master  and 
stranger.  Convictions  for  cruelty.  Penalties  for  killing  slaves.  Servile 
insurrection.  Denmark  Vesey  Insurrection.  South  Carolina  Colored 
Seamen's  Act.  Inflammatory  pamphlets  in  the  South.  Free  negroes  in 
the  South  had  many  of  the  rights  of  the  whites. 

CHAPTER    XXII 
CONCLUSION 249 

"Gradualism."  The  South  indubitably  the  leader  in  anti-slavery 
labor  during  the  period.  New  York  and  Pennsylvania  the  leaders  among 
the  North.  Illinois  and  Ohio  contained  the  most  of  the  reputed  immedi 
ate  emancipations.  Sectional  jealousy  and  "delicacy."  The  period  one  of 
preparation. 

APPENDIX  A.      NAMES  MENTIONED  IN  CONNECTION  WITH  ANTI- 
SLAVERY,  1808-1831 253 

Officers  of  Anti-Slavery  Societies  and  Delegates  to  American  Con 
ventions.  Other  Names.  Agents  of  Lundy's  "  Genius." 

APPENDIX  B.      NAMES  OF  ANTI-SLAVERY  SOCIETIES,  1808-1831    .     264 

APPENDIX  C.      TABLE  OF  COURT  CASES  CITED 268 

APPENDIX  D.     BIBLIOGRAPHY 271 

INDEX 299 


T^^^H^S. 

or  THE 
UNIVERSITY 


OF 


THE   NEGLECTED   PERIOD   OF   ANTI- 
SLAVERY   IN   AMERICA 

1808-1831 

CHAPTER   I 
THE  ELEMENTS  OF  THE  ANTI-SLAVERY  CONTEST,    1808-1831 

THE  question  of  slavery  in  the  United  States  has  aroused  more 
public  attention  and  presents  more  points  of  interest  to  the  student 
of  history  than  in  any  other  country.  The  reason  is  not  far  to  seek  : 
though  slavery  has  existed  in  Cuba,  the  French  Islands,  and  the 
British  West  Indies,  and  even  in  England,  none  of  these  areas  pre 
sented  the  spectacle  of  a  house  divided  against  itself,  half  slave 
and  half  jree.  Slavery  caused  no  jealousy  between  Jamaica  _and 
St.  Kitts,  and  when  the  time  came  England  as  a  nation  could,  jind 
no  excuse  f  or^jajlmejtajnierfera  with  Ihe^sjstem.  English  slavery 
was  abolished  in  the  face  of  the  tremendous^opposition  of  Ihe  .com 
mercial  classes,  but  when  abolished  left  no  feeling  of  resentment 
"against  the  political  authority  which  had  set  the  slaves  free.  The 
feelings  of  the  colonials  were  soothed  by  compensation. 

Slavery,  introduced  into  Virginia  in  1619,  soon  took  root  in  the 
country,  North  as  well  as  South.  In  the  North,  however,  the  slaves 
were  in  large  measure  domestic  servants,  because  the  climate  was 
not  propitious  for  their  use  as  farm  servants  in  large  numbers.  Be 
fore  long  it  was  found  that  there  was  little  profit  from  such  a  use 
of  slaves,  and  by  degrees,  and  in  the  natural  course  of  events, 
slavery  ceased  to  be  a  factor  in  the  social  economy  of  the  Northern 
states.  In  the  South,  on  the  other  hand,  the  climate  tempted  t 
white  settler  to  idleness,  and  since  it  more  nearly  resembled  the 
climate  of  Africa  it  was  not  too  severe  for  the  slave.  Slavery  there 
fore  as  a  means  of  accomplishing  the  work  of  cultivation  without 
undue  exertion  took  a  firmer  hold.  Still  even  there  the  haphazard 
methods  and  proverbial  idleness  of  the  slaves  would  have  made 
them  a  poor  investment  had  it  not  been  for  the  invention  of  the 


The  Elements  of  the  Anti-Slavery  Contest 

cotton  gin  in  ly^s^'hich  brought  that  crop  immediately  to  the 
front  and  mathr~possible  its  cultivation  on  a  large  scale,  by  the 
help  of  the  negro.  The  Middle  States  partook  of  the  character 
istics  of  both  the  North  and  the  South,  though,  as  they  raised 
largely  neither  tobacco  nor  cotton,  by  degrees  they  approached  the 
standpoint  of  the  North. 

This  history  of  slavery  in  brief  is  well  known  to  every  student 
of  American  History  and  needs  no  debate  or  confirmation.  The 
other  side  of  the  story,  the  steady  growth  of  opposition  to  slavery, 
is  much  less  familiar,  and  deserves  critical  investigation. 

The  history  of  the  anti-slavery  contest  in  the  country  is  divisible 
into  three  distinct  periods,  bearing  a  certain  degree  of  resemblance, 
and  yet  showing  marked  differences.  First,  the  colonial  and  early 
national  period,  ending  with  the  great  victory  of  1807  in  the  pas 
sage  of  the  Slave  Trade  Act,  which  is  critically  and  exhaustively 
discussed  in  Miss  Mary  S.  Locke's  monograph,  "Anti-Slavery  in 
America,  1619-1808."  Second,  the  neglected  interval  between 
1808  and  1831,  the  so-called  "period  of  stagnation";  and  third, 
the  well-known  epoch  of  Garrison  and  the  American  Anti-Slavery 
Society,  1831-1861. 

The  aim  of  the  present  writing  is  to  discover  any  anti-slavery 
sentiment  which  may  have  existed  in  the  neglected  epoch  and  to 
prove,  if  possible,  that  it  was  a  period,  not  of  stagnation,  but  of 
growth,  during  which  the  anti-slavery  forces  were  still  active;  a 
period  of  preparation  for  the  abolition  agitation  which  was  finally 
closed  by  the  guns  of  the  Civil  War. 

Two  preliminary  points  must  be  examined  at  the  beginning: 
the  actual  numerical  importance  of  slavery,  and  the  condition  and 
treatment  of  the  slaves.  The  attitude  of  the  various  states  toward 
slay^r^_varies  as  the_absolute  numberjpf^eir_ slaves  andjhe^ro- 
portion  of  negroes  to  their  entire  population  varied.  A  study  of 
the  census  tables  x  on  the  following  pages  will  be  of  interest  as 
throwing  light  on  the  causes  of  this  variation.  The  total  number 
of  slaves  in  the  whole  United  States  while  nearly  doubled  in  the 

i  The  tables  in  this  chapter,  giving  the  numbers  and  ratios  of  the  slaves,  free  negroes 
and  total  white  population,  are  compiled,  so  far  as  it  was  possible,  from  two  sources : 
first,  "A  Statistical  View  of  the  Population  of  the  United  States,  1790-1830,"  published 
by  the  Department  of  State  in  1835;  and  second,  "Statistical  Abstract  of  the  United 
States,  1898,"  published  by  the  Government  in  1899.  The  numbers  not  found  in  either 
of  these,  and  all  the  ratios,  have  been  found  by  a  simple  arithmetical  calculation.  The 
actual  reports  of  each  census  have  also  been  studied,  and  compared  with  these. 


Tlie  Elements  of  the  Anti-Slavery  Contest 


CENSUS   OF   1790 


POPULATION 

RATIOS 

Colored 

White 

Colored 

Whft-p 

Slave 

Free 

Total 

vv  nitc 

Slave 

Free 

Total 

\v  niie 

Me. 

o 

538 

538 

96002 

96540 

o 

0.56 

0.56 

99-44 

N.  H. 

158 

630 

788 

141111 

141899 

O.II 

0.44 

o-55 

99-45 

Ver. 

17 

255 

272 

85144 

85416 

O.O2 

0.30 

0.32 

99.68 

Mass. 

o 

.5463 

5463 

373324 

378787 

0 

1.44 

1.44 

98.56 

R.  I. 

952 

3469 

4421 

64689 

69110 

I.38 

5.02 

6.40 

93-6o 

Conn. 

2759 

2801 

556° 

232581 

238141 

1.16 

1.18 

2-33 

97.67 

N.  Y. 

21324 

4654 

25978 

314142 

340120 

6.27 

1.37 

7.64 

92-36 

N.  J. 

11423 

2762 

14185 

169954 

184139 

6.  20 

1.50 

7.70 

92.30 

Penn. 

3737 

6537 

10274 

424099 

434373 

0.86 

1.50 

2-37 

97-63 

Ohio 

Ind. 

111. 

Mich. 

•- 

•- 

-- 

-• 

Del. 

8887 

3899 

12786 

46310 

59096 

15-04 

6.60 

21.64 

78.36 

Md. 

103036 

8043 

111079 

208649 

319728 

32-23 

2-52 

34-74 

65.26 

D.  C. 

.  . 

Va. 

^93427 

12766 

306193 

442H5 

748308 

39-2i 

1.71 

40.92 

59.08 

N.  C. 

^100572 

4975 

288204 

393751 

25-54 

1.26 

26.80 

73-20 

S.  C. 

107094 

1  80  1 

108895 

140178 

249073 

43.00 

0.72 

43-72 

56.28 

Ga. 

29264 

398 

29662 

52886 

82548 

35-45 

0.48 

35-93 

64.07 

Fla. 

Mo. 

Ken. 

11830 

114 

11944 

61133  !   73077  16.19 

0.16 

16.34 

83.66 

Tenn. 

3417 

361 

3778 

32013 

35791 

9-55 

I.OI 

10.56 

89.44 

Ala. 

Miss. 

La. 

*  .  * 

Ark. 

-- 

U.  S. 

697897 

59466 

757363 

3172464  j  3929827 

17.76 

,, 

19.27 

80.73 

NOTE.     The  ratios  in  these  tables  are  calculated  tevthe  nearest  hundredth. 


The  Elements  of  the  Anti-Slavery  Contest 


CENSUS   OF   1800 


POPULATION 

RATIOS 

Colored 

Colored 

White 

Tntnl 

WViitf 

Slave 

Free 

Total 

J.  Olcll 

Slave  Free 

Total 

vv  niie 

Me. 

o 

818 

818 

150901 

I5I7I9 

0 

o-54 

0-54 

99.46 

N.  H. 

8 

856 

864 

182898 

183762 

0.04 

0.47 

0.47 

99-53 

Vt. 

o 

557 

557 

I539°8 

154465 

o 

0.36 

0.36 

99-64 

Mass. 

0 

6452 

6452 

416393 

422845 

o 

i-53 

i-53 

98.47 

R.  I. 

381 

3304 

3685 

65437 

69122 

0-55 

4-78 

5-33 

94.67 

Conn. 

951 

5330 

6281 

244721 

25IOO2 

0.38 

2.12 

2.50 

97-5° 

N.  Y. 

20343 

I0374 

30717 

556039 

586756 

3-47 

1.77 

5-24 

94-76 

N.  J. 

12422 

4402 

16824 

195125 

2II949 

5.86 

2.08 

7-94 

92.06 

Penn. 

1706 

14564 

16270 

586095 

602365 

0.28 

2.42 

2.70 

97-30 

Ohio 

o 

337 

337 

45028 

45365 

o 

0.74 

o-74 

99.26 

Ind. 

J35 

163 

298 

4577 

4875 

2-77 

3-34 

6.  ii 

93-89 

111. 

Mich. 

-- 

Del. 

6153 

8268 

14421 

49852 

64273 

9-57 

12.86 

22.44 

77-56 

Md. 

105635 

19587 

125222 

216326 

34I528 

30.93 

5-73 

36.66 

63-34 

D.  C. 

3244 

783 

4027 

10066 

14093 

23.02 

5-56 

28.57 

7i-43 

Va. 

345796 

20124 

365920 

514280 

880200 

39-29 

2.29 

41-57" 

58.43 

N.  C. 

133296 

7°43 

140339 

337764 

478103 

27.88 

1.47 

29-35 

70.65 

S.  C. 

146151 

3185 

149336 

196255 

345591 

42.29 

0.92 

43.21 

56.79 

Ga. 

59404 

1019 

60423 

101678 

I62IOI 

36-65 

0.63 

37-27 

62.73 

Fla. 

Mo. 

Ky. 

40343 

74i 

41084 

179871 

220955 

18.26 

0-34 

18.59 

81.41 

Tenn. 

13584 

309 

13893 

91709 

IO56O2 

12.86 

0.29 

13.16 

86.84 

Ala. 

Miss. 

3489 

182 

3671 

5*79 

8850 

39-42 

2.06 

41.48 

58-52 

La. 

Ark. 

-• 

•• 

*  * 

~  * 

U.  S. 

893041 

108398 

1001439 

4304502 

5305941 

16.83 

2.04 

18.87 

81.13 

The  Elements  of  the  Anti-Slavery  Contest 


CENSUS   OF    1810 


POPULATION 

RATIOS 

Colored 

Tntal 

Colored 

Slave 

Free    Total 

-L  O10.1 

Slave 

Free 

Total 

\v  nue 

Me. 

o 

969 

969 

227736 

228705 

o 

0.42 

0.42 

99-58 

N.  H. 

o 

970 

9/0 

213390 

214360 

o 

0-45 

0-45 

99-55 

Vt. 

o 

750 

750 

216963 

217713 

o 

°-34 

0-34 

99.66 

Mass. 

0 

6737 

6737 

465303 

472040 

0 

i-43 

98.57 

R.  I. 

108 

3609 

3717 

733M 

77031 

0.14 

4.69 

4-83 

95-17 

Conn. 

310 

6453 

6763 

2552/9 

262042 

O.I2 

2.46 

2.58 

97.42 

N.  Y. 

15017 

25333 

40350 

918699 

959049 

r-57 

2.64 

4.21 

95-79 

N.  J. 

10851 

7843 

18694 

226861 

245555 

4.42 

3.19 

7.61 

92.39 

Penn. 

795 

22492 

23287 

786804 

SlOOgi 

O.IO 

2.78 

2.87 

97-13 

Ohio 

o 

1899 

1899 

228861 

230760 

0 

0.82 

0.82 

99.18 

Ind. 

237 

393 

630 

23890 

24520 

o-97 

i.  60 

2-57 

97-43 

111. 

1  68 

613 

781 

11501 

12282 

i-37 

4-99 

6.36  93.64 

Mich. 

24 

I2O 

144 

4618 

4762 

0.50 

2.52 

3-02 

96.98 

Del. 

4i77 

13136 

I73I3 

5536i 

72674 

5-75 

18.08 

23.82 

76.18 

Md. 

111502 

33927 

145429 

235117 

380546 

29.30 

8.92  38.22  61.78 

D.  C. 

5395 

2549 

7944 

16079 

24023 

22.46 

10.62 

33.07  66.93 

Va. 

392518 

30570 

423088 

551534 

974622 

40.27 

3-14 

43-41 

56.59 

N.  C. 

168824 

10266 

179090 

376410 

555500 

30.39 

1.85 

32.24 

67.76 

S.  C. 

196365 

4554 

200919 

214196 

47-30 

1.  10 

48.40 

51.60 

Ga. 

105218 

1801 

107019 

I454I4 

252433 

41.68 

0.71 

42.39 

57-6i 

Fla. 

Mo. 

3011 

607 

3618 

17227 

20845 

14.44 

2.91 

17.36  82.64 

Ky. 

80561 

1713 

82274 

324237 

4065II 

19.82 

0.42 

20.24 

79.76 

Tenn. 

44535 

I3I7 

45852 

215875 

261727 

17.02 

0.50 

17-52 

82.48 

Ala. 

Miss. 

17088 

240 

17328 

23024 

40352 

42.35 

0-59 

42.94 

57-o6 

La. 

3466o 

7585 

42245 

343" 

76556 

45-27 

9.91 

55-18 

44-82 

Ark. 

•• 

-- 

•- 

•- 

U.  S.    1191364 

186446 

1377810 

5862004 

7239814 

16.46 

2-58 

19.03 

80.97 

The  Elements  of  the  Anti-Slavery  Contest 


CENSUS   OF   1820 


POPULATION 

RATIOS 

Colored 

Colored 

White 

Tntal 

TTTl-,.^ 

Slave 

Free 

Total 

J.  OId.1 

Slave 

Free 

Total 

VV  nite 

Me. 

o 

929 

929 

297340 

298269 

o 

0.31 

0.31 

99.69 

N.  H. 

o 

786 

786 

243236 

244022 

o 

0.32 

0-32 

99.68 

Vt. 

o 

9°3 

903 

234846 

235749 

o 

0.38 

0.38 

99.62 

Mass. 

0 

6740 

6740 

516419 

523159 

o 

1.29 

1.29 

98.71 

R.  I. 

48 

3554 

3602 

79413 

83°  1  5 

0.06 

4.28 

4-34 

95-66 

Conn. 

97 

7844 

794i 

267161 

275102 

0.04 

2.85 

2.89 

97.11 

N.  Y. 

10088 

29279 

39367 

1332744 

1372111 

0.74 

2.13 

2.87 

97-J3 

N.  J. 

7557 

12460 

20017 

257409 

277426 

2.72 

4-49 

7.22 

92.78 

Penn. 

211 

30202 

30413 

1017094 

1047507 

O.O2 

2.88 

2.90 

97.10 

Ohio 

O 

4723 

4723 

576572 

581295 

O 

0.81 

0.81 

99.19 

Ind. 

190 

1230 

1420 

145758 

147178 

O.I3 

0.84 

0.96 

99.04 

111. 

917 

457 

1374 

53788 

55162 

1.66 

0.83 

2.49 

97-51 

Mich. 

0 

174 

174 

8591 

8765 

o 

i-99 

1.99 

98.01 

Del. 

45°9 

12958 

17467 

55282 

72749 

6.20 

17.81 

24.01 

75-99 

Md. 

107398 

3973° 

147128 

260222 

407350 

26.36 

9-75 

36.12 

63.88 

D.  C. 

6377 

4048 

10425 

22614 

33039 

19.30 

12.25 

31-55 

68.45 

Va. 

425153' 

36889- 

462042 

603074 

1065116 

39-92 

3-46 

43-38 

56.62 

N.  C. 

205017 

14612 

219629 

419200 

638829 

32.09 

2.29 

34.38 

65.62 

S.  C. 

258475 

6826 

265301 

237440 

502741 

51-41 

1.36 

52.77 

47-23 

Ga. 

149656 

1763 

15*419 

'189566 

340985 

43-89 

0.52 

44.41 

55-59 

Fla. 

Mo. 

IO222 

347 

10569 

55988 

66557 

15-36 

0.52 

15.88 

84.12 

Ky. 

126732 

2759 

129491 

434644 

564135  I  22.46 

0.49 

22.95 

77-05 

Tenn. 

80107 

2727 

82834 

339927 

422761  18.95 

0.65 

19.60 

80.40 

Ala. 

47439 

633 

48072 

96245 

144317  32.87 

0.44 

33  -3  1 

66.69 

Miss. 

32814 

458 

33272 

42176 

75448 

43-49 

0.61 

44.10 

55-9° 

La. 

69064 

10476 

79540 

73383 

152923 

45.16  6.85 

52.01 

47-99 

Ark. 

1617 

59 

1676 

I2579 

14255 

n-34 

0.41 

11.76 

88.24 

U.  S. 

1543688 

233566 

1777254 

7872711 

9649965 

16.00 

2.42 

18.42 

Si-57 

The  Elements  of  the  Anti-Slavery  Contest 


CENSUS   OF    1830 


POPULATION 

RATIOS 

Colored 

Colored 

Whi'tp 

Tnt-il 

WVn'fo 

Slave 

Free 

Total 

vv  nice 

i  oral 

Slave 

Free 

Total 

W  nite 

Me. 

2 

1190 

1192 

398263 

399455 

.0005 

.298 

0.30 

99.70 

N.  H. 

3 

604 

607 

268721 

269328 

.001 

.224 

0.23 

99-77 

Vt. 

o 

881 

881 

279771 

280652 

0 

0.31 

0.31 

99.69 

Mass. 

I 

7048 

7049 

603359 

610408 

.0002 

i-iS 

1-15 

98.85 

R.  I. 

I7 

356i 

3578 

93621 

97199 

.02 

3-66 

3-68 

96.32 

Conn. 

25 

8047 

8072 

289603 

297675 

.OI 

2.70 

2.71 

97.29 

N.  Y. 

75 

44870 

44945 

1873663 

1918608 

.OO4 

2-33 

2-34 

97.66 

N.  J. 

2254 

18303 

20557 

300266 

320823 

.70 

5-7i 

6.41 

93-59 

Penn. 

403 

3793° 

38333 

1309900 

1348233 

•°3 

2.81 

2.84 

97.16 

Ohio 

6 

9568 

9574 

928329 

937903 

.OOO6 

i.  02 

i.  02 

98.98 

Ind. 

3 

3629 

3632 

339399 

343031 

.0009 

1.06 

i.  06 

98.94 

111. 

747 

l637 

2384 

155061 

157445 

•47 

1.04 

i-Si 

98.49 

Mich. 

32 

261 

293 

31346 

3J639 

.10 

0.82 

o-93 

99.07 

Del. 

3292 

15855 

19147 

576oi 

76748 

4.29 

20.66 

24-95 

75-05 

Md. 

102994 

52938 

I55932 

291108 

447040 

23.04 

11.84 

34-88 

65.12 

D.  C. 

6119 

6152 

,  12271 

27563 

39834 

!5-36 

15-44 

30.81 

69.19 

Va. 

469757 

47348 

517105 

694300 

1211405 

38.78 

3-91 

42.69 

57-31 

N.  C. 

245601 

19543 

265144 

472843 

737987 

33-28 

2.65 

35-93 

64.07 

S.  C. 

3*5401 

7921 

323322 

257863 

581185 

54-27 

1.36 

55-63 

44-37 

Ga. 

21/531 

2486 

220017 

296806 

516823 

42.09 

0.48 

42.57 

57-43 

Fla. 

i55oi 

844 

l6345 

18385 

3473° 

44-63 

2-43 

47.06 

52-94 

Mo. 

25091 

569 

25660 

"4795 

140455 

17.86 

0.41 

18.27 

Si-73 

Ky. 

165213 

49J7 

170130 

517787 

687917 

24.02 

0.71 

24-73 

75-27 

Term. 

141603 

4555 

146158 

535746 

681904 

20.76 

0.67 

21.43 

78.57 

Ala. 

"7549 

1572 

119121 

190406 

309527 

37-98 

o.-i 

38.48 

61.52 

Miss. 

65659 

5*9 

66178 

70443 

136621 

48.06 

0.38 

48.44 

5i-56 

La. 

109588 

16710 

126298 

89441 

215739 

50.80 

7-75 

58.54 

41.46 

Ark. 

4576 

141 

47J7 

25671 

30388 

15.06 

0.46 

15-52 

84.48 

u.  s. 

2009043 

3r9599 

2328642 

10532060 

12860702 

T5-63 

2.49 

i8.ii 

81.89 

8  The  Elements  of  the  Anti-Slavery  Contest 

forty  years  under  consideration  had  not  increased  so  rapidly  as  the 
whites  and  had  steadily_decreased  in  percentage  from  17.76%  in 
1790,  to  ij.63_%jin__i83o;   the  change  is  suggestive  in  vievv  of  the~ 
new  states  added  to  the  South  during  the  period. 

Of  the  six  New  England  states,  Massachusetts  alone,  with  its 
District  of  Maine,  reported  no  slaves  in  I790.1  Rhode  Island  pos 
sessed  the  largest  proportionate  slave  population  in  New  England 
at  this  period,  —  1.38  %,  although  Connecticut  was  not  far  be 
hind,  with  1.16  %.  Of  the  states  later  known  as  the  "free  states," 
/New  York  and  New  Jersey  had  in  1790  the_ largest  proportion  of 
slaves,  —  6.£7_%  and  6. 2o%._  It  is  interesting  to  notice  that  Penn 
sylvania  at  this  early  date  stood  fifth  in  the  list  of  the  nine  North 
ern  states  then  settled,  with  only  .86  %  of  its  population  slaves. 

As  we  turn  to  the  South  we  find  a  great  difference,  even  at  this 
period.  The  lowest  percentage  of  slaves,  —  0^.55  %  in_Tennessee, 
is  far  in  advance  of  the  highest  in  the  North ;  while  the  highest  in 
the  South,  —  43  %  in  South  Carolina,  begins  to  suggest  to  us  the 
teeming  slave  populations  of  later  years. 

In  1800  the  number  of  slaves  in  the  North  had  decreased  pro 
portionately  everywhere  and  absolutely  save  inJSjew  Jersey.  The 
number  of  free  negroes  had  increased  in  this  section  with  the  single 
exception  of  the  state  of  Rhode  Island;  and  in  the  "  District  of 
Maine"  a  larger  proportion  was  colored  than  in  1790.  In  this  year 
New  Jersey  bears  the  doubtful  honor  of  the  largest  slave  population 
in  the  North,  —  5.86  %;  Indiana  reports  135  slaves,  or  2.77  %  of 
the  population;  while  Ohio,  with  337  free  blacks,  confessed  to  no 
slaves. 

During  this  decade,  1790-1800,  the  proportionate  number  of 
slaves  in  Delaware,  Maryland  and  South  Carolina  decreased,  while 
in  Virginia  the  increase  was  very  slight.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
number  of  free  blacks-  increased  greatly,  except  in  Kentucky  and 
Tennessee.  In  Maryland  it  actually  doubled.  The  black  popula 
tion  as  a  whole,  therefore,  increased  proportionately  as  well  as 
absolutely,  in  every  Southern  state  except  South  Carolina.  The 
lowest  percentage  of  slaves  in  the  South  is  9.57  %,  in  Delaware,  and 
Tennessee  stands  second  with  a  percentage  of  12.86%.  South 
Carolina  still  leads,but  with  a  slightly  smaller  proportion, — 42.29%, 
and  the  new  state  of  Mississippi  stands  next,  with  39.42^ 

1  There  is  a  claim  that  the  report  of  17  from  Vermont  in  1790  was  a  mf 


The  Elements  of  the  Anti-Slavery  Contest  9 

In  the  census  of  1810  the  relative  distribution  was  much  the 
same.  The  slaves  and  free  blacks  had  lessened  proportionately  in 
every  state  of  the  North  except  Pennsylvania,  and  there  the  slaves 
had  greatly  decreased.  Connecticut,  however,  was  the  only  state 
where  the  colored  population  had  not  absolutely  increased.  Five 
states  report  no  slaves  in  this  census :  Maine,  Massachusetts,  New 
Hampshire  and  Vermont,  in  New  England ;  and  Ohio,  in  the  West. 
The  largest  proportion  of  slaves  in  a  Northern  state  in  1810  was 
4.42  %  in  New  Jersey/ 

In  the  South,  Delaware,  Maryland  and  the  District  of  Columbia 
each  show  a  proportionate  decrease  in  the  number  of  slaves,  with 
an  absolute  numerical  decrease  in  Delaware  of  nearly  a  third. 
The  lowest  percentage  is  again  in  Delaware,  —  5-75%;  Missouri 
is  second,  with  a  percentage  of  14.44.  South  Carolina  still  leads, 
with  47.30  %,  but  the  new  state  of  Louisiana  closely  follows  with 
45.27  %,  and  three  others  are  over  40  %. 

In  1820,  the  fourth  census v  Illinois  alone  in  the  North  reported 
a  larger  proportion  of  slaves  than  in  1810;  and  in  nearly  every 
state  the  whites  had  made  a  considerable  gain.  It  is  of  interest 
to  notice  that  in  these  ten  years  just  before  the  struggle  in  Illinois 
the  number  of  slaves  there  increased  largely,  while  the  number  of 
free  blacks,  both  proportionate  and- absolute,  decreased.  In  1810 
there  were ^i 68  slaves  and  613  free  blacks,  or  1.37%  and  4.99% 
respectively;  in  1820  the  numbers  were  917  and ^57;  the  percent 
ages  1.66  %  and  .83  %. 

The  condition  in  the  South  now  becomes  slightly  different.  A 
reaction  seems  to  have  taken  place  in  Delaware,  which  had  hitherto 
been  steadily  approaching  comparative  freedom;  Maryland  and 
the  District  of  Columbia  continue  to  decrease  as  before,  Maryland 
in  absolute  numbers  as  well  as  proportionately;  and  Virginia, 
which  had  been  increasing,  loses  somewhat  proportionately  though 
still  gaming  absolutely.  Yet  Delaware  still  has  the  smallest  pro 
portion  of  slaves,  —  6.20%.  A  new  state,  Arkansas,  stands  next, 
with  11.34%.  During  this  period  the  number  of  slaves  in  South 
Carolina  had  so  grown  that  they  numbered  in  1820  more  than  half 
the  population,  —  51.41  %. 

In  1830  slaves  were  reported  from  every  then  existing  state  of 
the  Union,  save  Vermont.  The  largest  number  in  any  New  Eng 
land  state,  however,  was  25  ^Connecticut,  and  the  largest  propor- 


io  The  Elements  of  the  Anti-Slavery  Contest 

tion,  .02%  in^  Rhode  Island.  Massachusetts  reported  only_one; 
Maine,  Jwo;  and  New  Hampshire  and  Indiana  each  three.  The 
largest  proportion  in  the  Northern  states  this  year  was  .70  %,  com 
pared  wjth  2.72  %  in  1820,  4.42  %  in  1810,  5.86%  in  1800,  and 
6.2 7  %  in  1790.  Illinois  had  passed  safely  through  her  struggle, 
and  while  the  number  of  slaves  had  decreased,  that  of  free  negroes 
had  greatly  increased.  In  place  of  i  .66_%  as  in  1820,  the  slaves 
were  rfow  but  .47^%^ of  the  population., 

Delaware  had  recovered  ground  as  the  least  slave-ridden  of  the 
Southern  states,  the  number  of  slaves  reported  for  that  state  being 
smaller  in  1830  than  at  any  former  time;1  less  than  half  of  the 
number  in  1790;  and  the  percentage  had  decreased  to  4.29  %,  which 
again  was  the  lowest  number  in  the  South.  Other  states,  however, 
had  their  share  in  this  blessing;  Maryland  had  fewer  slaves  and 
a  smaller  percentage  than  in  1790;  the  District  of  Columbia  had 
shown  a  steady  decrease  in  the  proportion  since  its  foundation, 
and  in  this  decade  showed  an  absolute  loss ;  Virginia  and  Georgia 
also  showed  a  gain  for  freedom.  South  Carolina,  as  before,  led  the 
congested  states,  with  the  large  proportion,  —  54.27%  of  slaves; 
while  Louisiana  had  passed  the  50  %  mark,  and  Mississippi  was 
coming  near  it.  This  census  seems  to  give  some  ground  for  the 
assertion  so  often  made  that  much  of  the  South  would  have  freed 
thejslaves  if  given  more  time.  Something  caused  the  reaction 
later,  —  either  the  spirit  of  opposition  raised  by  the  abolitionists, 
as  is  usually  claimed;  or  the  unwillingness  of  the  South,  when  it 
came  to  the  point,  to  make  the  sacrifice.  The  question  is  one  which 
will  probably  never  be  satisfactorily  settled. 

Though  slaves  were  held  during  the  whole  of  this  period,  1808- 
1831,  in  all  the  states  except  yermont,  Massachusetts,  Maine,  New 
Hampshire jmd  Ohio,  yet  in  the  Northern,  or,  as  they  were  later 
called,  the  ufree~states,"  there  were  but  few  of  them.  All  of  these 
states  had  adopted  gradual  emancipation  acts,  which  were  surely, 
though  slowly,  freeing  those  that  remained.  Since  the  slaves  were 
so  few  in  number,  and  nearly  all  of  them  what  are  termed  "  do 
mestic  slaves,"  there  was  less  likelihood  of  ill  treatment,  and  the 
negro  question  was  not  so  much  oFa  problem  as  it  was  in  the  far 
South,  where  the  number  of  negroes  was  so  much  larger.  In  the 

1  The  free_blacks  in  Delaware  in  1800  outnumberedjhe  slaves;  in  1810  and  1820  they 
were  nearly  threeTIrn^s-asTn^ryyTri'lSJo  Trley~"were  nearTyTTvfc  times  as  many. 


The  Elements  of  the  Anti-Slavery  Contest  n 

Northern  states  having  the  most  negroes,  free  and  slave,  the  pro 
portion  of  the  black  population  was  only  from  one  third  to  one 
fourth  as  much  as  in  the  Southern  state  which  had  the  fewest  slaves. 
It  was  not  strange  that  the  Northerner  who  had  never  traveled  in 
the  South,  and  seen  the  large  colored  population  there,  could  not 
understand  the  position  of  the  Southerner,  and  that  the  Southerner 
should  realize  this,  and  resent  his  interference. 

To  understand  the  play  of  public  sentiment  on  the  vexed  ques 
tions  of  slavery  from  1808  to  1831  we  must  also  examine  briefly 
the  conditions  of  slavery  and  the  slaves  in  the  United  States.  The  -^  * 
best  authorities  on  social  conditions  are  the  books  published  by 
European  or  Northern  travelers  in  the  South.  Many  such  books 
omit  the  subject  altogether,  or  give  us  no  real  clue  as  to  the  general 
treatment  of  the  slaves.  Thus  John  Lambert  refers  without  much 
specification  to  brutal  treatment  of  slaves ;  1  Inchiquin  speaks  little 
of  the  slave,  but  mentions  the  master's  indolence  in  consequence 
of  slavery.2  It  is  hard  to  generalize  on  the  condition  and  treatment 
of  the  slaves,  for  it  varied  according  to  the  character  of  their  owners. 
As  David  Benedict  says  (1813),  "The  existence  of  slavery  in  a 
country  is  calculated  -to  awaken  all  the  propensities  of  human 
nature,  whether  good  or  bad."  3  The  passionate,  overbearing  and 
cruel  master  had  an  ample  opportunity  to  be  brutal,  while  the 

naturally  kind-hearted  man  was  merciful.    No  one  who  examines 

/\  £. 

the  evidence  can  doubt  that,  certainly  before  1830,  the  majority  of 
the  slaves  were  well  treated.  /  Maji^Ynen  of  the  South  bought  slaves 
they  did  not  need,  in  order  to  £el*p  families  together.4  Household 
servants  were  often  petted,  and  the  field  hands  well  fed  and  well 
lodged,  with  leisure  time  at  their  disposal.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
oft-told  cruelties  did  exist;  no! master  could  ensure  kind  treatment 
to  his  slaves  after  his  death;  j while  the  wasteful  system  of  slave 
labor,  and  the  common  carelessness  as  to  money  matters,  often 
brought  the  owner  to  sell  his /slaves  for  debt.  Slavery  in  thejar 
Southern  states  was  worse  thp,n  in  the  Northern  tier;  and  every 
where  one  could  find  masters  who  cared  less  for  the  comfort  of 

1  John  Lambert:   "Travels  through  Lower  Canada  and  the  United  States  of  North 
America,"  2.  403-417. 

2  "Inchiquin,  the  Jesuit's  Letters/ during  a  Late  Residence  in  the  United  States  of 
America,"  p.  106. 

3  David  Benedict:  "General  History  of  the  Baptist  Denomination,"  edition  of  1813, 

4  Benedict  (2.  211,  212)  gives  two  instances  of  this. 

J  * 


12  The  Elements  of  the  Anti-Slavery  Contest 

their  slaves  than  for  that  of  their  horses  or  dogs.  The  greatest  evil 
of  slavery  was  not  in  what  it  was,  but  in  what  it  always  might  be. 

For  the  good  treatment  of  the  slaves  the  travelers  bear  abundant 
testimony.  Paulding,  a  Northerner  who  traveled  in  the  South  in 
1816,  and  who  distinctly  asserted  his  hatred  of  slavery,  was  recon 
ciled  in  some  measure  to  the  bondage  of  the  negroes  by  the  appear 
ance  of  the  slave  cabins  on  a  Virginia  plantation.  "Since  their 
lot  is  beyond  remedy"  it  is  consoling  to  find  "kindness  and  plenty." 
He  even  wondered  if  the  slaves  were  not  often  happier  than  the 
whites,  since  they  were  relieved  from  all  care  for  either  present  or 
future.1  William  Tell  Harris,  an  English  traveler  in  1817-1819, 
stated  that  the  condition  of  the  slaves  was  often  really  better  than 
that  of  many  English  peasants,  except  that  they  were  slaves.2  John 
Palmer  (1817)  spoke  of  slavery  in  Western  Virginia  as  divested  of 
most  of  its  terrors,  and  believed  that  with  very  few  exceptions  the 
slaves  were  treated  kindly  in  Kentucky  and  Tennessee;  he  was 
confident  that  several  slave  states  were  ameliorating  the  condition 
of  their  slave  population,  and  Niles,  in  1818,  confirms  this  view 
for  Maryland,  although  he  still  sees  room  for  improvement.3  W. 
Faux,  in  1823,  was  impressed  by  the  "respectable,  happy,  and 
healthy  appearance  of  slaves"  in  Charleston,  South  Carolina;  their 
daily  work  might  be  done  at  one  o'clock,  "if  they  labor  well,"  and 
their  condition  in  some  respects  was  better  than  that  of  English 
paupers.4  Mrs.  Frances  (Milton)  Trollope,  who  came  to  this 
country  in  1827,  with  strong  prejudices  against  slavery,  wrote,  after 
becoming  acquainted  with  the  institution,  that  the  condition  of  the 
domestic  slaves  was  rarely  bad,  but  wherever  it  was  hard  the  slaves 
had  no  power  to  change  it.5  James  Fenimore  Cooper  wrote  in 
1828:  "Physical  suffering  .  .  .  is  not  the  prominent  grievance  of 
slavery.  It  js.lhe  deep  moral  degradation  which  no  man  has  a 
right  to  entail  on  another,  that  forms  the  essence  of  its  shame."  6 

The  evidence  on  the  oilier  side  is  fairly  represented  by  Francis 
Hall,  an  English  army  officer  who  visited  the  South  in  1816;  he 

1  James  Kirke  Paulding:   "Letters  from  the  South,"  pp.  24,  25,  118. 

2  W.  T.  Harris :  "Remarks  made  during  a  Tour  through  the  United  States  of  Amer 
ica,"  p.  49. 

3  John  Palmer:  "Journal  of  Travels  in  the  United  States,"  pp.  127,  153,  158;   Niles' 
Weekly  Register,  15.  5. 

4  W.  Faux :   "Memorable  Days  in  America,"  pp.  41,  59. 

5  Mrs.  Frances  (Milton)  Trollope:  "Domestic  Manners  of  the  Americans,"  p.  198. 
See  also  p.  30. 

6  James  Fenimore  Cooper:  "Notions  of  the  Americans,"  American  edition,  2.  276. 


The  Elements  of  the  Anti-Slavery  Contest  13 

speaks  of  the  "wretched  dwellings  and  wretched  faces,"  the  "cow 
ering  humility,"  "servile  respect"  and  "fear"  in  the  "shrinking 
eye"  seen  by  him  while  passing  from  Philadelphia  to  Washington. 
He  was  shocked  by  the  slave  law  of  the  Carolinas,  and  remarked 
that  it  is  not  pleasant  to  live  under  the  uncontrolled  will  of  any  man. 
He  thought  the  house  and  domestic  servants  in  many  instances 
were  in  not  much  worse  condition  than  the  corresponding  servants 
in  England,  but  this  was  not  true  of  the  field  hands.1 

The  slaves  were  treated  much  better  in  some  parts  of  the  country 
than  others;  thej^eneral  rule  being,  the  farther  south  the  more 
miserable  the  condition.  James  Flint  (1818)  wrote  that  the  treat 
ment  of  slaves  in  Kentucky  was  milder  than  in  the  southeastern 
part  of  the  Union.2  Hodgson  (1819-1820)  began  to  be  shocked  at 
the  looks  of  the  slaves  at  the  first  rice  plantation  he  saw,  about 
sixty  miles  from  Charleston,  South  Carolina.  He  said  that  slaves 
were  better  off  in  Virginia  than  in  Louisiana;  and  that  in  Georgia 
some  slaves  were  allowed  to  select  their  own  work,  a  step  towards 
manumission.3  Blane  also  makes  a  comparison  between  the  North 
ern  and  Southern  slave  states  in  1822,  to  the  disadvantage  of  the 
latter.4  Yet  John  Finch  (1823)  states  that  the  condition  in  our 
Southern  states  was  better  than  that  in  the  West  Indies.5 

The  free  negroes  at  the  South  were  little  better  off  than  the 
slaves,  and  many  observers  thought  their  condition  worse.  Thomas 
Hamilton,  a  Scotchman,  wrote  (1829  or  1830)  that  the  negroes  were 
slaves  over  the  whole  of  the  United  States,  so  far  as  equal  rights 
were  concerned;  that  the  law  left  the  free  negro  "a  masteries s 
slave."  6 

One  indication  of  the  condition  of  the  colored  race  is  the  presence 
or  absence  of  schools  or  churches  for  their  secular  and  religious 
education.  In  many  of  the  slave  states  there  were  laws  prohibiting 
the  education  of  the  slaves,  and  equally  of  the  free  blacks,  who  were 
nearly  always  under  the  regulations  of  the  Black  Code.  The  reason 

1  Lieut.  Francis  Hall:    "Travels  in  Canada  and  the  United  States,"  pp.  247,  321, 
324-328,  329. 

2  James  Flint:  "Letters  from  America,"  p.  116. 

3  Adam  Hodgson:  "Letters  from  North  America,"  English  edition,   i.  24,  25,  41, 
112,  308.     The  American  edition  in  one  volume  was  unauthorized  and  imperfect.     See 
English  edition,  Preface,  p.  vi. 

4  William  Newnham  Blane :  "  An  Excursion  through  the  United  States  and  Canada," 
pp.  201-205. 

5  John  Finch:  "Travels  in  the  United  States  and  Canada,"  p.  240. 

6  Thomas  Hamilton:  "Men  and  Manners  in  America,"  pp.  57,  58. 


14  The  Elements  of  the  Anti-Slavery  Contest 

was  obvious:  education  would  rouse  the  slaves  from  their  quiet, 
and  make  severe  penalties  necessary.1  Still  there  were  schools  for 
colored  children  at  the  South :  an  adult  negro  school  in  Baltimore 
in  1820  had  one  hundred  and  eighty  pupils;  there  were  six  hun 
dred  negroes  in  the  Sunday  Schools  of  the  city,  who  had  formed 
themselves  into  a  Bible  Association,  and  been  received  into  con 
nection  with  the  Baltimore  Bible  Society.2  In  1825  a  day  and 
night  school  for  colored  persons  was  advertised  in  Baltimore, 
with  English  branches,  and  also  Latin  and  French;3  in  1829 
an  "African  Free  School"  was  established  in  the  same  city,  where 
from  one  hundred  and  fifty  to  one  hundred  and  seventy  scholars 
were  taught  every  Sunday ; 4  not  long  after  a  school  for  girls  of 
color  was  opened  by  a  religious  society  of  colored  women ; 5  in 
1830  a  school  for  poor  children  of  both  sexes  is  mentioned  as  an 
object  of  benevolence,  by  nine  signers,  among  whom  were  John 
Breckinridge  and  Daniel  Raymond.6  Probably  such  schools 
existed  elsewhere.7 

But  little  mention  is  made  of  colored  church-members  at  the 
South,  or  of  churches  composed  of  negroes.8  Only  one  Meth 
odist  church  is  named :  one  in  Charleston,  South  Carolina,  which, 
a  few  years  before  1813,  had  eighteen  hundred  members,  of  whom 
it  was  supposed  that  more  than  fifteen  hundred  were  negroes.9 
Baptist  churches  were  somewhat  more  numerous :  one  in  Augusta, 
Georgia,  was  prosperous,  although  it  had  decreased  in  membership 
since  its  organization ;  it  had  in  1813  less  than  four  hundred  mem 
bers.10  There  were  three  colored  Baptist  churches  in  Savannah, 
Georgia,  in  1813;  one,  founded  about  1775,  had  fifteen  hundred 

1  American  Jurist,  vii.  18;    John  Duncan:    "Travels  through  Part  of   the  United 
States  and  Canada,"  2.  334. 

2  Adam  Hodgson:   "Letters  from  North  America,"  2.  218. 

3  "The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,"  5.  56. 

4  Ibid.  10.  18.  5  Ibid.  10.  142.  6  Ibid.  10.  151. 

7  The  facts  that  the  only  contemporary  periodical  during  the  most  of  these  years, 
which  was  devoted  to  these  topics,  was  published  in  Baltimore,  and  that  but  few  papers 
and  periodicals  of  that  day  are  now  extant,  may  account  for  the  prominence  of  Baltimore. 
For  further  references  in  books  of  travel  to  the  condition  and  treatment  of  slaves  see,  for 
example,  Adam  Hodgson:    "Letters  from  North  America,"  pp.  24,  25,  46;    Estwick 
Evans:    "A  Pedestrious  Tour  of  Four  Thousand  Miles,"  pp.  219,  222,  223,  225;    E. 
Howitt:    "Selections  from  Letters  Written  during  a  Tour  through  the  United  States," 
pp.  79,  212;  W.  Faux:  "Memorable  Days  in  America,"  p.  68;  C.  D.  Arfwedson:  "The 
United  States  and  Canada,"  i.  238-240,  308,  323,  327,  331-335,  340,  351,  352,  425,  429. 
See  also  the  "Minutes  of  the  American  Convention  for  Promoting  the  Abolition  of 
Slavery,"  for  1826,  pp.  33,   36. 

8  Benedict  ("General  History  of  the  Baptist  Denomination,"  edition  of  1813,  2.  194, 
207)  says  that  there  were  a  good  many  blacks  in  the  churches  at  the  South. 

9  Ibid.  2.  213.  10  Ibid.  2.  193. 


The  Elements  of  the  Anti-Slavery  Contest  15 

members,  all  colored;  the  pastor  was  "working  his  time  out," 
his  predecessor  having  bought  his  freedom  after  beginning  to 
preach.  A  second  church,  established  in  1802,  had,  in  1813, 
three  hundred  members,  a  very  comfortable  house,  and  a  pastor 
who  had  worked  his  time  out.  The  third  church,  an  offshoot 
of  the  first,  founded  in  1803,  was  quite  small.1  In  1822  there 
were  two  Baptist  churches  in  Petersburg,  Virginia,  belonging  to 
people  of  color,  and  an  African  Missionary  Society,  also  com 
posed  of  negroes.2 

The  elements  of  the  anti-slavery  contest  during  the  period  be 
tween  1808  and  1831  differed  greatly  from  those  of  the  contest 
before  that  time.  The  efforts  of  the  anti-slayeryworkers  were  put 
forth  in  six  directions,  mainly,  with  varying  success,  and  with  vary 
ing  energy. 

1.  The^.  foreign  slave  trade  had  been  one  of  the  chief  points  of 
attack  in  the  earlier  period,  but  was  now  prohibited  by  law,  and 
although  it  was  carried  on  for  many  years  after  1808,  in  face  of  all 
prohibitions  and  penalties,  it  was  under  the  ban  of  law,  no  longer 
open  to  discussion.     But  the  neglect  to  enforce  the  law  was_ex- 
tremely  harmful  to  the_cause,  and  to  the  nation,  for,  as  Dubois 
says:    "Poor  enforcement,  moreover,  in  the  years  i8o8~~1x)  1820 
meant  far  more  than  at  almost  any  other  period ;   for  these  years 
were,  all  over  the  European  world,  a  time  of  stirring  economic 
change,  and  the  set  which  forces  might  then  take  would  in  a  later 
period  be  unchangeable  without  a  cataclysm."  3 

2.  The  closing  of  the  foreign  slave  trade  opened  another  field  of 
attack  on  the  system,  for  the  domestic  trade  took  on  an  impetus 
which  made  it,  almost  before  the  watchers  were  aware,  a  formid 
able  bulwark  of  slavery.     As  early  as  1808  the  "border  states" 
where  the  labor  of  slaves  was  somewhat  less  profitable  had  begun 
to  direct  their  attention  to  the  breeding  of  slaves  for  the  Southern 
markets,  where  the  hard  work  and  the  unhealthful  climate  to 
gether  made  a  constant  demand  for  fresh  material. 

3.  Another  important  element  of  the  anti-slavery  contest  was 
the  struggle  over  the  admission  of  Missouri,  which  brought  to  the 
front  the  question  of  the  extension  of  the  area  legally  open  to  slavery. 

1  Benedict:  "General  History  of  the  Baptist  Denomination,"  edition  of  1813,  2. 
189-193. 

2  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  i.  161. 

3  W.  E.  B.  Dubois:  "The  Suppression  of  the  African  Slave  Trade,"  p.  109. 


1 6  The  Elements  of  the  Anti-Slavery  Contest 

Though  the  territorial  problem  had  been  under  discussion  in  dif 
ferent  phases  ever  since  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution,  it  was 
not  till  after  the  War  of  1812  that  its  seriousness  became  manifest. 

4.  The  reverse  of  the  question  of  limiting  slavery  where  it  ex 
isted  was  that  fallowing  slavery  where  it  had  been  prohibited  by 
law.     A  large  number  of  the  inhabitants  of  Indiana  Territory 
petitioned  Congress  for  permission  to  establish   slavery,  and  put 
slavery  on  the  defensive.     Even  before  1808  the  territorial  Legis 
lature  passed  legislation  l  scarcely  consistent  with  the  Ordinance 
of  1787;   and  had  the  decision  been  in  the  hands  of  the  people  of 
the  territory  we  might  have  seen  a  sharp  and  bitter  struggle  in 
Indiana.     In  Illinois  such  a  struggle  actually  came  in  the  early 
twenties,  and  anti-slavery  sentiment  prevented  the  legal  admission 
of  slavery  into  a  state  where  it  had  been  prohibited. 

5.  Over  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia  Congress  had  com 
plete  control,  should  it  choose  to  exercise  it;  and  after  1809,  when 
the  first  petition  on  the  subject  during  this  period  was  presented, 
anti-slavery  took  the  offensive  by  the  effort  to  procure  the  passage 
of  emancipation  laws,  and  thus  to  prohibit  slavery  where  it  had 
formerly  been  allowed. 

6.  The  question  of  fugitive  slaves  arose  as  soon  as  the  nation 
came  into  existence,  and  was  registered  in  the  Constitution,  but 
from  1808  to  1831  the  opposition  to  the  fugitive  slave  law  was  one 
of  the  smaller  incidents  of  the  struggle.     But  the  Underground 
Railroad  had  an  existence  in  fact,  if  not  in  name,  as  early  as  1786, 
and  there  were  never  wanting  those  wrho  gave  aid  to  fugitives.2 

It  has  often  been  claimed  that  immediate  emancipation  was  not 
demanded  by  any  of  the  anti-slavery  men  before  Garrison.  This 
statement  cannot  stand;  but  it  is  true  that  the  majority  of  the 
opponents  of  slavery  in  this  period  advocated  gradual  emancipa 
tion,  and  expressed  a  disbelief  in  the  possibility  of  effecting  imme 
diate  abolition,  or  a  belief  that  it  would  be  harmful  to  black  and 
white  alike.  The  minority  advocated  the  immediate  cessation  of 
slavery,  and  it  was  strongest  in  the  Northern,  especially  in  the 
Northwestern  states. 

1  Annals  of  Congress,  loth  Congress,  ist  Session,  1331;    see  also  Mary  S.  Locke: 
"Anti-slavery  in  America,  1619-1808,"  §  170. 

2  Wilbur  H.  Siebert:  "Light   on  the  Underground  Railroad,"  in  the  "American 
Historical  Review"  for  April,   1896,  p.  460. 


CHAPTER  II 
PUBLIC   OPINION   IN  THE   SOUTH:  -  MEN   OF  PROMINENCE 

DURING  the  period  between  1808  and  1831  many  Southerners 
were  trying  to  throw  off  or  to  lessen  the  burden  of  slavery,  while 
the  large  proportion  of  Northerners  were  apathetic.  On  the  other 
hand,  long  before  the  formation  of  the  American  Anti-Slavery 
Society,  even  before  the  doctrine  of  immediate  emancipation  was 
advocated  by  Garrison  in  Lundy's  "  Genius,"  extreme  delicacy  had 
appeared  in  the  South  on  the  subject  of  slavery.  A  close  examina 
tion  of  all  the  sources  upon  which  we  can  found  a  judgment  as  to 
the  attitude  of  the  South  on  the  subject  of  slavery  makes  it  plain 
that  neither  of  these  views  commonly  held  is  without  foundation. 

While  it  is  true  that  of  the  large  proportion  of  the  Southerners 
who  advocated  emancipation  and  abolition  we  know  nothing,  or  no 
more  than  the  name  alone,1  of  some  few  we  have  a  fuller  account, 
and  some  prominent  clergymen,  politicians  and  literary  men  are 
found  in  the  anti-slavery  ranks.  David  Rice,  a  Southern  clergy 
man,  the  most  of  whose  life  was  passed  during  the  period  before 
1808,  still  exercised  an  influence  in  his  later  years.  His  attitude 
on  the  subject  may  be  seen  from  a  speech  before  the  Kentucky 
Constitutional  Convention,  which,  though  uttered  in  1792,  was  re- 
published  in  1812  and  1862,  in  each  of  the  other  great  anti-slavery 
periods.  In  this  he  stigmatized  slavery  as  "  injustice  and  robbery," 
and  owners  of  slaves  as  " licensed  robbers."  "The  first  thing  to  be 
done  is  To  RESOLVE  UNCONDITIONALLY  TO  PUT  AN  END  TO 

SLAVERY   IN   THIS   STATE."  2 

David  Barrow,  a  Virginian  by  birth,  was  publicly  expelled  from 
an  association  of  Baptist  ministers  in  Kentucky  "for  preaching 
emancipation."  In  a  pamphlet  entitled  "  Involuntary,  Unmerited, 

1  A  list  of  names  found  in  connection  with  anti-slavery  will  be  found  in  Appendixes 
A  and  B. 

2  Rev.  Robert  Davidson:   "History  of  the  Presbyterian  Church  in  the  State  of  Ken 
tucky,"  p.  71;   Rev.  David  Rice:  "Slavery  Inconsistent  with  Justice  and  Good  Policy," 
edition  of  1862,  pp.  3,  9,  12.    Capitals  as  in  the  original. 

z  17 


1 8  Public  Opinion  in  the  South: 

Perpetual,  Absolute,  Hereditary  Slavery  Examined,  on  the  Princi 
ples  of  Nature,  Reason,  Justice,  Policy,  and  Scripture,"  he  is  said 
to  have  especially  denounced  the  inconsistency  of  the  use  of  religious 
formulas  in  connection  with  the  bequest  of  slaves,  and  to  have  ad 
vocated  immediate  emancipation.1 

John  D.  Paxton,  born  and  educated  in  Virginia,  was  for  some 
time  pastor  in  Virginia,  and  later  in  Kentucky.  He  believed  in  the 
"  moral  evil  of  slavery  and  the  duty  of  Christians  to  aid  them  and 
free  them,"  and  was  a  member  of  the  Presbyterian  Assembly  which 
denounced  slavery  in  1818.  In  1826  he  gave  offense  to  his  congre 
gation  at  Cumberland,  Virginia,  and  was  dismissed  from  his  charge, 
for  his  essays  on  slavery  in  the  "Family  Visitor,"  a  religious  paper. 
Just  after  he  had  been  obliged  to  leave  this  pastorate  he  wrote  his 
"Letters  on  Slavery"  for  the  purpose  of  justifying  himself  with  the 
public.  Owing  to  some  excitement,  the  nature  of  which  is  not 
mentioned,  the  publication  of  these  "Letters"  was  delayed  till 
1833.  In  the  Appendix  he  printed  the  article  which  gave  offence 
to  his  people.  In  this  he  said  that  the  Golden  Rule  forbids  slavery, 
and  compared  the  sin  of  defrauding  another  of  his  property  to  the 
sin  of  slaveholding,  to  the  great  disadvantage  of  the  latter.  The 
"Letters"  were  written  "to  prove  .  .  .  the  moral  evil  of  slavery  and 
the  duty  of  Christians"  to  free  the  slaves.  He  declares  slavery  con 
trary  to :  —  I.  The  fundamental  principles  of  our  civil  institutions, 
(a)  The  right  to  personal  liberty,  and  the  other  "inalienable 
rights"  contended  for  in  our  Declaration  of  Independence,  (b)  The 
right  to  judgment  in  the  courts  by  disinterested  persons,  (c)  The 
right  to  have  the  child  free  from  the  results  of  the  parents'  crimes 
or  misfortunes,  (d)  The  right  to  property.  II.  Natural  rela 
tions  :  —  Husband  and  wife ;  parent  and  child ;  and  the  relation 
of  the  human  being  to  God.2 

The  stinging  words  of  Jefferson  on  slavery  are  widely  quoted, 
and  his  work  before  1808  has  often  been  mentioned.  During  the 

1  The  fullest  account  of  this  pamphlet  is  found  in  Benedict:  "General  History  of  the 
Baptists,"  edition  of  1813,  2.  248,  250.     The  exact  date  of  the  publication  of  Barrow's 
book  is  not  mentioned,  but  from  the  context  we  may  judge  it  to  be  in  1807-1809.     The 
pamphlet  is  probably  not  extant,  since  careful  search  and  inquiry  have  failed  to  bring  it  to 
light;   the  wording  of  the  title  and  description  of  its  contents  must  therefore  rest  on  the 
authority  of  Benedict.     A  David  Barrow  of   Kentucky  was  mentioned  in  The  Genius 
of  Universal  Emancipation,  in  1821. 

2  John  D.  Paxton:   "Letters  on  Slavery."    See  especially  the  preface,  and  pp.  3,  53- 
59,  195-203.     See  also  a  review  of   the  "Letters"  with  some  details  of  his  life,  in  the 
Christian  Quarterly  Spectator,  vol.  5,  p.  631  (for  Dec.  1833);   and  also,  Samuel  J.  May: 
"Some  Recollections  of  our  Anti-Slavery  Conflict,"  pp.  10,  n. 


Men  of  Prominence  19 

latter  part  of  his  life  he  took  no  active  part  in  the  anti-slavery  cam 
paign,  although  often  asked  to  do  so.  His  words  of  refusal,  how 
ever,  show  his  sympathy  with  the  cause,  as  well  as  his  somewhat 
erroneous  views  as  to  methods.  It  is  in  a  letter  to  John  Holmes, 
on  the  Missouri  Question,  written  in  April,  1820,  that  we  find  the 
phrases  so  often  quoted:  "We  have  the  wolf  by  the  ears";  "a 
firebell  in  the  night";  the  disadvantages  of  a  "geographical  line"; 
and  the  advantageous  results  of  "diffusion."  1 

Henry  Clay,  not  usually  associated  in  our  minds  with  anti- 
slavery,  showed  at  many  times  an  interest  in  the  slaves,  and  sym 
pathy  for  them,  although  it  is  difficult,  if  not  impossible,  to  ascer 
tain  his  true  position  on  the  subject.  In  1797,  at  the  risk  of  losing 
the  popular  favor  so  desired  by  him  as  aTyoungJawyer  with  aspi 
rations  for  political  preferment,  he  advocated  the  insertion  of  an 
article  on  gradual  emancipation  in  the  Kentucky  constitution ;  and 
he  often  volunteered~as^advocate  for  slaves  bringing  action  for  their 
liberty.  In  1827  and  again  in  1829  he  referred  to  his  efforts  for 
gradual  emancipation  in  1797  with  expressions  of  the  deepest  sat 
isfaction  that  he  had  had  a  share  in  the  good  work,  though  the 
result  had  not  been  what  they  desired ;  in  1829  he  states  his  opinion 
that  the  South  had  fallen  behind  the  North  in  agriculture,  manu 
factures  and  general  prosperity,  and  that  the  reason  was  to  be 
found  in  the  existence  of  slavery.  In  1827  he  used  the  strongest  of 
words  in  expressing  the  opposition  to  slavery  inherent  in  every 
man:  "We  are  reproached  with  doing  mischief  by  the  agitating 
of  this  question.  ...  If  they  would  repress  all  tendencies  toward 
liberty  and  ultimate  emancipation  .  .  .  they  must  go  back  to  the 
era  of  our  liberty  and  independence,  and  muzzle  the  cannon  which 
thunders  its  annual  joyous  return.  They  must  revive  the  slave 
trade  with  all  its  train  of  atrocities.  They  must  blow  out  the  moral 
lights  around  us,  and  extinguish  that  greatest  torch  of  all  which 
America  presents  to  a  benighted  world,  pointing  the  way  to  their 
rights,  their  liberties,  and  their  happiness.  And  when  they  have 
achieved  all  these  purposes,  the  work  will  yet  be  incomplete.  They 
must  penetrate  the  human  soul  and  eradicate  the  light  of  reason, 
and  the  love  of  liberty.  Then,  and  not  till  then,  when  universal 
darkness  and  despair  prevail,  can  you  perpetuate  slavery  and  re- 

1  Elihu  B.  Washburne:  "Sketch  of  Edward  Coles,"  pp.  24-27;  Henry  S.  Randall: 
"Life  of  Thomas  Jefferson,"  3.  456,  643-645;  see  also  pp.  498,  499. 


20  Public  Opinion  in  the  South: 

press  all  sympathies  and  all  humane  and  benevolent  efforts  among 
freemen,  in  behalf  of  the  unhappy  portion  of  our  race  doomed  to 
bondage."  However  in  1830  he  refused  to  be  the  leader  in  a  society 
for  gradual  abolition  in  Kentucky,  and  advised  his  friends  to  do 
the  same;  and  later  still  he  expressed  himself  as  having  no  sym 
pathy  for  the  " incendiary  spirit  of  immediate  emancipation" 
which  he  found  in  the  new  anti-slavery  party.1 

Another  prominent  man  of  the  South  who  later  identified  him 
self  with  the  anti-slavery  cause  was  James  G.  Birney,  a  Ken- 
tuckian  by  birth.  He  was  a  lawyer,  prominent  in  the  politics  of 
both  Kentucky  and  Alabama,  in  both  of  which  states  he  was  in 
strumental  in  the  passage  of  acts  designed  to  improve  the  condition 
of  the  slaves.  Yet  Birney  was  not  an  abolitionist  until  after  1832; 
he  was  a  slaveholder,  with,  apparently,  no  thought  of  interfering 
with  slavery  as  an  institution,  although,  as  he  himself  said,  he  could 
not  remember  a  time  when  he  thought  slavery  to  be  right.  He  con 
fined  his  efforts  to  checking  importation,  abolishing  slave  markets, 
and  securing  kind  treatment  for  the  slaves.  He  never  bought  a 
slave  in  the  market,  and  only  sold  those  he  owned  when  he  found 
there  was  no  other  way  to  ensure  their  kind  treatment,  since  he 
himself  must  rely  upon  an  overseer.  Mr.  Birney  was  at  this  time 
a  good  representative  of  many  of  the  Southern  slaveholders  of  the 
period,  who,  although  firmly  convinced  that  slavery  was  an  evil, 
did  not  yet  see  clearly  the  true  means  for  its  removal.2 

One  of  the  most  efficient  workers  in  Maryland  was  Daniel  Ray 
mond,  a  lawyer  of  high  standing.  Three  times  he  stood  as  the 
abolition  candidate  for  the  House  of  Delegates  of  Maryland,  and 
although  never  elected,  the  number  of  votes  cast  for  him  shows 
some  strength  of  anti-slavery  opinion  in  Baltimore.  In  1819  he 
published  a  pamphlet  on  the  Missouri  Question,  in  which  he  said : 
"It  is  admitted  by  all  parties,  slaveholders  or  not,  that  slavery  is 
the  greatest  curse  our  country  is  afflicted  with  —  it  is  a  foul  stain 
on  our  national  escutcheon,  a  canker  which  is  corroding  the  moral 
and  political  vitals  of  our  country.  There  is  but  one  voice  on  the 
subject,  and  that  is  the  voice  of  condemnation,  as  an  enormous  and 

1  Calvin  Colton :    "The  Life  and  Times  of  Henry  Clay,"  pp.  39,   189,   190;    Epes 
Sargent:   "Life  of  Henry  Clay,"  pp.  20,  21;    Carl  Schurz:   "Life  of  Henry  Clay,"  i.  30, 
31,   181,  304;    Address  before  the  Kentucky  Colonization  Society,  at  Frankfort,  Ky., 
Dec.  17,  1829,  pp.  7,  8;   William  Birney:   "James  G.  Birney  and  His  Times,"  pp.  98- 
10 1.     See  also  below,  p.  35. 

2  William  Birney:  "James  G.  Birney  and  His  Times,"  pp.  24,  34,  38,  40. 


Men  of  Prominence  21 

an  alarming  evil."  The  difference  in  opinion  was  in  the  remedy; 
he  himself  did  not  believe  in  diffusion,  nor  in  forcible  emancipa 
tion  by  law.  Raymond  published  two  books  on  Political  Economy, 
in  both  of  which  he  discussed  slavery,  as  a  detriment  to  the  public 
prosperity  and  the  cause  of  the  comparative  poverty  of  the  South. 
In  the  first  of  these  he  uses  the  strong  expression  that  when  all  the 
evils  from  America,  including  slavery,  are  thought  of,  one  almost 
regrets  that  America  was  discovered.  He  considered  that  slavery 
was  no  more  "inevitable"  than  the  depraved  state  of  man,  and  its 
existence  was  no  justification.1 

Daniel  Bryan,  a  member  of  the  Virginia  Legislature  in  1820, 
spoke  very  strongly  against  some  excessively  pro-slavery  resolu 
tions  on  restriction  in  Missouri.  He  used  very  strong  arguments, 
one  of  which  was  that  if  an  American  had  the  right  to  buy  an 
African,  an  African  had  the  right  to  buy  an  American.  Many 
poems  from  his  pen  are  quoted  by  Bourne,  in  his  "The  Book  and 
Slavery  Irreconcileable."  The  following  is  among  the  more 
striking : 

"Point  to  me  the  man, 

Who  will  not  lift  his  voice  against  the  trade 

In  human  souls  and  blood,  and  I  pronounce, 

That  he  nor  loves  his  country,  nor  his  God. 

Is  he  a  Christian  then?  who  holds  in  bonds 

His  brethren;  cramps  the  vigour  of  their  minds; 

Usurps  entire  dominion  o'er  their  wills, 

Bars  from  their  souls  the  light  of  moral  day, 

The  image  of  the  great  Eternal  Spirit 

Obliterating  thence?     Before  your  God, 

Whose  holy  eye  pervades  the  secret  depths 

Of  every  heart,  do  you  who  hold  enthralPd 

Your  fellow-being's  liberty,  believe 

That  you  are  guiltless  of  a  DAMNING  CRIME? 

Be  undeceived —  and  cleanse  from  guilt  and  blood 

Your  crimson'd  conscience,  and  polluted  hands."  ! 

John  Randolph  of  Virginia  made  a  speech  in  Congress  in  1816 
on  the  "infamous  traffic"  in  slaves  in  the  District  of  Columbia, 

1  William  Birney :  "James   G.  Birney  and  His   Times,"    pp.  82,  83;    Daniel  Ray 
mond:   "The  Missouri  Question,"  p.  3;    "Thoughts  on  Political  Economy,"   1820   (see 
especially  pp.  434-461);   "Elements  of   Political  Economy,"  1823  (see  especially  i.  54; 
2.  356).     For  some  speeches  of  Raymond,   see  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation, 
5-  36,  37,  etc. 

2  The   Genius   of  Universal   Emancipation,   7.  145;    George  Bourne:    "The   Book 
and  Slavery  Irreconcileable,"  p.  4;  see  also  pp.  6,  14  and  95. 


22  Public  Opinion  in  the  South: 

and  wished  an  end  put  to  it  by  Act  of  Congress.  Later  he  ex 
pressed  his  abhorrence  of  the  institution ;  declared  it  a  curse  to  the 
master;  and  prophesied  retribution  to  the  whites:  "'Do  as  you 
would  be  done  by.'  Every  man  who  leaves  that  great  high  road 
will  have  the  chalice  which  he  himself  has  poisoned  —  the  chalice 
of  justice,  even-handed  justice,  put  to  his  own  lips  by  the  God  of 
nature,  who  does  not  require  abolition  societies  to  carry  his  purpose 
into  execution."  Compare  with  these  strong  words  his  attitude 
in  1807,  when  he  vehemently  denounced  a  bill  intended  to  restrict 
in  some  measure  that  "  infamous  traffic"  the  interstate  slave  trade.1 

William  H.  Crawford  of  Georgia,  a  prominent  slaveholder, 
wrote  to  Governor  Coles  of  Illinois,  during  the  struggle  in  that 
state:  "Is  it  possible  that  your  Convention  is  intended  to  intro 
duce  slavery  into  the  state?  I  acknowledge  if  I  were  a  citizen  I 
should  oppose  it  with  great  earnestness;  where  it  has  ever  been 
introduced  it  is  extremely  difficult  to  get  rid  of,  and  ought  to  be 
treated  with  great  delicacy."  2 

William  Drayton  of  South  Carolina,  in  a  debate  in  the  House 
in  1828,  said :  "  Slavery,  in  the  abstract,  I  condemn  and  abhor.  I 
know  no  terms  too  strong  to  express  my  reprobation  of  those  who 
would  introduce  it  into  a  nation.  .  .  .  However  ameliorated  by 
compassion,  —  however  corrected  by  religion,  —  still  slavery  is  a 
bitter  draught,  and  the  chalice  which  contains  the  nauseous  potion 
is  perhaps  more  frequently  pressed  by  the  lips  of  the  master  than 
of  the  slave."3 

Thomas  H.  Benton,  associated  with  nothing  less  than  with  anti- 
slavery,  said  in  1829,  in  the  midst  of  a  bitter  invective  against 
Northern  agitators:  "To  them  I  can  truly  say  that  slavery  in  the 
abstract  has  but  few  advocates  or  defenders  in  the  slaveholding 
states."  4 

It  is  especially  interesting  to  find  a  quotation  from  a  speech  by 
Roger  B.  Taney,  as  counsel  for  the  defense  of  Rev.  Jacob  Gruber, 
in  1819.  Gruber,  a  Methodist  clergyman,  was  on  trial  for  "at 
tempting  to  excite  insubordination  and  insurrection  among  slaves" 
by  a  sermon  on  the  evils  of  slavery.  Taney  acknowledged  all  the 

1  Annals  of  Congress,  i4th  Congress,  ist  Session,  1115;    "Views  of  American  Slav 
ery  a  Century  Ago,"  Appendix,  p.  134;  Niks'  Weekly  Register,  30.  453,  454. 

2  Elihu  B.  Washburne:    "Sketch  of  Edward  Coles,"  p.  131;    Burke  A.  Hinsdale: 
"The  Old  Northwest,"  p.  363. 

3  Register  of  Debates,  aoth  Congress,  ist  Session,  974. 

4  Thomas  H.  Benton:  "Thirty  Years'  View,"  i.  136. 


Men  of  Prominence  23 

facts  alleged,  but  asserted  that  there  was  no  offence.  He  denounced 
slavery,  and  expressed  his  strong  hope  that  it  would  be  effectually, 
though  it  must  be  gradually,  wiped  away.  While  it  remained  it 
was  a  blot  on  our  national  character,  and  every  friend  of  humanity 
must  do  what  he  could  to  lighten  the  burden,  and  better  the  con 
dition  of  the  slaves.1 

A  most  valuable  aid  to  the  anti-slavery  party  was  William 
Swaim  of  North  Carolina,  a  gifted  man.  He  assisted  Lundy  in 
the  publication  of  the  "Genius"  for  about  six  months,  in  1827 
and  1828;  and  later  became  editor  of  the  "Greensboro'  (N.  C.) 
Patriot,"  in  which  he  published  much  anti-slavery  matter,  and 
advocated  editorially  the  manumission  of  the  slaves.  He  held 
firmly  to  his  course,  notwithstanding  great  opposition  and  even 
threats  of  violence.  'Threatening  letters  he  printed  and  answered, 
and  public  speakers  tried  in  vain  to  cope  with  him.  In  March, 
1830,  Swaim,  as  one  of  the  managers  of  the  Manumission  Society 
of  North  Carolina,  wrote  an  address  to  the  people  of  the  state  on 
the  evils  of  slavery.  This  was  reprinted  in  1860,  in  the  form  of 
a  facsimile  of  the  original  edition.  The  address  was  a  long  argu 
ment  against  slavery,  and  as  the  product  of  the  Manumission 
Society  will  be  more  fully  discussed.2 

While  many  men  of  Northern  birth  who  made  their  homes  in 
the  South  became  even  more  fiercely  pro-slavery  than  the  native- 
born  Southerners,  a  number  carried  with  them  a  firm  conviction 
of  the  wrong  of  slavery  and  did  not  hesitate  to  express  it.  Of 
these,  Elisha  Tyson,  a  native  of  Philadelphia  living  in  Baltimore, 
was  one  of  the  most  active,  early  becoming  a  member  of  the  Mary 
land  Anti-Slavery  Society.  He  consecrated  the  best  energies  of 
his  life  to  the  slaves,  and  retired  somewhat  early  from  business 
that  he  might  devote  his  whole  attention  to  the  abolition  move 
ment.  His  entire  life  proved  that  he  regarded  slavery  as  a  sin  to 
be  repented  of  and  abandoned  instantly.  He  confined  himself, 
however,  almost  entirely  to  the  protection  of  slaves  in  the  courts, 
and  the  procuring  their  freedom  by  legal  means.  Judge  Nichol 
son  of  Baltimore  County  was  of  great  assistance  to  Tyson,  so  far 
as  he  was  able.  A  prejudiced  pro-slavery  man,  from  the  most  pro- 
slavery  part  of  Maryland,  he  was  thoroughly  converted  to  anti- 

1  "Views  of  American  Slavery  a  Century  Ago,"  p.  136. 

2  Stephen  B.  Weeks  :  "  Southern  Quakers  and  Slavery,"  p.  240.  See  below,  pp.  123,  124. 


24  Public  Opinion  in  the  South: 

slavery  through  the  instrumentality  of  Tyson,  and  when  it  could 
possibly  be  made  consistent  with  his  conscience  he  decided  in 
favor  of  the  slave.  Other  judges  are  mentioned  as  assisting  in 
the  good  work,  but  not  by  name,  as  they  were  living  at  the  time 
of  writing.  Tyson  was  interested  in  forming  the  "Protection 
Society  of  Maryland"  to  secure  to  negroes  their  legal  rights  and 
privileges.  His  characteristic  modesty  is  shown  by  the  fact  that, 
although  this  society  came  together  at  his  invitation,  he  absented 
himself  from  the  meeting,  lest  others  might  think  he  sought  praise. 
The  work  of  Tyson  was  not  confined  to  the  section  where  he  lived, 
but  extended  over  the  whole  of  Maryland,  partly  by  the  rescue  of 
slaves  entitled  to  their  liberty;  and  partly  in  the  passage  of  laws 
to  better  their  condition.  He  is  said  to  have  rescued  at  least  two 
thousand  from  illegal  slavery.  His  opinions  are  thus  summed  up 
by  his  biographer:  (i)  Since  slaveholders  can  manumit  slavery 
is  not  a  necessary  evil;  (2)  The  sin  of  continuing  slavery  is  not 
excused  by  its  introduction  by  ancestors ;  (3)  If  the  free  are  worse 
off  than  the  slave  it  is  not  because  of  freedom.1 

By  far  the  most  prominent  Southern  worker  of  this  period  — 
indeed  we  may  fairly  say  the  most  prominent  worker  in  the  coun 
try  —  was  a  Quaker  born  in  New  Jersey,  Benjamin  Lundy.  He 
is  said  to  have  been  "  the  first  to  establish  anti -slavery  periodicals, 
to  deliver  anti-slavery  lectures,  and  probably  to  encourage  socie 
ties  for  free  labor."  This,  while  not  all  literally  true,  is  sufficiently 
so  for  a  general  statement,  since  he  was  the  most  active  worker 
of  his  time  in  these  directions,  and  his  paper  was  the  first  period 
ical  devoted  exclusively  to  anti-slavery  which  was  continued  more 
than  two  years.  Lundy  became  an  abolitionist  during  a  residence 
in  Wheeling,  Virginia,  at  the  age  of  nineteen;  and  thereafter  de 
voted  his  best  energies  to  the  cause  of  the  slave.  In  1815  he  or 
ganized  "The  Union  Humane  Society"  at  St.  Clairsville,  Ohio, 
where  he  was  then  living.  In  1824  he  delivered  a  number  of  lec- 

1  "The  Life  of  Tyson.  By  a  Citizen  of  Baltimore"  (John  S.  Tyson),  was  written  in 
1825  to  prove  from  the  success  of  Elisha  Tyson  the  inadvisability  of  immediate  eman 
cipation.  It  is  full  of  gross  errors;  for  example,  on  page  102  the  Missouri  struggle  is 
spoken  of  as  occurring  in  1822 ;  Tyson  is  said  to  have  been  60  years  old  in  1800  or  1801 
(pp.  62,  96);  about  1822,  he  was  70  (p.  106);  while  in  1824,  at  the  time  of  his  death 
(p.  121)  he  was  75.  This  last  age  is  probably  correct.  There  is,  a  question,  therefore,  how 
much  dependence  can  be  put  upon  any  of  its  dates.  There  is  some  question,  also,  as  to  the 
date  of  Tyson's  retirement  from  business,  and  consequent  entire  devotion  to  the  cause  of 
the  slave.  In  this  Life  the  generally  accepted  date,  1818,  is  given  in  the  text  (p.  99),  but 
changed  in  the  errata  to  1798.  A  study  of  the  text  leaves  one  uncertain  which  date  is 
correct,  although  1818  seems  much  the  more  probable. 


Men  of  Prominence  25 

tures  on  the  subject  of  slavery,  and  began  his  real  work  of  organi 
zation.  His  first  public  lecture  was  at  Deep  Creek,  North  Caro 
lina,  where  at  an  adjourned  meeting  a  society  was  organized.  He 
held  fifteen  or  twenty  more  meetings,  using  every  opportunity  to 
obtain  audiences.  As  a  result  twelve  or  fourteen  societies  were 
formed  before  he  left  North  Carolina.  He  then  traveled  through 
Virginia,  holding  meetings  and  organizing  societies.  During  the 
remainder  of  his  life  he  lectured  in  almost  every  state  of  the  Union, 
and  was  the  principal  agent  in  forming  anti-slavery  societies  in 
various  parts  of  the  country,  often  in  slaveholding  districts,  and 
sometimes  composed  in  part  of  slaveholders.1 

Early  in  1828  Lundy  made  a  journey  to  the  North,  stopping 
at  Philadelphia,  New  York,  Providence  and  Boston,  to  lecture, 
and  hold  meetings  to  discuss  the  formation  of  anti-slavery  socie 
ties.  He  had  small  success.  During  a  second  visit  in  the  latter 
part  of  the  same  year  he  first  met  Garrison.  A  quotation  from 
"The  Journal  of  the  Times"  for  December  12,  1828,  gives  Garri 
son's  estimate  of  Lundy  at  this  time.  He  is  disappointed  at  seeing 
so  diminutive  a  person;  "instead  of  being  able  to  withstand  the 
tide  of  public  opinion  it  would  at  first  seem  doubtful  whether  he 
could  sustain  a  temporary  conflict  with  the  winds  of  heaven.  And 
yet  he  has  explored  nineteen  of  the  twenty-four  states  —  from  the 
Green  Mountains  of  Vermont  to  the  banks  of  the  Mississippi  - 
multiplied  anti-slavery  societies  in  every  quarter,  put  every  peti 
tion  in  motion  relative  to  the  extinction  of  slavery  in  the  District 
of  Columbia,  everywhere  awakened  the  slumbering  sympathies 
of  the  people,  and  begun  a  work,  the  completion  of  which  will  be 
the  salvation  of  his  country.  ...  It  should  be  mentioned,  too, 
that  he  has  sacrificed  several  thousand  dollars  in  this  holy  cause." 
It  is  interesting,  in  connection  with  the  account  of  his  many  lec 
tures  in  all  parts  of  the  country,  to  read  the  following  extract 
from  "The  Liberator"  of  September  20,  1839,  after  the  death  of 
Lundy:  "He  was  not  a  good  public  speaker.  His  voice  was  too 
feeble,  his  utterance  too  rapid,  to  interest  or  inform  an  audience, 
yet  he  never  spoke  wholly  in  vain."  : 

1  Thomas  Earl:    "The    Life,  Travels  and  Opinions  of    Benjamin  Lundy,"  pp.  14, 
16,  21 ;  Edward  Needles:  "An  Historical  Memoir  of  the  Pennsylvania  Society  for  ... 
Abolition  of  Slavery,"  pp.  83,  84;   "William  Lloyd  Garrison,  1805-1870,"  i.  87;  William 
Birney :  "James  G.  Birney  and  His  Times,"  p.  39°- 

2  Earl:    "Life  of  Lundy,"  p.  25;    "William  Lloyd  Garrison,"  i.  92,  93,  and  Note. 
For  connection  of  Garrison  and  Lundy  see  below,  pp.  68-70. 


26  Public  Opinion  in  the  South: 

Lundy  began  his  editorial  work  against  slavery,  the  branch  of 
his  labors  for  which  he  is  best  known,  in  1817,  by  the  selection  of 
articles  for  publication  in  "The  Philanthropist,"  a  paper  edited 
by  Charles  Osborn  at  Mt.  Pleasant,  Ohio.  Later  he  was  offered 
a  partnership  with  Osborn,  which  he  gladly  accepted,  but  at  once 
gave  up  in  order  to  devote  himself  heart  and  soul  to  the  Missouri 
struggle.  Early  in  1821  he  began  the  publication  of  his  own  paper, 
"The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation."  This  continued,  with 
a  few  brief  lapses,  until  1836.  He  died  in  1839,  "  after  twenty- 
three  years  of  unparalleled  labors  for  the  promotion  of  the  abolition 
of  slavery."  *  The  "Genius"  will  be  hereafter  considered,  but  a 
few  extracts  from  such  writings  as  are  undoubtedly  his  will  illus 
trate  his  point  of  view. 

It  is  not  easy  to  be  sure  of  the  exact  position  which  he  held  on 
the  anti-slavery  question,  or,  more  particularly,  on  the  question 
of  how  to  abolish  slavery.  It  is  generally  claimed  that  he  was  not 
in  any  degree  an  advocate  of  immediate  or  general  emancipation ; 
yet  he  was  willing  to  allow  arguments  for  immediate  emancipa 
tion  to  be  inserted  in  his  paper,  even  before  the  time  of  Garrison. 
So  far  as  we  can  judge  from  his  writings,  it  would  seem  that  he 
was  uncompromisingly  opposed  to  slavery,  on  all  grounds;  that 
he  relied  on  gradual  emancipation,  as  the  only  means  which  would 
commend  itself  to  the  requisite  number  of  people  to  ensure  its 
success;  that  he  believed  in  a  constant  discussion  of  slavery,  and 
a  constant  denunciation  by  its  opponents;  that  he  believed  in  an 
immediate  abandonment  of  the  slave  trade,  and  the  immediate 
passage  of  all  possible  laws  for  the  amelioration  of  the  condition 
of  the  slaves,  as  tending  towards  ultimate  emancipation.  Later 
he  became  an  advocate  of  the  colonization  scheme,  preferring, 
however,  to  send  the  negroes  to  Hayti. 

In  the  first  volume  of  "The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipa 
tion"  he  formulated  a  plan  for  emancipation  which  he  presented 
as  distinctly  his  own.  This  plan  is  in  seven  articles,  and  might 
be  said  to  deserve  the  name  of  immediate  gradualism,  i.  The 
national  government  should  totally  abolish  slavery  in  all  districts 

1  "William  Lloyd  Garrison,  1805-1879,"  i.  88;  Birney:  "James  G.  Birney,"  p.  391; 
Needles  :  "Historical  Memoir  of  the  Pennsylvania  Society,"  p.  83.  The  last-named  says 
that  he  purchased  Osborn's  paper,  and  devoted  it  entirely  to  anti-slavery  under  the 
new  title;  but  according  to  Earl,  "Life  of  Lundy,"  p.  19,  Osborn  sold  it  to  Elisha  Bates, 
who  "did  not  come  up  to  Lundy's  standard  of  anti-slavery,"  and  therefore  left  Lundy  with 
no  medium  of  publication.  For  a  fuller  account  of  the  "Genius,"  see  below,  pp.  45-47. 


Men  of  Prominence  27 

over  which  Congress  has  exclusive  control,  and  receive  no  new 
states  without  constitutional  prohibition  of  slavery.  2.  Let  trans 
portation  of  slaves  from  one  state  to  another  be  prohibited  under 
severest  penalties.  3.  Let  the  free  states  agree  to  receive  blacks 
on  the  same  footing  as  whites.  4.  Let  all  blacks  who  are  willing 
to  leave  the  country  be  aided  to  do  so.  (Note  this  is  not  compul 
sory  colonization.)  5.  Let  all  slaveholding  states  make  simul 
taneous  arrangements  for  gradual  but  certain  emancipation,  and 
repeal  their  laws  against  the  blacks.  6.  Let  the  regulation  con 
cerning  slave  representation  be  immediately  abolished;  and  7. 
Let  a  regular  convention  annually  settle  the  details  of  a  regular 
system  of  operations.1  Notwithstanding  the  immediateness  of 
this  plan  for  gradual  emancipation,  Lundy  said  in  1823,  in  an 
editorial:  "Nobody  urges  an  immediate  liberation  of  the  slave,"  2 
and  again  in  1824:  "In  short,  the  end  and  aim  of  this  publication 
is  the  gradual,  though  total  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  United  States 
of  America."  3  In  1825  he  presented  another  plan  for  gradual 
emancipation,  quite  different  from  that  given  in  1821;  perhaps 
because  his  readers  were  not  ready  for  even  so  moderate  a  plan 
as  the  first  proposed.  This  second  plan  consisted  of  a  system  of 
co-operative  labor  on  land  purchased  for  the  purpose,  until  the 
negroes  had  worked  out  their  purchase  money,  when  they  were  to 
be  colonized  —  somewhere.  Here  he  advocated  compulsory 
colonization.4 

Whether  Lundy  believed  in  gradual  or  immediate  emancipa-j 
tion,  he  most  certainly  believed  in  abolition,  not  in  the  mere  amel-f 
ioration  of  the  condition  of  the  slaves.  In  1825  he  gave  it  distinctly 
as  his  opinion  that  the  prohibition  of  the  domestic  slave  trade 
without  the  abolition  of  slavery  would  be  "  a  broken  reed."  5  And 
in  1829,  on  the  subject  of  Texas,  he  uses  exceedingly  strong  lan 
guage:  "We  can  no  longer  disguise  the  fact  that  the  advocates  of 
slavery  are  resolved,  at  all  hazards,  to  obtain  the  territory  in  ques 
tion  [Texas],  if  possible,  FOR  THE  AVOWED  PURPOSE  OF  ADDING 
FIVE  OR  SIX  MORE  SLAVE  HOLDING  STATES  TO 
THIS  UNION  !!!...  It  is  now  time  for  the  people  of  the  United 
States  who  are  opposed  to  the  further  extension  of  this  horrible 
evil  ...  to  AROUSE  FROM  THEIR  LETHARGY.  .  .  . 

1  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  i.  33,  65,  87,  118,  133. 

2  ibid.  2.  50.  3  Ibid.  4-  2.  4  ^bid.  5-  58.  5  Mid.  5-  363- 


28       Public  Opinion  in  the  South:   Men  of  Prominence 

[Texas]  is  now  a  FREE  STATE.  But  the  avowed  design  of  Senator 
Benton  and  others  of  his  political  clan,  is  to  change  .  .  .  and  in 
troduce  the  slave  system  with  all  its  barbarities,  again."  If  Texas 
were  added  free,  it  would  be  a  good  plan  and  a  good  place  for  the 
blacks  to  emigrate.  "But  a  GREATER  CURSE  could  not  scarcely 
befall  our  country  than  annexation,"  if  it  is  to  be  a  slave  state.1 

These  are  but  examples  of  the  words  and  deeds  of  the  men  in 
the  South  who,  during  the  period  under  discussion,  could  in  some 
measure  be  called  the  friends  of  the  slave.  These  are  the  words 
of  some  of  the  opponents  of  the  anti-slavery  cause,  who  yet  felt 
that  slavery,  at  least  in  the  abstract,  was  a  thing  to  be  deplored, 
and  who  were  willing  to  advocate  measures  for  the  bettering  of 
the  condition  of  the  wretched  people. 

1  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  10.  14.  Italics  and  capitals  as  in  the 
original.  This  last  is  signed  "  L.,"  and  therefore  is  distinctly  his,  and  not  Garrison's.  See 
the  "Proposals"  for  the  publication  of  the  paper,  below,  pp.  45,  46. 


CHAPTER   III 
PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  THE  SOUTH:    POPULAR  SENTIMENT 

THE  epoch  we  are  studying  may  fairly  be  divided  into  four 
distinct  periods,  differing  greatly  in  their  main  characteristics, 
and  especially  in  the  intensity  of  feeling  displayed  in  the  anti- 
slavery  contest.  The  first  two  periods,  from  1808,  to  1815,  and 
from  1815  to  1819,  have  no  marked  characteristics.  The  South 
seemed  to  lead  in  anti-slavery  societies  and  speeches,  and  the 
delicacy  so  often  spoken  of  rarely  appeared.  From  a  study  of 
these^  periods  alone  it  seems  possible  that  an  active  campaign 
againsT'sravery  during  that  time  would  have  been  effective  wM- 
_nilt  ttlf  ffl'P'at  struggle  of  1831  to  i86i7  Apparently,  however,  it 
needed  a  stronger  wave  of  excitement:  to  induce  men  to  begin 
such  an  active  campaign,  and,  judging  from  the  effect  of  the 
struggle  at  other  periods,  the  feeling  of  the  South  would  have  been 
roused  in  opposition.  The  third  period  was  that  of  the  Missouri 
struggle,  1819  to  1821.  During  this  time  men  on  both  sides  be 
came  bitter,  and  party  feeling  ran  high.  The  slavery  contest 
became  a  political  question,  and  remained  in  politics  thereafter 
so  long  as  slavery  remained  in  the  Union.  The  third  period  left 
the  people  in  a  very  different  condition  from  that  in  which  it  found 
them;  the  anti-slavery  workers  were  much  more  active,  but  the 
opposition  to  their  work  became  steadily  more  distinct.  During 
the  fourth  period,  1821  to  1831,  we  find  many  changes  of  attitude, 
both  in  the  societies  and  in  individuals.  So  convinced,  sojeagerj 
so  aggressive,  so  unceasing,  so  uncompromising  were  some  of 
anti-slavery  agitators,  that  the  opening  of  tLe  Ibngcontest  might 
be  dated  a  decade  earlier  than  it  is  usually  reckoned.  There  was 
no  period  of  sleep  between  1821  and  1831;  there  was  no  period 
of  retrogression  or  of  general  inaction.  It  was  the  period  of 
great  contests  over  slavery;  of  persistent  activity  in  the  "  American* 
Convention";  of  stirring  and  vigorous  publications. 

29 


30  Public  Opinion  in  the  South: 

The  scantiness  of  the  material  from  which  we  can  judge  of  the 
first  of  these  periods  shows  that  it  was  uneventful.  From  1808  to 
1815  was  a  time  of  struggle  for  the  national  honor,  and  almost  for 
the  national  existence;  nevertheless  the  anti-slavery  interest, 
while  dormant,  was  not  dead;  the  reports  of  the  " American  Con 
vention,"  and  of  some  of  the  Abolition  Societies,  the  books  and 
pamphlets  published  during  these  years,  are  as  denunciatory  of 
the  system  as  those  of  the  earlier  or  later  periods;  but  only  a  few 
such  were,  apparently,  published,  and  unfortunately  no  discus 
sion  of  slavery  by  a  traveler  at  the  South.  Only  three  books  seem 
of  sufficient  importance  to  be  noted  here.  "The  Wandering 
Philanthropist,"  published  in  Philadelphia  in  1810,  purported 
to  be  the  letters  of  a  Chinaman  traveling  in  the  United  States, 
discovered  and  edited  by  George  Fowler  of  Virginia.  Though 
slavery  was  not  the  Chinaman's  principal  topic  of  discussion,  he 
gave  to  the  institution  some  attention,  manifesting  his  feeling  of 
the  discrepancy  between  our  talk  of  liberty  and  slavery.  One 
letter  is  confined  entirely  to  the  topic,  and  rehearses  the  cruelties 
seen  by  the  author :  beatings,  scanty  food  and  clothing,  and  hard 
labor;  acknowledging,  however,  that  all  masters  were  not  alike. 
Fowler  believed  the  negro  race  inferior  to  the  white,  but  thought 
that  perhaps  with  the  same  advantages  some  might  prove  equal 
in  literary  worth;  that  in  their  present  state  of  degradation  and 
subordination  it  was  impossible  to  judge  correctly  of  their 
possibilities.1 

In  the  same  year,  1810,  Lewis  Dupre*  printed  at  Charleston, 
South  Carolina,  a  pamphlet  in  favor  of  progressive  emancipation, 
under  the  title  "An  Admonitory  Picture,  and  a  Solemn  Warning 
principally  addressed  to  professing  Christians  in  the  Southern 
States."  In  his  preface  he  stated  it  as  his  conviction  that  the  great 
transgression  of  the  South  Atlantic  states  would  lead  to  over 
whelming  judgments  of  God.  The  pamphlet  is  an  argument,  or 
rather  a  harangue,  intended  to  prove  the  moral  wrong  of  slave- 
holding.  The  evils  of  slavery  are  depicted,  and  much  is  made  of 
the  love  of  God  as  the  foundation  of  human  society.2  A  second 
pamphlet,  to  which  the  first  was  an  introduction,  is  a  plan  for 
emancipation,  or  the  articles  of  a  society  which  he  wished  to  form 

1  George  Fowler:  "The  Wandering  Philanthropist,"  pp.  46-49,  285,  etc. 

2  Lewis  Dupre:  "An  Admonitory  Picture,  and  a  Solemn  Warning,"  pp.  9,  n,  12,  18,  etc. 


Popular  Sentiment  31 

under  the  name  of  "The  Virginia  and  Carolina  Emancipation 
Society."  This  was  "  to  be  composed  of  all  descriptions  of  Christian 
people  in  the  United  States,  Whether  they  be  Rich  or  Poor,  Free 
or  Bond,  White  or  Coloured."  The  constitution  consisted  of  thirty 
articles,  and  the  plan  is  too  complex  to  be  considered  in  detail  here. 
In  general  it  included  the  purchase  of  slaves  under  certain  condi 
tions;  hiring  them  out  to  earn  their  freedom;  and  arrangements 
for  their  supervision  during  the  period  of  probation  and  after  their 
real  freedom.  Slaves  joining  the  society  should  have  the  preference ; 
no  slave  should  be  sold  by  the  society,  but  if  one  bought  proved 
unworthy  of  freedom  he  might  be  exchanged ;  no  corporal  punish 
ment  should  be  allowed ;  and  all  the  slaves  should  be  vegetarians  I1 

In  1814  Col.  John  Taylor  of  Caroline  County,  Virginia,  in  an 
essay  on  agriculture,  decried  slavery  as  the  cause  of  much  evil  to 
agriculture,  although  he  did  not  see  any  way  to  remove  it.  He 
advised  giving  the  slaves  a  larger  supply  of  comforts,  but  denounced 
Northern  abolitionists.2 

After  the  Treaty  of  Ghent,  in  December,  1814,  travelers  from 
England  again  began  to  visit  the  South,  and  to  give  their  witness 
to  the  anti-slavery  sentiment  in  that  section.  We  are,  therefore, 
better  able  to  characterize  the  second  of  the  periods  under  discus 
sion.  In  Virginia,  slavery  found  few  supporters  except  among 
slave  dealers  and  planters.3  The  Eastern  and  Central  states,  and 
"the  most  enlightened  individuals"  of  all  the  states,  continued  to 
"wage  the  combat  of  humanity."  Several  slave  states  were  amelio 
rating  the  condition  of  their  slaves,  and  it  was  "sanguinely  hoped  by 
the  friends  of  abolition  that  slavery"  would  "in  time  be  extinct."4 
The  citizens  of  Maryland  deplored  slavery,  and  made  plans  for 
its  removal ;  the  freedmen  were  recognized  as  free,  and  kidnappers 
were  severely  punished.5  In  Kentucky,  slaveholders  were  heard 
to  say  that  they  wished  there  was  not  a  slave  in  the  country,  but 
when  a  man  "is  tenacious  of  this  sort  of  stock,"  or  buys  "at  a  high 
price,"  it  is  hard  to  believe  his  expressions  against  slavery.  "A 
part  of  the  finest  feelings  and  the  brightest  talents  in  the  Southern 
States  are  ranged  on  the  side  of  humanity."  6  Palmer,  an  Eng- 

1  Dupre:   "A  Rational  and  Benevolent  Plan,  etc.,"  pp.  9  ff. 

2  Col.  John  Taylor:  "Arator,"  pp.  57-67,  118,  122,  etc. 

3  Lieut.  Francis  Hall:   "Travels  in  Canada  and  the  United  States,"  p.  323. 

4  John  Palmer:   "Journal  of  Travels  in  the  United  States,"  pp.  158,  159. 

5  William  T.  Harris  :  "Remarks  made  during  a  Tour  through  the  United  States,"  p.  42. 

6  James  Flint:  "Letters  from  America,"  pp.  115,  167. 


32  Public  Opinion  in  the  South: 

lish  traveler,  after  giving  some  glimpses  of  public  feeling  as  he  saw 
it,  expressed  his  opinion  that  in  affixing  the  responsibility  for  the 
existence  of  slavery  in  the  country,  one  ought  to  remember  that 
slavery  existed  from  the  early  beginning  of  the  colonies,  "and  that 
since  Americans  have  been  free  themselves,  exertions  to  manumit 
slaves,  and  abolition  societies  have  increased  yearly."  x  Perhaps 
the  clearest  statement  of  the  Southern  feeling  towards  slavery 
during  this  period  is  given  by  Morris  Birkbeck  in  reporting  a  con 
versation  to  which  he  listened  in  a  Virginia  tavern  in  1817.  "  Negro 
slavery  was  the  prevailing  topic,  the  beginning,  the  middle  and  the 
end  —  an  evil  uppermost  in  every  man's  thoughts;  which  all 
deplored,  many  were  anxious  to  fly,  but  for  which  no  man  can 
devise  a  remedy."  :  Several  incidents  showing  the  presence  of 
sympathy  for  the  blacks  among  the  Southerners  are  reported  in 
books  of  travel,  and  in  other  publications.3 

When  we  pass  to  the  period  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  debates, 
we  find  much  more  material.  Of  course  the  larger  part  of  the  es 
says,  magazine  articles  and  speeches  bear  directly  upon  the  struggle 
over  Missouri,  and  the  most  of  them  confine  themselves  to  the 
political  aspect  of  that  contest,  but  we  find  a  little  light  thrown  by 
them  upon  popular  opinion  at  the  South.  In  January,  1820, 
Ninian  Edwards  of  Illinois,  in  the  course  of  a  speech  on  the  Mis 
souri  Question,  declared  that  "it  is  admitted  by  the  friends  of  the 
restriction  upon  Missouri  that  the  evils  of  slavery  have  been  so 
constantly  unfolding  themselves  as  to  cause  it  to  be  more  and  more 
deplored  even  in  the  States  where  it  exists."  4  This  belief  in  South 
ern  anti-slavery  is  again  expressed  in  Niles'  information  about  the 
same  time  from  "several  gentlemen  of  high  standing,"  that  there 
was  so  strong  an  opposition  to  slavery  in  Kentucky  "that  the  chief 
slaveholders  had  long  feared  to  call  a  convention  to  alter  the  con 
stitution,  though  much  desired,  lest  measures  should  be  adopted 
which  might  lead  to  a  gradual  emancipation." 

William  Amphlett,  an  Englishman  who  later  settled  in  Ohio, 
published  in  1819  an  "Emigrant's  Directory"  to  the  Western 
states,  in  which  he  said  of  Kentucky:  "The  worst  of  curses  to  any 

1  John  Palmer:   "  Journal  of  Travels  in  the  United  States,"  pp,  158,  159. 

2  Morris  Birkbeck:   "Notes  on  a  Journey  in  America,"  Eng.  edition,  p.  12. 

3  See  also  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention  for  Promoting  the  Abolition  of  Slav 
ery,  for  1817,  p.  18;    Francis  Hall,  pp.  321-326;   Palmer,  p.  19. 

4  Annals  of  Congress,  i6th  Congress,  ist  Session. 

5  Niles'  Weekly  Register,  18.  27. 


Popular  Sentiment  33 

country,  slavery  —  negro  slavery,  is  a  check  to  its  rapid  improve 
ment,  which  is  just  beginning  to  be  understood,  when  it  is  too  late 
to  profit  by  the  discovery."  1  Hodgson,  whose  book  of  travels  was 
published  at  about  this  time,  wrote:  "I  pity  the  planters,  who 
would  many  of  them  gladly  put  an  end  to  this  unhappy  system, 
if  they  knew  how  to  accomplish  it."  Many  of  the  youth  of  Natchez, 
Mississippi,  were  educated  at  the  North,  and  married  Northerners. 
"  One  happy  consequence  is  a  degree  of  repugnance  to  the  slave- 
system  on  the  part  of  some  of  the  younger  members  of  the 
community  and  a  growing  desire  to  mitigate  some  of  its  severi 
ties  on  the  part  of  others."  The  sentiment  prevailing  in  Virginia 
is  well  represented  by  the  words  of  a  resident  of  that  state 
quoted  by  Duncan,  who  traveled  there  in  1819:  "I  could  wish 
that  we  were  rid  of  our  slaves ;  but  while  they  are  slaves,  our  own 
safety  requires  that  they  should  be  kept  in  ignorance  " ; 3  and 
the  feeling  in  the  slave  states  as  a  whole  is  expressed  by  Niles 
in  1820:  "Collectively  the  latter  [those  in  the  slave  states]  depre 
cate  slavery  as  severely  as  the  former  [those  in  the  free  states], 
-  but  individual  cupidity  and  rashness  act  against  the  common 
sentiment."  4 

In  the  next  period,  from  1821  to  1831,  the  partisans  on  both 
sides  were  far  more  active  and  bitter  than  before.  The  discussion 
in  regard  to  the  Missouri  Compromise  had  aroused  many  persons 
on  the  subject ;  while  others  would  not  make  the  sacrifice  required, 
and  abandoned  the  cause  of  the  slave.  It  was  during  this  period 
that  the  first  anti-slavery  periodicals  were  issued ;  that  the  freemen 
of  Illinois  defeated  the  attempt  of  the  slaveholders  to  secure  that 
state ;  and  that  the  anti-slavery  party  made  an  equally  unsuccess 
ful  attempt  to  abolish  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia.  About 
this  time,  also,  periodicals  not  directly  concerned  with  slavery 
began  to  admit  articles  on  the  subject.  In  1827  New  York,  by 
the  emancipation  of  those  not  already  free  by  the  earlier  gradual 
emancipation  act,  became  a  completely  free  state.  This  had  a 
profound  effect  upon  the  people  of  New  York,  and  had  some  effect 
upon  the  country  at  large. 

1  William  Amphlett :    "The  Emigrant's  Directory  to  the  Western  States  of  North 
America,"  p.  164. 

2  Adam    Hodgson:    "Letters    from    North    America,"     i.     27,     185,     186.    (Eng. 
edition.) 

3  John  M.  Duncan:  "Travels  through  part  of  the  United  States,"  2.  334- 

4  Niles'  Weekly  Register,  9.  265. 

3 


34  Public  Opinion  in  the  South: 

Emancipation  of  slaves  by  individuals  was  not  uncommon,  and 
was  often  noted  by  the  "Genius"  and  Niles'  "Register."  Un 
fortunately  the  way  of  the  benevolent  master  was  in  many  states 
so  blocked  that  few  could  accomplish  manumission.  In  1823  the 
prospects  of  anti-slavery  in  Tennessee  seemed  bright,  and  a  number 
of  manumissions  took  place.1  Caleb  Rodney,  acting  Governor  of 
Delaware,  in  a  message  in  the  same  year,  said  that  during  the 
previous  thirty  years  there  had  been  in  Delaware  voluntary  manu 
missions  of  more  than  three  hundred  slaves  annually.  He  added 
that  if  the  same  course  should  be  continued  for  the  following  thirty 
years  to  the  extent  of  even  one-fourth  of  the  yearly  average,  slavery 
would  cease  to  exist  in  Delaware.2  The  Delaware  Abolition  Society 
also  spoke  of  the  fact  that  without  legislative  aid  public  opinion 
was  gradually  doing  the  work  of  emancipation.3  Several  cases  of 
manumissions  in  Virginia  are  given,  the  most  detailed  being  that 
of  David  Minge,  a  young  man  of  twenty-four  or  twenty-five,  who 
emancipated  all  his  slaves,  paying  their  passage  to  Hayti,  and  sup 
plying  them  with  tools  and  money.  His  reason  for  the  action  was 
his  belief  in  the  wrong  of  slavery,  which  made  them  "a  burden  on 
his  mind."  4  Between  1824  and  1826  there  were  two  thousand 
slaves  freed  in  North  Carolina,  and  Maryland  was  expected  soon 
to  become  a  free  state.5 

The  numbers  of  the  "  Genius"  for  these  years  are  full  of  extracts 
from  correspondents  living  in  the  various  slave  states,  which  show 
great  activity  on  both  sides  in  the  struggle,  and  also  show  a  decided, 
though  gradual  progress  of  anti-slavery  opinion.  From  these  ex 
tracts  it  is  evident  that  friends  of  slavery  in  Kentucky  and  Missouri 
were  in  1822  beginning  to  be  alarmed  because  of  the  increase  of 
the  opponents  of  slavery,  and  attacked  them  by  name  in  a  pro- 
slavery  paper,  "The  Columbian."  6  A  news  item  of  the  time  was: 
"A  sensible  and  spirited  writer  in  the  Kentucky  Reporter  has  come 
out  against  slavery  in  plain  and  manly  terms.  .  .  .  We  anticipate 

1  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  2.  169. 

2  Ibid.  2.  159. 

3  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention  for  1823,  p.  15.     The  statements  as  to  the 
numbers  of  slaves  do  not,  however,  agree  with  the  numbers  as  recorded  in  the  census 
reports. 

4  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  4.  129,  145;    5.  i,  9;   Niles'  Weekly  Regis 
ter,  28.  341.    For  other  accounts  of  manumissions  see  the  "Genius,"  4.  178,  179;  5.  57, 
61;  and  Niles,  20.  288;   28.  336,  341,  353;   30.  338,  447. 

5  See  William  Birney:  "James  G.  Birney  and  His  Times,"  p.  80. 

6  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  2.  49. 


Popular  Sentiment  3$ 

the  best  effects  from  the  bold,  fearless,  yet  prudent  discussion  of 
the  topic  there."  In  his  comment  on  the  item  Lundy  said  that 
there  were  many  true  philanthropists  in  Kentucky,  and  that  they 
would  soon  do  something  more  than  write.1  A  writer  in  the  West 
ern  Luminary  during  1830  spoke  of  the  fact  that  the  people  of 
Kentucky  were  generally  finding  slavery  a  burden  and  were  look 
ing  for  relief.  "Something  must  be  done  quickly."  He  advised 
general  emancipation  by  law,  and  exportation  to  Liberia.2  In  the 
volume  of  the  "  Genius"  for  1830  claim  is  often  made  that  the 
spirit  of  emancipation  seemed  to  be  gaining  ground  in  Kentucky, 
and  in  some  other  states.  Birney  advocated  a  gradual  emancipa 
tion  act  in  Kentucky  in  1830,  and  other  influential  slaveholders 
favored  it.  The  resolution  to  call  a  convention  to  amend  the  con 
stitution,  the  avowed  purpose  of  which  was  to  provide  for  abolition, 
was  lost  in  the  Legislature  by  only  one  vote.3  The  Kentucky 
Colonization  Society  reported  that  "  the  late  disposition  to  voluntary 
emancipation"  was  so  increasing  that  no  general  emancipation 
law  would  be  necessary  if  an  asylum  for  the  freedmen  were  acces 
sible."  4  An  attempt  to  form  a  society  in  the  same  state,  for  the 
purpose  of  furthering  gradual  emancipation,  although  its  member 
ship  consisted  of  persons  of  intelligence,  wealth  and  influence,  and 
some  even  of  national  reputation,  failed  for  lack  of  a  vigorous, 
earnest  leader.  Clay  was  asked  to  heaoj  the  movement,  but  refused, 
and  advised  his  friends  to  follow  his  example.5 
M  Kentucky  was  not  the  only  state  where  an  emancipatory  spirit 
was  manifest  in  1821  to  1831;  the  movement  in  Tennesse"^  has 
already  been  referred  to,  and  in  1829  a  letter  from  a  gentleman  in 
that  state  said  that  memorials  to  Congress  were  being  prepared  by 
a  convention,  asking  for  abolition  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  and 
that  a  large  number  of  signers  had  been  obtained  to  a  "common 
petition  of  this  state"  asking  for  gradual  abolition,  which  would  be 
presented  before  the  state  council.6  Tennessee  was  watching  with 
great  interest  the  attempt  to  obtain  gradual  emancipation  in  Ken 
tucky,  and  Lundy  asserted  that  if  Kentucky  succeeded,  and  no 
"alarming  consequences"  followed,  Tennessee  would  soon  do  the 

1  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  5.  69;  quotation  from  the  "United  States 
Gazette."  2  Ibid.  n.  63. 

3  Ibid.  ii.  64;  Birney:  "James  G.  Birney,"  pp.  96-100. 

4  African  Repository,  6.  31  (May,  1830). 

5  See  above,  p.  20. 

6  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  10.  41. 


36  Public  Opinion  in  the  South: 

same.1  Even  in  Virginia  there  were  indications  of  a  progress  in 
public- opinion  in  the  direction  of  freedom.  The  "Genius"  was 
more  widely  read;  a  private  letter  in  1825  expresses  the  opinion 
"that  Virginia  will  not  be  a  slaveholding  state  fifteen  or  twenty 
years  hence";  and  an  anti-slavery  man,  brother-in-law  of  Edward 
Coles,  was  in  1826  elected  to  the  Legislature  of  Virginia.2 

Earnest  workers  for  the  cause  of  anti-slavery  in  North  Carolina 
wrote  to  Lundy  in  1823  :  "  People's  minds  in  this  part  of  the  country 
are  becoming  more  and  more  enlightened  and  enlarged  to  under 
stand  the  evils  of  slavery."  The  numbers  of  the  "Genius"  were 
being  read,  and  while  there  was  still  a  considerable  "lukewarm- 
ness,"  yet  they  felt  encouraged  to  continue  the  struggle.3  The 
Manumission  Society  of  North  Carolina,  in  1825,  after  a  careful 
investigation  of  the  opinions  of  the  people,  were  sure  that  only  one- 
twentieth  were  really  opposed  to  emancipation,  while  one-thirtieth 
desired  immediate  emancipation.4  In  1826  Edward  Everett  of 
Massachusetts  was  severely  criticised  by  a  resident  of  North  Caro 
lina  for  his  speech  in  justification  of  slavery:  "Slavery  among  our 
Southern  politicians  is  almost  universally  acknowledged  to  be  wrong 
in  principle."  5  In  this  year,  also,  a  member  of  the  Manumission 
Society  was  elected  to  the  Senate  of  North  Carolina,  and  Daniel 
Raymond  wrote:  "In  our  sister  state  of  North  Carolina,  the  advo 
cates  of  general  emancipation  are  increasing  with  a  rapidity  un 
paralleled  in  the  annals  of  the  nation.  It  is  believed  that  nearly 
three  thousand  citizens  of  that  state  have  enrolled  themselves  as 
members  of  anti-slavery  societies  within  a  period  of  two  years." 
It  will  be  noticed  that  these  two  years  are  those  just  following 
Lundy's  first  lecture  tour  in  North  Carolina,  when  he  set  on  foot 
the  organization  of  the  societies.6 

1  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  n.  65,  66. 

2  Ibid.  5.  4  (monthly);    see  also  5.  126  (weekly);    Elihu  Washburne:    "Sketch  of 
Edward  Coles,"  p.  225. 

3  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  2.  115,  147. 

4  Stephen  B.  Weeks:  "Southern  Quakers  and  Slavery,"  p.  241;  William  Birney: 
"James  G.  Birney  and  His  Times,"  p.  78.     The  former  gives  the  list  as  %o  desiring  im 
mediate  emancipation,  %o  supporting  emigration,  %o  neither  thinking  nor  caring  about 
the  subject,  %o  supporting  gradual  emancipation,  and  %o  opposing  emancipation  because 
it  was  impracticable,  while  only  %o  were  bitterly  opposed  to  emancipation  of  any  sort. 
He  then  gives  the  total  of  8%o  as  ready  to  support  schemes  of  emancipation.    Mr.  Birney 
gives  the  proportions  as  very  nearly  or  quite  the  same,  and  characterizes  them  as  fol 
lows  :  Vso  eager  for  immediate  emancipation,  Ms  for  colonization,  Vao  for  gradual  eman 
cipation,  Vzo  never  thought  about  it,  ^20  bitterly  opposed  to  emancipation,  %o  think 
emancipation  impracticable.    So  %  were  ready  to  help. 

5  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  5.  354. 

6  Ibid.  6.  13;   Birney:  "James  G.  Birney,"  p.  83.    See  also  the  "Genius,"  5.  414. 


Popular  Sentiment  37 

A  letter  from  Arkansas,  in  1826,  accompanying  subscriptions  to 
the  "Genius"  says:  "  We  are  highly  rejoiced  .  .  .  to  find  that  our 
fellow  citizens  of  the  United  States  after  so  long  a  slumber,  are  at 
length  beginning  to  awake  from  their  lethargy,  and  to  open  an 
attentive  ear  to  the  loud  calls  of  inflexible  justice  and  the  groans 
and  cries  of  afflicted  humanity."  1    The  political  press  urged  in 
this  same  year  the  recession  of  the  District  of  Columbia  to  Mary 
land,  because  Congress  possessed  the  power  to  abolish  slavery  there, 
and  might  be  induced  to  exercise  it.2    It  was  only  the  next  year, 
1827,  that  Turnbull,  in  his  violently  pro-slavery  book, "  The  Crisis," 
seemed  to  believe  that  if  Congress  were  allowed  to  express  its 
sentiment  towards  slavery  it  would  decidedly  favor  the  anti-slavery 
side.3    James  Fenimore  Cooper  said  in  1828  that  the  Americans 
would  gladly  be  rid  of  slavery,  and  that  liberal  sentiments  towards 
the  blacks  were  gaining  ground  in  the  South.    In  a  note  to  the  latter 
statement  he  adds  that  he  does  not  mean  that  "every  man  becomes 
in  some  degree  sensible  of  the  evil,  but  that  a  vast  number  do,  and 
of  men,  too,  who  are  likely  to  have  an  effect  upon  legislation."    In 
Maryland  "  the  inhabitants  begin  to  see  that  they  would  be  richer 
and  more  powerful  without  their  slaves  than  with  them.    This  is 
the  true  entering  wedge  of  the  argument,  and  juster  views  of  moral 
truth  will  be  sure  to  follow  convictions  of   interest,  as  they  have 
followed  and  are  still  following  emancipation  further  North."  4 
Even  in  Georgia  there  were  symptoms  of  alarm  in  1830  relative  to 
the  increase  of  slavery.5    The  same  year  the  statement  is  made  in 
the  "Genius"  that  a  spirit  of  emancipation  seemed  to  be  gaining 
ground  in  North  Carolina,  Kentucky  and  Missouri.    In  this  con 
nection  it   is  interesting  to  read   that  of   the  one  hundred    and 
thirty  abolition  societies  in  the  United  States  in  1827,  one  hundred 
and  six  were  in  the  slave  states,  while  but  four  were  in  New  Eng 
land  or  New  York.6 

The  evidence  of  travelers  during  these  years  is  of  much  the  same 
tenor.  Welby,  writing  in  1821,  said  that  with  the  exception  of  "a 
few  of  the  old  school"  it  was  the  "general  sentiment  of  the  best 

1  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  5.  390. 

2  The  Alexandria  Gazette. 

3  See  Robert  J.  Turnbull  (Brutus):    "The  Crisis,"  p.  129,  etc. 

4  James  Fenimore  Cooper:    "Notions  of  the  Americans,"  2.  262,  273,  274.     (Am. 
edition.) 

5  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  10.  142. 

6  See  below,  p.  116;  also  Appendix. 


38  .       Public  Opinion  in  the  South :    Popular  Sentiment 

informed  Americans  that  they  should  be  better  off  without  slaves" ; l 
Finch,  in  1823,  found  not  a  single  individual  who  did  not  regret 
slavery  and  show  a  wish  to  remedy  it; 2  Candler,  in  1824,  found  the 
slaveholders  of  Virginia  sensible  of  the  evil,  but  the  effort  to  free 
themselves  was  too  great.3  Captain  Basil  Hall,  an  English  naval 
officer,  found,  in  1827,  the  planters  in  Virginia  communicative,  but 
his  prejudice  against  slavery  made  him  shy  of  introducing  the  sub 
ject.  Almost  every  gentleman  he  met  in  the  South  had  some 
project  for  mitigating  the  evils  of  slavery,  but  he  never  met  one  so 
hardy  as  to  suppose  it  could  be  entirely  removed.  "That  slavery 
is  an  evil  in  itself,  and  eminently  an  evil  in  its  consequences,  no 
men  that  I  have  ever  met  with  are  more  ready  to  grant  than  most 
of  the  American  planters."  4  He  relates  an  incident  also,  showing 
the  general  feeling  in  Washington  against  the  too  common  slave 
auctions.  Thomas  Hamilton,  writing  between  1829  and  1833, 
stated  it  as  his  opinion  that  Maryland  was  not  likely  to  remain  very 
long  a  slave  state.  He  never  conversed  with  an  American  who  did 
not  denounce  slavery,  but  none  knew  any  reasonable  cure.5 

1  Adlard  Welby:  "A  Visit  to  North  America,"  p.  82. 

2  John  Finch:  "Travels  in  the  United  States,"  p.  240. 

3  Isaac  Candler:    "A  Summary  View  of  America,"  p.  255. 

4  Capt.  Basil  Hall:   "Travels  in  North  America,"  3.  34-41,  76,  234. 

5  Thomas  Hamilton:  "Men  and  Manners  in  America,"  pp.  213,  321. 


CHAPTER   IV 

PUBLIC     OPINION     IN     THE      SOUTH:      ESSAYS,     MAGAZINE 
ARTICLES     AND     NEWSPAPERS 

THERE  were  very  many  speeches,  essays  and  magazine  articles 
in  the  South  on  the  subject  of  slavery  during  the  last  great  divi 
sion  of  the  period  we  have  been  discussing.  A  writer  with  the 
pseudonym  "Nestor,"  in  .the  Richmond  Enquirer,  in  1821.  after 
comparing  the  prosperity  of  the  young  state  Ohio  with  that  of  the 
oldest  state,  Virginia,  to  the  disadvantage  of  the  latter,  said: 
"Slavery  ...  is  one  great  cause  of  all  our  misfortunes."  He 
added  that  it  was  time  to  do  something  about  it.,  His  proposal, 
however,  was  nothing  more  radical  than  an  act  declaring  that 
all  involuntary  servitude  should  cease  in  Virginia  on  January  i, 
2000,  with  facilities  for  emigration  to  Hayti  or  Cuba !  l  Another 
writer,  in  the  St.  Louis  Enquirer,  in  the  same  year,  had  still  an 
other  plan  to  propose:  the  purchase  of  the  females  by  govern 
ment,  with  the  profits  of  the  sales  of  the  public  lands.2  Many 
were  the  plans  presented,  though  none  were,  apparently,  really 
tried.3  A  Virginian,  in  1822,  proposed  that  the  citizens  of  the  free 
states  should  be  allowed  to  purchase  slaves  for  a  term  of  years, 
after  which  they  should  be  set  free.  His  idea  was,  probably,  that 
the  relief  thus  to  be  afforded  to  the  congested  states  would  make 
them  more  ready  to  free  those  remaining.4  In  the  same  year  a 
plan  much  like  that  of  Dupre  5  was  presented  by  a  Kentuckian. 
In  1825  no  less  than  five  different  plans  were  mentioned  in  the 
"Qenius"  alone.  One  recommended  emigration  to  Hayti,  giv 
ing  plans  for  the  arrangement  of  expenses.6  Another,  probably 
that  of  Frances  Wright,  certainly  conducted  on  the  same  prin- 

1  Niles'   Weekly  Register,   21.   28;    The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  i.  42. 
The  editor  of  the  Enquirer  asked  in  a  footnote,  "What  will  be  the  situation  of  the  slave- 
holding  states  when  those  events  take  place?"   to  which  Lundy  answers:    "Dreadful  in 
the  extreme  —  free  your  country  from  the  curse  of  slavery  as  dfuick  as  possible." 

2  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  i.  41. 

3  See  Ibid.  i.  33.  4  Ibid.  i.  137.  5  See  aboA'e,  p.  31. 
6  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  4.  165. 

39 


40  Public  Opinion  in  the  South: 

ciple,  was  an  institution  where  emancipated  slaves  should  be 
taught  and  trained  for  freedom.1  A  third  plan,  primarily  in 
tended  for  North  Carolina,  included  the  absolute  prohibition  of 
the  importation  and  sale  of  slaves,  and  the  emancipation  of  all 
post  nati.2  Still  another,  of  local  option  flavor,  had  especial  refer 
ence  to  Maryland:  let  there  be  a  law  passed  allowing  popular 
vote  in  each  county  once  in  five  years  on  " Slavery  or  no  slavery?" 
When  a  majority  in  any  county  vote  for  "no  slavery,"  let  a  gradual 
emancipation  law  be  passed  for  that  county,  and  let  it  vote  no 
more  on  the  question.  Gradually  the  northern  counties  would 
become  free,  and  the  beneficial  effects  would  be  seen  and  the 
idea  spread.3  But  the  fifth  plan  mentioned  in  this  volume  of  the 
"Genius"  seems  the  most  practicable,  had  the  people  only  been 
willing  to  adopt  it.  This,  the  plan  for  the  purchase  of  days  by 
the  slave,  proposed  by  Schoolcraft,  was,  in  brief,  as  follows.  The 
slave  was  to  have  assigned  to  him  either  a  certain  amount  of  daily 
work,  or  definite  hours  of  labor,  and  all  work  in  excess  of  the  as 
signed  amount  was  to  be  paid  for  at  regular  rates  of  wages.  As 
soon  as  the  slave  had  accumulated  one-sixth  of  his  estimated  value 
he  was  to  be  allowed  to  purchase  the  entire  use  of  one  whole  day 
in  the  week.  The  succeeding  days  were  to  be  paid  for  in  the  same 
manner,  but  of  course  more  rapidly  as  time  went  on,  and  the  slave 
was  to  be  given  free  papers  as  soon  as  he  had  purchased  the  entire 
six  working  days.4 

But  Legislatures  were  not  always  ready  to  consider  these  plans, 
even  though  a  large  number  of  the  residents  of  the  state  seemed 
willing  to  adopt  them.  In  1823  a  writer  from  East  Tennessee  de 
clared  it  as  his  belief  that  nine  out  of  ten  of  the  citizens  of  his  sec 
tion  of  the  state  would  favor  a  plan  emancipating  the  post  nati  at 
a  given  age.  "Why,"  he  continues,  "is  it  that  our  representatives 
in  the  State  Assembly  refuse  to  give  the  subject  a  hearing  in  any 
shape?"  5  And  this  was  not  the  only  Legislature  which  was  thus 
criticised  by  the  anti-slavery  sympathizers. 

A  series  of  articles  in  the  Boston  Recorder  and  Telegraph, 
in  1825,  is  of  exceeding  interest.  These  articles  are  by  four  differ 
ent  authors  :  "  Vigornius,"  a  Northern  opposer  of  slavery,  "Philo," 

1  There  was  much  discussion  later  as  to  the  practical  outcome  of  this  plan  of  Frances 
Wright.    Theoretically  it  seemed  fair  and  good. 

2  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  4.  187. 

3  Ibid.  5.  86.  4  Ibid.  5.  18.  5  ibid.  2.  125. 


Essays,  Magazine  Articles  and  Newspapers  41 

a  New-Englander,  "  Hieronymus,"  a  Southern  anti-slavery  man, 
and  "Carolinian,"  a  Southern  upholder  of  the  system.  "Hierony 
mus,"  "a  dweller  at  the  South  from  his  cradle,"  wrote  to  show 
the  Southern  view  of  anti-slavery:  he  thought  there  was  much 
exaggeration  at  the  North,  and  that  writers  should  be  careful  not 
to  accuse  all  slaveholders  for  faults  committed  only  by  a  few.  He 
wished  the  whole  subject  thoroughly  and  fairly  discussed  on  both 
sides ;  if  the  pro-slavery  men  could  prove  their  point,  well  and  good ; 
if  not,  let  them  confess  themselves  defeated,  "and  unite  for  the 
gradual,  and  if  at  all  practicable,  the  immediate  abolition  of 
slavery."  In  his  second  essay  he  expressed  his  condemnation  of 
the  system  in  strong  words.  "The  present  generation  have  'ap 
proved  the  deeds  of  their  fathers.'  .  .  .  Cupidity  got  the  better 
of  conscience,"  and  so  at  present  they  are  responsible  for  the  guilt 
of  slavery.  "The  present  generation  are  guilty,  awfully  guilty." 
In  his  fifth  essay  "Hieronymus"  compared  Roman  and  American 
slavery,  to  the  disadvantage  of  the  latter.  He  claimed  that  the 
abolition  of  slavery,  either  gradual  or  immediate,  was  the  only 
remedy  for  the  slave  trade,  and  agreed  with  "Vigornius"  that 
slavery  as  it  existed  in  the  United  States  was  "unlawful  and  un- 
scriptural."  He  quoted  a  number  of  incidents,  and  expressions  of 
Southern  sentiment,  in  various  parts  of  the  slave  states,  to  show 
that  there  were  many  who  substantially  agreed  with  him.1 

In  1826  William  Maxwell,  a  lawyer  of  high  standing  in  Norfolk, 
Virginia,  wrote  a  series  of  articles  over  the  signature  "Liber," 
which  were  published  in  the  Norfolk  Herald.^  The  first  article, 
"On  the  Anniversary  of  our  Independence,"  denounced  slavery, 
expressing  his  conviction  that  the  majority  agreed  with  him,  and 
would  like  to  have  it  removed.  "What  American  and  especially 
what  Virginian  does  not  regard  slavery  as  the  greatest  calamity 
and  disgrace  ?  "  Although  this  article  roused  great  excitement  in 
Norfolk,  a  second  article  by  Maxwell  was  no  less  bold.  He  said 
himself  that  he  would  speak  boldly  when  he  thought  proper,  with 
out  fear  of  consequences,  since  he  was  "ready  not  only  to  suffer 
but  if  need  be,  to  die,  for  this  cause."  He  would  esteem  it  the 
"dearest  duty  of  his  life"  to  aid  with  all  his  power  the  progress  of 
abolition.  He  believed  in  the  iniquity  of  slavery;  only  necessity 

1  The  essays  by  all  five  authors  were  gathered  together  and  published  in  Amherst, 
Massachusetts,  in  1826.  The  quotations  are  from  this  pamphlet.  See  especially  pp.  36, 
42,  55,  60,  68,  etc.  See  below,  p.  78. 


42  Public  Opinion  in  the  South: 

could  justify  it  in  any  degree,  and  all  fair  and  rational  means  must 
be  used  to  do  away  with  the  necessity.1 

The  names  of  two  women  are  connected  with  this  period  of 
anti-slavery  labors.  The  first,  Anne  Royall,  was  a  writer  of  po 
litical  squibs  and  scandals,  a  native  of  Virginia,  living  for  a 
large  part  of  her  life  in  Washington.  While  she  wrote  nothing 
distinctly  anti-slavery,  she  often  spoke  of  the  inconsistency  of 
slavery  with  the  principles  of  the  nation,  and  said  that  the  institu 
tion  had  been  a  curse  to  Virginia.2  The  second  made  the  subject 
of  slavery  "the  principal  theme  of  her  exertions."  Elizabeth 
Margaret  Chandler  was  a  native  of  Delaware,  educated  in  Phila 
delphia.  She  won  several  prizes  for  her  literary  work,  and  for 
six  months  aided  Lundy  in  editing  the  "  Genius."  The  larger 
part  of  her  writings  were  originally  published  in  this  paper.3 

Even  the  children  may  have  had  at  least  some  share  in  the  work 
of  the  time,  for  we  have  one  example  of  it.  In  1826  a  boy  signing 
himself  "Little  William"  sent  two  articles  from  Guilford  County, 
North  Carolina,  to  the  "Genius."  He  seems  quite  mature,  uses 
very  strong  language,  and  declares  that  when  the  people  are  aroused 
laws  could  and  probably  would  be  passed  to  abolish  slavery.  We 
might  be  tempted  to  doubt  his  youth  were  it  not  for  an  editorial 
by  Lundy,  which  vouches  for  it.4 

The  spirit  of  anti-slavery  seems  well  sustained  at  the  South  as 
we  approach  the  end  of  this  period.  We  find  in  the  "Genius" 
for  1827  articles  quoted  from  the  "Richmond  Enquirer,"  5  and  the 
"Richmond  Family  Visitor."  6  A  writer  in  the  former  claimed 
that  if  public  sentiment  should  continue  to  advance  as  it  had  for 
the  past  fifteen  or  twenty  years,  the  next  jubilee  of  American  In 
dependence  would  see  slavery  unnamed  in  the  United  States;  a 
prophecy  that  was  fulfilled.  The  Kentucky  press  also  contained 
many  articles  in  the  twenties.  Thus  the  Russelville  Messenger 
printed  an  appeal  "To  the  'free'  people  south  of  Green  River," 
in  which  slavery  is  called  "one  of  the  present  curses  upon  these 
United  States" ;  a  plan  drawn  up  for  gradual  abolition  in  the  state ; 
the  plan  for  colonization  eulogized;  and  the  distinct  statement 

1  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  5.  369,  372,  377,  385,  393. 

2  Anne  Royall:  "Sketches  of  the  United  States,"  pp.  101,  119. 

3  "Poems  and  Essays,  by  E.  M.  C.,"  published  by  Lundy,  who  wrote  an  introduc 
tion  in  the  form  of  a  memoir. 

4  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  5.  409,  415;  6.  57. 

5  Ibid.  6.  260.  6  Ibid.  7.  107. 


Essays,  Magazine  Articles  and  Newspapers  43 

made  that  "nothing  but  the  legal  sanction  of  our  Legislatures 
can  abolish  the  evil."  1  Another  series  of  articles,  in  the  Western 
Luminary,  declared  the  time  for  freedom  not  far  distant,  and 
advocated  the  education  of  the  slave  in  preparation  for  it.2  A 
writer  in  the  "Genius"  from  this  state  in  1827  prophesied  the 
worst  of  results  from  delay.3 

A  writer  in  North  Carolina  wrote  in  the  latter  part  of  1827  an 
article  denouncing  in  unmeasured  terms  both  slavery  and  its  up 
holders.  "Say  not  then  any  more  .  .  .  that  'liberty  .  .  .  rests' 
on  a  land  that  is  polluted  with  the  vilest  and  most  shocking  system 
of  inhumanity,  injustice  and  inequality,  .  .  .  that  has  ever  been 
.  .  .  known  ...  in  all  the  world.  ...  I  view  it  as  a  most  un 
hallowed  system  of  superlative  oppression,  violence  and  barbarity; 
and  equally  opposed  to  all  the  laws  of  "  God  and  man.4  A  frag 
ment  from  the  pen  of  Adlai  Laurence  Osborne  declares  it  "extreme 
madness  not  to  emancipate  all  slaves."  5  In  1827  a  prize  essay 
was  written  by  James  Raymond,  for  the  Agricultural  Society  of 
Frederick  County,  Maryland.  The  subject  was  "The  Compara 
tive  Economy  of  Free  and  Slave  Labor  in  Agriculture."  While 
he  confined  himself  entirely  to  his  own  topic,  he  said  that  he  hoped 
that  if  he  could  prove  that  free  labor  was  cheaper,  slavery  would 
"go  out  of  fashion";  and  later  he  spoke  of  slavery  as  opposed  to 
the  inherent  right  of  a  man  to  his  own  labor.6 

Quotations  have  been  made  from  numerous  papers  and  periodi 
cals  which  admitted  articles  against  slavery.  There  were  others 
which  published  editorials,  sometimes  moderately,  sometimes  ar 
dently  anti-slavery  in  sentiment.  One  editorial  of  the  date  of 
January  n,  1817,  in  the  National  Register,  then  published  in 
Washington  by  Joel  K.  Mead,  treats  of  slavery  and  colonization. 
It  does  not  speak  in  strong  terms  against  the  system,  —  indeed 
the  writer  doubts  the  wisdom  of  emancipation  without  a  previous 
education,  and  affirms  the  right  of  property  in  slaves.  But  he 
also  doubts  the  right  of  property  in  the  children,  and  adds  that 
he  hopes  some  day  "a  wiser  and  better  spirit"  will  "cast  out  this 
foul,  aristocratic,  demoralizing  spirit  of  slave  keeping."  Niles, 

1  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  6.  181,  185,  194,  203. 

2  Ibid.  7.  132,  140,  195;  8.  13,  28.  3  Ibid.  6.  218. 

4  Ibid.  8.  109,  116. 

5  Found  among  some  papers  at  Salisbury  C.  H.,  North  Carolina;    now  in  the  pos 
session  of  Dr.  Albert  Bushnell  Hart  of  Harvard  University. 

6  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  6.  250,  258. 


i 

/: 


44  Public  Opinion  in  the  South: 

the  editor  of  the  "Weekly  Register,"  one  of  the  most  important 
periodicals  of  the  day,  often  spoke  in  his  editorials  of  slavery  and 
kindred  topics.  In  May,  1819,  under  the  title  of  "Mitigation  of 
Slavery,"  he  expressed  his  personal  attitude  in  these  words:  "Hat 
ing  as  we  do  —  most  solemnly,  sincerely  and  religiously  hating, 
all  sorts  of  slavery."  He  believed  that  slavery  would  at  some  time 
be  abolished,  and  that  it  was  the  part  of  true  wisdom  to  prepare 
the  slaves  for  it,  but  that  in  order  to  encourage  the  support  of  the 
South  the  free  blacks  should  be  separated  from  the  slaves,  and 
their  standard  improved.1  In  1821  there  is  in  the  "Register" 
an  editorial  notice  of  the  publication  at  Mt.  Pleasant,  Ohio,  of 
the  "Philanthropist,"  edited  by  Bates,  the  successor  of  Os.born, 
and  of  the  "  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,"  edited  by  Lundy, 
and  Niles  takes  the  occasion  to  express  his  appreciation  of  the  anti- 
slavery  cause,  and  his  detestation  of  slavery,  the  "curse  that  like 
a  millstone  round"  our  country's  "neck  impedes  its  march  to  real 
greatness  and  rightful  power."  The  same  sentiment  is  repeated 
in  1822.  In  1823  an  editorial  claimed  that  the  majority  of  the 
South  would  be  willing  to  be  rid  of  slavery  if  a  feasible  plan  were 
proposed ;  that  it  was  advocated  only  by  those  desirous  of  holding 
political  power  by  its  means.3  As  late  as  1827,  after  stating  that 
New  York  would  become  a  free  state  on  the  Fourth  of  July,  he 
adds:  "On  the  fifth  of  July  in  the  present  year,  slavery  will  then 
be  unknown  to  the  laws  of  New  York.  Would  that  with  equal 
propriety,  we  might  announce  the  fact  that  such  was  the  condition 
of  every  other  state."  4 

In  1827  the  editor  of  the  "  Delaware  Weekly  Advertiser,"  pub 
lished  in  Wilmington,  refused  to  publish  an  advertisement  of  a 
reward  for  a  runaway  slave,  and  gave  his  reasons  in  an  editorial : 
'  We  hold  these  truths  to  be  self-evident ;  that  all  men  are  created 
equal,  and  endowed  by  their  Creator  with  certain  inalienable 
rights;  that  among  these  are  Life,  LIBERTY  and  the  pursuit  of 
HAPPINESS."  5 

More  decidedly  anti-slavery,  of  course,  were  those  periodicals 
and  newspapers  published  with  the  avowed  purpose  of  discussing, 
and,  if  possible,  destroying  slavery.  The  earliest  of  those  pub- 

1  Niles'  Weekly  Register,  16.  177,  193,  211,  274,  292,  342,  401,  419. 

2  Ibid.  21.  119.  3  Ibid.  24.  179.  4  Ibid.  32.  274. 

5  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  u.  5,  32,  82;  "William  Lloyd  Garrison, 
1805-1879,"  i.  88. 


Essays,  Magazine  Articles  and  Newspapers  45 

lished  at  the  South,  of  which  we  have  mention,  was  the  "Eman 
cipator,"  founded  in  1819  or  1820.  It  was  a  small  octavo  monthly, 
published  at  Jonesboro',  Tennessee,  by  a  Friend,  Elihu  Embree. 
After  Embree  died  in  1821  no  further  record  is  found  of  his  paper.1 
In  1822  John  Finley  Crowe  started  "The  Abolition  Intelligencer" 
at  Shelbyville,  Kentucky.  In  the  Indiana  Gazette  of  Thurs 
day,  November  29,  1821,  published  at  Corydon,  Indiana,  we  can 
read  the  "proposals"  for  this  paper,  of  which  otherwise  we  know 
little.  The  paper  was  to  be  published  semi-monthly,  under  the 
patronage  and  control  of  the  Kentucky  Abolition  Society.  Enu 
merating  the  principles  of  that  society  by  extracts  from  its  consti 
tution,  it  declared  that  the  publication  would  be  entirely  devoted 
to  those  principles.  There  is  no  mention  of  immediate  emancipa 
tion,  but  of  "such  measures  as  may  tend  to  the  abolition  of  slavery 
in  a  way  which  will  consist  with  the  constitution  and  laws  of  Ken 
tucky  and  the  general  government."  In  closing  it  is  stated  that 
no  advertisements  would  be  received  except  those  relating  to  slavery. 
The  paper  is  referred  to  once  or  twice  in  publications  of  the  time, 
but  apparently  found  little  support,  and  lapsed  in  1823.  In  the 
volume  of  the  "  Genius"  for  1830  there  is  an  account  of  a  publica 
tion  called  "The  Liberalist,"  published  in  New  Orleans  by  Milo 
Mower,  for  the  purpose  of  "promulgating  the  doctrine  of  universal 
freedom."  It  perished  for  lack  of  support,  and  its  editor  was  im 
prisoned  for  circulating  handbills  in  its  behalf.2 

The  most  successful  anti-slavery  paper  was  "The  Genius  of 
Universal  Emancipation,"  founded  in  1821  by  Benjamin  Lundy. 
Preceded  in  its  field  only  by  the  "Emancipator,"  it  was  for  the 
largest  part  of  its  existence  the  only  anti-slavery  paper  in  circula 
tion  in  the  country.  In  the  same  number  of  the  Indiana  Gazette 
in  which  appeared  the  advertisement  of  the  "Abolition  Intelli 
gencer"  are  to  be  found  the  "Proposals  for  publishing  at  Mt. 
Pleasant,  O.,  a  periodical  work,  to  be  entitled  the  'Genius  of  Uni 
versal  Emancipation'  by  Benjamin  Lundy."  These  proposals, 
which  throw  light  on  the  character  and  opinions  of  this  active 
worker  for  the  slave,  read  as  follows:  "This  work  is  intended  to 

1  William  Birney :  "  James  G.  Birney  and  His  Times,"  p.  85 ;  "William  Lloyd  Garri 
son,  1805-1879,"  i.  88. 

2  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  5.  32,  82.    There  is  a  slight  question  when 
this  paper  was  first  issued;    Mr.  Birney  ("James  G.  Birney,"  p.  86)  says  it  was  prob 
ably  in  1828,  but  the  "  Genius  "  speaks  of  it  as  something  new  in  1830. 


46  Public  Opinion  in  the  South: 

be  devoted  exclusively  to  the  subject  of  African  slavery,  and  will 
be  an  active  instrument  in  the  attempt  to  abolish  that  cruel  and 
disgraceful  system  in  the  American  Republic.  The  proposed 
editor  .  .  .  believes  that  the  time  has  come  when  the  advocates 
of  AFRICAN  EMANCIPATION  should  speak  out  that  they 
may  be  heard,  and  use  their  utmost  exertions  to  arouse  and  awaken 
the  American  people  to  a  sense  of  the  inconsistency,  the  hypocrisy 
and  the  iniquity  of  which  many  of  them  are  chargeable,  in  suffer 
ing  this  foul  blot  to  remain  upon  their  national  escutcheon,  and 
as  he  considers  it  almost  criminal  to  be  lukewarm  in  a  cause  so 
important  as  this,  the  public  may  be  assured  that  his  best  endeavors 
shall  be  used,  consistent  with  justice  and  propriety,  to  draw  the 
attention  of  his  countrymen  toward  this  subject,  and  to  induce 
them  to  THINK  more  upon  it."  This  he  considers  all  that  is 
necessary  "to  ensure  the  ultimate  triumph  of  liberty."  Bold  words 
these  for  the  first  proposals  for  a  paper  which  was  to  be  entirely 
dependent  on  the  support  of  the  public  to  whom  they  were  addressed. 
It  seems  well-nigh  impossible  that  such  words  as  these  would  have 
been  used  by  even  so  bold  a  man  as  Lundy,  if,  as  is  so  often  as 
sumed,  the  time  had  been  one  of  "universal  stagnation"  on  the 
slavery  question. 

Lundy  began  the  publication  of  the  paper  as  he  proposed,1  at 
Mt.  Pleasant,2  Ohio,  in  July^  1821.  A  few  months  later  he  moved 
the  paper  to  Greenville,  Tennessee,3  and  in  1824  to  Baltimore. 
The  publication  continued  here  till  October,  1830,  when,  owing  to 
difficulties  in  Baltimore,  Lundy  moved  with  his  paper  to  Washing 
ton,4  remaining  there  until  1834.  From  that  time  until  1836  the 
"Genius"  was  published  in  Philadelphia.5  The  paper  began  as  a 
monthly;  in  March,  1823,  he  increased  it  to  a  semi-monthly;  in 
the  September  following  the  monthly  publication  was  resumed, 

1  All  the  facts  of  publication  are  taken  directly  from  a  file  of  the  paper,  and  differ 
in  some  ways  from  some  published,  and  possibly  generally  accepted  statements. 

2  Edward  Needles  (History  of  the  Pennsylvania  Society,  p.  83)  says  he  purchased 
Osborn's  paper,  and  devoted  it  entirely  to  anti-slavery  under  a  new  title;   but  according 
to  Earl  (Life  of  Lundy,  p.  19)  and  Niles  (Weekly  Register,  21.  119)  Osborn  sold  it  to 
Elisna  Bates,  who  gave  it  a  tone  not  at  all  satisfactory  to  Lundy. 

3  Appleton's  Cyclopedia  of  Biography  says,  mistakenly,  Jonesboro',  Tenn.,  probably 
confusing  it  with  "The  Emancipator,"  published  by  Elihu  Embree  at  that  place. 

4  Earl:  "Life  of  Lundy,"  p.  30. 

5  Appleton's  Cyclopedia  of  Biography  says,  mistakenly,  that  on  his  going  to  Phila 
delphia  he  issued  his  paper  under  the  name  of  "The  National  Inquirer."    The  files  of 
the  paper  prove  the  contrary;  issues  for  Jan.  1834  to  Dec.  1836,  inclusive,  are  all  dated  at 
Philadelphia,  and  retain  the  old  name.    No  later  numbers  have  been  found,  but  he  is 
said  to  have  left  Philadelphia  in  1836,  and  he  died  in  1839. 


Essays,  Magazine  Articles  and  Newspapers  47 

but  with  more  pages  in  each  number.  The  publication  was  sus 
pended  for  some  reason  from  May,  1824,  to  October  of  the  same 
year,  at  which  date  volume  four  begins.  The  monthly  issue  con 
tinued  from  that  time  with  no  material  alteration  until  July  4, 
1825,  when  a  complete  change  was  made  by  issuing,  along  with 
the  small  octavo  monthly,  a  weekly  paper  on  large  sheets,  much 
more  nearly  resembling  our  modern  newspapers.  This  weekly 
edition  speedily  took  the  place  of  the  monthly,  and  continued, 
with  a  lapse  of  several  months  during  1828  and  1829,  until  the 
expiration  of  the  partnership  of  Garrison  and  Lundy  in  March, 
1830.  At  the  beginning  of  this  partnership,  however  (September, 
\  _i§29),  the  size  of  the  sheets  was  slightly  increased.  The  monthly 
issue  was  resumed  by  Lundy  when  once  more  alone,  and  was  con 
tinued  with  more  or  less  regularity  until  1836. 

No  list  is  found  giving  the  number  of  the  subscribers  to  the 
"  Genius."  It  was  never  so  large  but  that  the  paper  had  a  pre 
carious  existence,  and  Lundy  was  obliged  to  spend  much  time  in 
soliciting  subscriptions.  Garrison,  during  the  six  months  of  his 
partnership  with  Lundy,  thought  the  loss  of  old  subscribers  was 
due  to  his  advocacy  of  immediate  emancipation;  but  immediate 
emancipation  had  been  advocated  in  the  paper  before  Garrison's 
time,  although  not  with  equal  vehemence;  the  scantiness  of  the 
circulation  was  felt  long  before  the  partnership;  and  Lundy  did 
not  really  blame  Garrison,  nor  did  the  attitude  of  Garrison  "  break 
up"  the  paper,  as  is  sometimes  stated. 


CHAPTER   V 

PUBLIC   OPINION  IN  THE   SOUTH:    MEMORIALS,   PETITIONS 
AND   RESOLUTIONS 

A  STILL  better  indication  of  public  opinion  than  the  words  or 
writings  of  any  individual,  or  even  the  articles  published  in  any  pe 
riodical,  are  the  memorials,  petitions  and  resolutions  prepared  and 
adopted  at  public  meetings.  A  large  proportion  of  the  memorials 
which  are  definitely  mentioned  are  from  Maryland,  and  especially 
from  the  city  of  Baltimore,  and  there  seems  some  reason  to  believe 
the  statement  of  several  writers,  that  Maryland  was  approaching 
the  point  where  it  would  be  ready  to  throw  off  the  burden.  In 
December,  1819,  at  a  public  meeting  of  the  citizens  of  Baltimore, 
a  resolution  was  passed  that  future  admission  of  slaves  into  states 
hereafter  to  be  formed  west  of  the  Mississippi  River,  ought  to  be 
prohibited  by  Congress,  and  a  memorial  was  prepared.  Two  thou 
sand  citizens  of  Baltimore  signed,  in  1820,  a  petition  against  the 
admission  of  Missouri  as  a  slave  state ;  these  may  very  likely  have 
been  the  same.1  In  1826  a  memorial  was  presented  from  Balti 
more  County  to  the  Legislature  of  Maryland,  for  such  laws  as  "will 
eventually  but  gradually  and  totally  extinguish  slavery  in  Mary 
land."  2  Not  long  after  this  a  very  radical  memorial  was  offered 
to  the  citizens  of  Baltimore  for  signature;  although  the  Baltimore 
Gazette  opposed  it,  signatures  increased.  It  denounced  slavery  as 

(1)  at  war  with  the  fundamental  principles  of  the  government; 

(2)  promoting  idleness  and  encouraging  vice;    (3)  incompatible 
with  the  Christian  religion;   (4)  weakening  to  the  nation.    It  peti 
tioned  for  emancipation  in  the  District  of  Columbia  but  did  not 
advise  immediate  abolition;    it  asked  for  a  law  to  free  the  post 
nati.3    During  1827  another  memorial  of  much  the  same  tenor  was 

1  Niles' Weekly  Register,   17.  304;    William  Birney:    "James  G.  Birney  and  His 
Times,"  p.  80. 

2  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  6.  9. 

3  Ibid.  6.  103,  13^. 

48 


Memorials,  Petitions  and  Resolutions  49 

sent  to  Congress  by  the  citizens  of  Baltimore.1  A  petition  in  1827 
from  the  inhabitants  of  Harford  County,  Maryland,  for  the  aboli 
tion  of  slavery  in  that  state,  was  presented  to  the  House  of  Dele 
gates,  and  was  referred  to  a  committee  of  nine  from  seven  counties. 
While  this  committee  reported  the  inexpediency  of  recommending 
the  system,  they  expressed  their  confidence  that  Maryland  would 
soon  be  relieved  through  colonization  from  "this  grievous  calam 
ity."  Still  another,  in  1829,  was  from  the  citizens  of  Frederick 
County,  and  asked  for  a  law  to  free  the  post  nati;  no  result  is  ap 
parent  until  1832,  when  a  committee  was  appointed  to  investigate 
the  matter,  but  nothing  came  of  the  appeal.3  In  1830  there  is  record 
of  the  printing  and  circulating  of  another  petition  for  gradual  abo 
lition  in  Maryland,  but  again  no  record  of  the  result.4 

In  Tennessee,  in  1821,  petitions  were  sent  by  a  number  of  citi 
zens  to  the  Legislature,  asking  for  some  legislation  for  the  relief 
of  the  blacks,  such  as  a  law  allowing  the  emancipation  of  self- 
supporting  slaves,  and  suggesting  also  that  a  gradual  emancipation 
act  should  be  passed.  The  committee  to  which  it  was  referred 
recommended  the  passing  of  a  law  to  allow  manumissions,  and  the 
consideration  of  gradual  emancipation.  The  subject  was,  how 
ever,  laid  on  the  table  in  the  Senate,  and  nothing  came  from  it.5 
A  memorial  to  the  State  Legislature  in  Delaware  was  in  circulation 
in  that  state  in  1826.  It  asked  for  a  law  to  free  the  post  nati  at  a 
certain  age.6  A  memorial  was  also  sent  to  Congress  from  Dela 
ware  in  1828,  in  regard  to  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia.7 

A  memorial  from  the  inhabitants  of  the  District  of  Columbia 
presented  to  the  national  House  of  Representatives  in  1828,  was 
duly  printed,  and  thus  preserved  to  us.  It  includes  a  statement  of 
the  existence,  and  details  of  the  horrors  of  the  domestic  slave  trade 
in  the  District,  and  of  the  sale  of  free  blacks  for  jail  fees  incurred 
because  they  were  suspected  of  being  slaves.  The  signers  asked 
for  a  law  declaring  that  all  children  of  slaves  born  in  the  District  of 
Columbia  after  July  4,'  1828,  should  be  free  at  the  age  of  twenty-five 

1  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  8.  4. 

2  Jeffrey  R.  Brackett :    "The  Negro  in  Maryland,"  p.  55;    quoted  from  the  House 
Journal  (Md.),  1827,  pp.  320,  342. 

3  Ibid.  p.  56;   quoted  from  the  House  Journal  (Md.),  1829,  p.  427;  and  1832,  p.  89. 

4  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  n.  71. 

5  Ibid,  z.  no;    quoted  from  the  Knoxville  Register;    also  Niles' Weekly  Register, 
21.  173. 

6  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  6.  93. 

7  Ibid.  9.  86,  87. 

4 


.50  Public  Opinion  in  the  South: 

years,  and  that  the  laws  authorizing  the  sale  of  supposed  runaways 
for  their  jail  fees  should  be  repealed.  They  also  asked  for  a  law 
to  prevent  the  further  introduction  of  slaves  into  the  District,  ex 
cept  as  part  of  the  households  of  members  of  Congress,  resident 
strangers,  and  travelers.  One  thousand  and  sixty  names  are 
printed  as  those  of  signers  of  this  memorial.1 

Reference  is  found  in  many  contemporary  journals  to  a  "Me 
morial  to  the  Honorable  Convention  of  Virginia,  Held  in  Rich 
mond,  in  Oct.,  1829."  From  an  outline  which  has  been  pre 
served,  it  is  known  to  have  come  from  the  inhabitants  of  Augusta 
County,  Virginia,  and  to  have  been  distinctly  anti-slavery.  There 
is  no  mention  of  its  reception  or  consideration.2 

Up  to  this  point  we  have  considered  the  opinion  either  of  indi 
viduals  in  the  South,  as  expressed  by  words,  actions  and  writings  ; 
or  of  some  groups  of  people,  expressed  by  memorials.  While  this 
proves  conclusively  the  existence  of  anti-slavery  sentiment  in  the 
slave  states  during  this  period,  it  does  not  prove  the  position  of  the 
majority  of  the  people.  Memorials  may  be  presented  by  minori 
ties;  even  one  thousand  and  sixty  signatures  in  the  District  of 
Columbia  would  not  show  that  the  matter  interested  the  majority 
of  the  people  of  the  District.  One  of  the  best  means,  perhaps, 
which  we  have  at  our  disposal,  of  judging  of  the  extent  to  which 
these  sentiments  had  made  themselves  felt,  is  to  examine  the 
legislation  of  the  slave  states  during  the  period  under  discussion ; 
for  while  Legislatures  do  not  always  reflect  popular  sentiment, 
their  action,  taken  for  a  long  period  together,  comes  nearer  to  it 
than  that  of  any  other  agent  of  public  opinion.  In  1816  and  1817 
several  state  Legislatures  passed  severe  laws  to  check  the  slave 
trade.3  In  Georgia  slaves  imported  from  abroad  might  be  confis 
cated  even  a  year  after  introduction.  This  law  was  distinctly 
said  not  to  apply  to  slaves  brought  by  emigrants,  or  by  resi 
dents  for  their  own  use.  In  South  Carolina  it  was  a  felony  to 
import  a  slave  except  by  express  permission  of  the  Legislature. 
In  North  Carolina  there  was  increased  vigilance  and  severe  leg 
islation  against  kidnapping.  Louisiana  was  said  to  have  been  on 
the  point  of  taking  similar  measures. 

1  Pamphlet  copy  of  memorial,  printed  as  a  House  Document. 

2  This  memorial  is  mentioned  in  Niles'  Weekly  Register,  36.  356;  The  Genius  of  Uni 
versal  Emancipation,   10.  9.     The  quotations  are  from  the  Richmond  Whig,  and  the 
Staunton  Spectator.     The  quotation  from  the  latter  in  the  "Register"  gives  an  outline  of 
the  memorial.  3  Niles'  Weekly  Register,  n.  399. 


Memorials,  Petitions  and  Resolutions  51 

The  constitution  of  Alabama,  drawn  up  in  1819,  empowered 
the  Legislature  to  abolish  slavery  on  making  compensation  to 
owners,  with  or  without  tneir  consent.  The  General  Assembly 
exercised  for  many  years  the  power  to  emancipate  slaves,  the  total 
for  the  first  eleven  years  being  two  hundred  and  three,  or  an 
average  of  more  than  eighteen  a  year.  The  constitution  also 
allowed  to  slaves  a  jury  trial  for  all  crimes  above  petit  lar 
ceny;  while  malicious  maiming  or  killing  of  slaves  v.-as  to 
receive  the  same  punishment  as  if  the  offence  had  been  com 
mitted  on  a  free  white,  and  on  the  same  proof,  except  in  cases 
of  insurrection.  In  the  first  session  of  the  Legislature  a  law 
was  passed  providing  paid  counsel  to  slaves  tried  by  jury,  and 
excluded  from  that  jury  the  master,  the  prosecuting  witness,  and 
the  relatives  of  both.1 

But  one  law  for  the  benefit  of  the  slave  is  recorded  as  passed  in 
Florida.  In  1822,  during  its  existence  as  a  territory,  a  law  was 
passed,  declaring  that  for  capital  crimes  slaves  should  be  tried 
and  punished  as  whites.2 

In  Georgia,  in  1811,  it  was  enacted  that  the  ordinary  trial  of 
slaves  should  be  held  before  a  justice  of  the  peace,  but  in  cases 
involving  capital  punishment,  in  the  inferior  county  court,  by  a 
jury.  In  1816  the  killing  or  maiming  of  a  slave  or  free  person  of 
color  was  put  on  the  same  footing  as  if  the  sufferer  were  a  white 
man  or  citizen.  The  non-importation  law  mentioned  above  was 
passed  in  1816  or  1817,  repealed  in  1824,  revived  in  1829,  and  still 
later  was  modified,  repealed,  and  again  revived !  In  1823  the 
"  Common  Council  of  Savannah,  Georgia,  .  .  .  with  a  becoming 
feeling,  refused  to  receive  into  the  city  treasury  any  money,  the 
proceeds  of  the  sale  of  free  blacks."  In  1824-1825  the  Legisla 
ture  repealed  all  laws  and  parts  of  laws  authorizing  this  sale  of 
free  blacks.3 

The  constitution  of  Louisiana  (1812)  allowed  the  enrollment  of 
colored  men  in  the  militia.  The  only  statute  which  could  be  con- 

1  William  Birney:  "James  G.  Birney  and  His  Times,"  pp.  38-40;  John  C.  Kurd: 
"The  Law  of  Freedom  and  Bondage,"  2.  150. 

2  J.  C.  Kurd:  "The  Law  of  Freedom  and  Bondage,"  2.  191. 

3  Ibid.  2.  102,  104;   George  M.  Stroud :  "A  Sketch  of  the  Laws  Relating  to  Slavery," 
ist  edition,  1827,  p.  55,  note;    2nd  edition,  1856,  p.  90,  note;    The  Genius  of  Universal 
Emancipation,  2.  178.    Yet  the  Mayor  and  Council  of  Savannah  refused  a  gift  of  money 
from  New  York,  for  the  sufferers  from  the  great  fire  of  1820,  because  given  on  condition 
that  it  be  divided  equally  between  the  black  and  white  sufferers.     See  Adam  Hodgson : 
"Letters  from  North  America,"  i.  103;  Niles'  Weekly  Register,  18.  88. 


52  Public  Opinion  in  the  South: 

strued  as  favoring  the  slaves  was  a  non-importation  act  in  the 
usual  terms.1 

In  Maryland  a  law  was  passed  in  1809  facilitating  manumission, 
but  the  children  of  the  freed  slave  were  to  be  slaves  unless  the 
owner  determined  that  they  should  be  free.  Laws  were  passed  in 
1 8 10,  1817,  1824  and  1825  to  prevent  those  slaves  whose  'emanci 
pation  had  been  determined  from  being  sold  out  of  the  state  before 
their  time  for  freedom  came.2 

An  act  passed  in  Delaware  in  1810  provided  penalties  for  at 
tempts  to  export  a  slave  whose  freedom  at  a  future  time  was  deter 
mined  upon.  Other  acts  in  1816  and  1826  related  to  fugitive 
slaves,  but  neither  could  be  called  really  anti-slavery.3 

The  constitution  of  Missouri,  adopted  in  1820,  provided  that 
any  one  who  maliciously  injured  or  killed  a  slave  should  receive 
the  same  punishment  as  was  given  for  the  same  offence  committed 
upon  a  white  person.  It  also  gave  slaves  the  right  to  an  impartial 
trial  by  jury;  to  punishment  of  like  kind  and  degree  as  was  ad 
ministered  to  whites  for  the  same  offence ;  and  required  the  courts 
to  assign  counsel  for  their  defence.  In  1824  an  act  to  enable  per 
sons  held  in  slavery  to  sue  for  their  freedom  required  recogni 
zances  of  the  defendant,  but  not  of  the  petitioners.4 

The  first  constitution  of  North  Carolina,  adopted  in  1776,  gave 
the  elective  franchise  to  all  adult  freemen  presenting  the  requisite 
property  qualification,  without  distinction  of  color.  This  was  not 
changed  until  1835.  In  1817  a  law  was  passed  which  provided 
that  "the  offence  of  killing  a  slave  shall  be  homicide,  and  shall 
partake  of  the  same  degree  of  guilt,  when  accompanied  by  the 
same  circumstances,  that  homicide  does  at  the  common  law." 
However,  before  1823  (the  exact  date  is  not  given),  this  principle 
was  modified  by  a  court  decision.  The  first  general  emancipation 
law  in  North  Carolina  was  passed  in  1830,  and  remained  the  law 
until  the  Civil  War.  There  was  a  long  and  tedious  process  to  be 
gone  through  by  the  owner,  beginning  with  a  public  notice  of  his 
intention  six  weeks  previously;  and  he  must  give  bonds  of  $1000 

1  J.  C.  Hard:   "The  Law  of  Freedom  and  Bondage,"  2.  159;    The  Genius  of  Uni 
versal  Emancipation,  5.  307;    Niles'  Weekly  Register,  30.  202.     See  Jackson's  speech  to 
the  colored  soldiers  in  Louisiana  in  1815. 

2  J.  C.  Kurd:    "The  Law  of  Freedom  and  Bondage,"  2.  21-;    Constitution  of  the 
Pennsylvania  Abolition  Society,  published  in  pamphlet  form  in  1820,  p.  30. 

3  Kurd:  "The  Law  of  Freedom  and  Bondage,"  2.  78-80. 

4  Ibid.  2.  168,  169. 


Memorials,   Petitions  and  Resolutions  52 

that  the  freedman  should  leave  the  state  in  ninety  days.  A  slave 
could  be  freed  for  "meritorious  services"  without  being  obliged  to 
leave  the  state.1 

Non-importation  acts  were  passed  in  South  Carolina,  as  in  so 
many  other  states,  in  1816  and  1817;  but  all  such  laws  were  re 
pealed  in  1818,  and  no  mention  is  made  of  any  later  enactment. 
South  Carolina  shows  the  most  strongly  of  all  the  states  the  influ 
ence  of  pro-slavery  feeling  during  her  whole  history.  It  is  in 
teresting  to  read  that  in  1818  it  was  decided  in  the  courts  of  this 
state  that  the  calling  of  a  person  a  mulatto  was  actionable  per  se 
as  a  libel !  South  Carolina  was  the  last  state  to  abandon  a  simple 
money  fine  for  the  murder  of  a  slave;  in  1821  an  act  was  passed 
increasing  the  punishment  of  a  deliberate  murder  to  death  without 
benefit  of  clergy.  Murder  during  sudden  passion,  or  the  unpre 
meditated  killing  by  excessive  whipping,  was  not  a  capital  offence, 
but  punishable  by  a  fine  of  $500,  and  imprisonment  of  six 
months.2 

The  non-importation  act  of  Tennessee  was  passed  in  1812,  sev 
eral  years  earlier  than  in  the  most  of  the  Southern  states.  It  was 
at  first,  however,  passed  for  only  a  limited  time.  It  was  later 
renewed  until  in  1826  it  was  made  perpetual.  In  1817  a  law  was 
enacted  to  prevent  the  sudden  selling  into  hopeless  bondage  of  a 
slave  who  had  brought  suit  for  freedom:  the  owner  was  required 
to  give  bonds  to  produce  the  plaintiff,  if  the  probability  of  his  free 
dom  had  been  shown.3 

In  Kentucky,  in  1829  or  1830,  a  bill  was  introduced  into  the 
House  of  Representatives,  "to  provide  for  the  constitutional  eman 
cipation  of  all  slaves  in  the  state."  It  was  postponed  indefinitely 
on  its  first  reading,  by  a  vote  of  18  to  n.4 

Although  Texas  was  not  a  part  of  the  Union  during  the  period 
under  discussion,  it  is  interesting  to  note  that  the  anti-slavery  sen 
timent  of  the  time  found  expression  there  also.  In  1827  the  con 
stitution  of  the  new  state  of  Coahuila  and  Texas  had  declared  for 

1  Kurd:  "The  Law  of  Freedom  and  Bondage,"  2.  81  and  note,  82  ;  Stephen  B. 
Weeks;   "The  Southern  Quakers  and  Slavery,"  p.  224. 

2  Kurd:    "The  Law  of  Freedom  and  Bondage,"  2.  96-98  (Case  of  libel,  King  vs. 
Wood);    Stroud:    "Sketch  of  Laws  relating  to  Slavery,"  edition   of    1827,  pp.  36-40; 
edition  of  1856,  more  definite,  pp.  56,  62-64;   Niles'  Weekly  Register,  n.  336.    It  should 
be  noticed  in  this  connection  that  the  State  of  South  Carolina  had  the  largest  number  of 
slaves,  both  absolutely  and  relatively. 

3  Kurd:    "The  Law  of  Freedom  and  Bondage,"  2.  91,  92. 

4  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  10.  145. 


54  Public  Opinion  in  the  South: 

the  freedom  of  the  post  nati,  and  the  prohibition  of  importation 
after  six  months.  In  July,  1829,  slavery  was  entirely  abolished  by 
a  decree  of  the  Dictator,  Guerrero.  But  the  new  republic  whose 
constitution  was  adopted  in  1836  allowed  slavery,  and  no  further 
question  of  abolition  was  raised.1 

Virginia,  it  is  claimed  by  many,  would  have  abolished  slavery  if 
a  longer  time  had  been  allowed  her.  If  that  statement  is  true,  there 
must  have  been  a  decided  change  after  1831.  Up  to  that  time  the 
majorities  through  her  whole  history  seem  to  be  really  on  the  side 
of  slavery.  In  the  Revised  Code  of  Virginia,  published  in  1819, 
the  murder  of  a  slave  by  "wilful,  malicious  and  excessive  whip 
ping,"  was  made  murder  in  the  first  degree;  but  conviction  was 
not  at  all  sure,  and  in  the  later  codes  the  provision  was  omitted 
entirely.2  There  were  very  strong  words  against  slavery  in  the 
.Virginia  Constitutional  Convention  of  1829-1830;  the  discussion 
'beginning  on  October  26,  1829,  and  being  continued  through 
nearly  the  whole  session.  But,  though  feeling  ran  high  in  this 
debate,  and  slavery  was  sometimes  denounced,  it  seems  not  at  all 
|«a  contest  for  or  against  slavery  per  se,  but  a  jealous  rivalry  of  the 
/  West  and  East  in  the  state.  Under  the  old  regime  the  East  had 
held  the  balance  of  power;  the  West  was  growing  in  wealth  and 
population,  and  was  desirous  of  a  larger  influence  in  the  govern 
ment.  The  East  was  anxious  not  to  give  up  any  influence  it 
already  possessed,  and  was  also  afraid  of  heavy  taxation  on  the 
slave  property.  Upshur,  who  argued  for  the  representation  of  the 
slaves,  speaks  of  them  as  a  great  and  important  interest,  —  they 
paid  30  %  of  the  whole  revenue  from  taxation,  and  one-sixth  of 
the  power  in  the  national  councils  was  derived  from  them.  One 
argument  used  by  the  East  for  the  maintenance  of  the  old  basis  of 
representation  was  that  the  slaveholders  had  always  been  in  power, 
and  had  held  the  non-slaveholders  at  their  mercy,  and  still  the  West 
had  not  been  unduly  taxed.  Yet,  although  the  debate  gives  distinct 
proofs  of  being  excited  by  jealousy,  and  not  by  anti-slavery  senti 
ments,  we  may  learn  something  of  anti-slavery  opinions  in  Virginia 

1  Kurd:   "The  Law  of  Freedom  and  Bondage,"  2.  195;   "Laws  and  Decrees  of  the 
State  of  Coahuila  and  Texas,"  a  parallel  edition  in  Spanish  and  English  (1839),  contain 
ing  all  the  laws  and  decrees  from  the  foundation  of  the  state  till  1834.    The  decree  in 
point  is  on  page  314. 

2  Stroud:    "Sketch  of  Laws  relating  to  Slavery,"  edition  of  1827,  p.  36  (when  the 
law  was  in  force);   edition  of  1856,  p.  56,  note. 


Memorials,  Petitions  and  Resolutions  55 

by  its  means.  Upshur  of  Northampton,  in  his  speech  on  October 
28,  said  :  "There  exists  in  a  great  portion  of  the  West  [of  Virginia] 
a  rooted  antipathy  to  the  slave."  Mercer  of  Loudon  suggested 
the  wisdom  of  introducing  the  tenantry  system,  to  supersede  slavery. 
Randolph  of  Charlotte  expressed  himself  as  greatly  alarmed  at  the 
"fanatical  spirit"  on  the  subject  of  slavery  which  was  growing  up 
in  Virginia.  He  was  of  the  opinion  that  if  the  "White  Basis"  had 
been  carried  there  would  have  been  a  bill  for  emancipation  in  the 
House  of  Burgesses  in  less  than  twenty  years.  He  used  strong  and 
bitter  words  against  abolition,  which  are  replied  to  by  a  distinct 
disclaimer  of  any  such  ideas  by  the  most  prominent  advocates  of 
the  "White  Basis."1 

Congressional  prohibition  of  slavery  in  new  states  was  advocated 
by  only  one  Southern  Legislature,  that  of  Delaware,  which  in  Jan 
uary,  1820,  passed  a  resolution  on  this  subject.2 

Two  allusions  in  the  United  States  Congress  should  be  inserted 
here  as  an  evidence  of  Southern  feeling.  A  House  bill,  passed  on 
January  15,  1811,  to  allow  the  Territory  of  Orleans  to  form  a  con 
stitution,  permitted  "all  free  male  citizens"  of  certain  property 
qualifications  to  meet  in  the  constitutional  convention.  The  Senate, 
on  January  29,  amended  it  to  read  "white  male  citizens."  The 
House  negatived  this  amendment,  not  openly  on  the  ground  of 
anti-slavery,  but  on  the  plea  that  Louisiana  would  be  the  best  judge 
of  her  own  affairs,  and  could  later  regulate  the  suffrage  in  the  con 
stitution.  The  Senate,  however,  refused  to  recede  from  their 
amendment,  and  the  House  yielded.3 

Another  bill,  which  resulted  more  favorably  for  the  anti-slavery 
sentiment,  was  in  regard  to  the  petition  of  Marigny  D'Auterive  of 
Louisiana,  in  1828,  claiming  remuneration  for  loss  of  time  and  other 
expenses  of  the  slave,  horse  and  cart,  impressed  into  the  United 
States  service  at  the  time  of  the  war  with  England.  A  long  discus- 

1  Report  of  the  Virginia  Convention  of  1829-1830,  pp.  53,  60,   76,  442,  858,  etc. 
The  occasion  of  the  discussion  was  the  apportionment  of  representatives,  three  methods 
being  under  consideration :   the  Federal  Numbers,  the  method  in  use  both  in  Virginia 
and  in  Congress,  favored  only  by  a  few  at  this  time  for  Virginia;   a  Mixed  Basis  of  white 
population  and  taxation,  a  new  plan  favored  by  the  slaveholders  generally;  and  the 
White  Basis,  a  radical  departure  from  the  old  methods,  —  apportionment  according  to 
the  free  white  population.    The  last  was  approved  by  the  non-slaveholders,  and  gener 
ally  by  western  Virginia.     No  agreement  was  reached,  a  compromise  being  passed  to 
serve  as  a  temporary  settlement  merely.    See  Report,  pp.  667,  668,  672,  705,  etc. 

2  Niles'  Weekly  Register,  17.  343. 

3  Annals  of  Congress,  nth  Congress,  ad  Session,  107,  131,  151,  582,  937,  960,  964. 


56     Public  Opinion  in  the  South:  Memorials,  Petitions,  etc. 

sion  took  place  in  the  House  on  the  question  whether  the  slave  were 
a  person  or  property.  The  argument  was,  if  the  slave  were  a  person 
there  would  be  no  ground  for  such  a  claim ;  if  the  slave  were  prop 
erty  there  would  be  good  ground.  Quotations  were  made  in  the 
course  of  the  debate  from  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  and 
from  the  Bible.  Finally  the  bill  was  recommitted,  with  instructions 
to  strike  out  the  item  giving  remuneration  for  the  slave.1  These 
two  are  the  only  bills  bearing  on  the  question  of  which  record  is 
made  in  the  reports  of  Congress.  The  advocates  of  slavery  were 
determined  that  Congress  should  not  discuss  the  question,  and  the 
opposers  of  the  system  were  not  strong  enough  in  Congress,  perhaps 
not  in  their  own  convictions,  to  undertake  to  propose  any  anti- 
slavery  legislation.  All  other  references  to  the  subject  in  the 
national  legislative  body  were  upon  the  petitions  sent  by  the  people 
of  the  country  against  slavery  in  various  aspects,  and  the  discussion 
of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  which  is  now  conceded  to  have  been 
in  reality  a  victory  for  the  slavocracy.  Candler  thought,  after 
reviewing  the  Acts  of  Congress,  and  the  discussions,  that,  as  Con 
gress  was  the  representative  of  the  people,  the  Acts  of  Congress 
proved  that  the  American  people  were  in  reality  the  friends  of 
slavery.2 

1  Congressional  Debates,  2oth  Congress,  ist  Session,  899,  916,  968,  976,  1006,  1048, 
1068,  1093,  1458. 

2  Isaac  Candler:  "A  Summary  View  of  America,"  p.  260. 


CHAPTER   VI 
PUBLIC   OPINION   IN  THE   NORTH:    MEN   OF   PROMINENCE 

WHILE  the  anti-slavery  sentiment  in  the  North  was  in  some 
respects  less  strong  than  in  the  South  T  the  North  being  only  partially 
awakened  to  the  serious  question  of  slavery,  there  were,  neverthe 
less,  many  people  in  the  Northern  states  who  not  only  felt  strongly, 
but  wrote  and  worked  as  they  felt.  Those  who  have  left  some 
distinct  record  might  be  conveniently  classified  into  native-born 
Northerners,  and  natives  of  the  South  who  had  removed  to  the 
North.  In  most  cases  the  Southern-born  Northerner  who  advo 
cated  the  freedom  of  the  slave  was  a  man  who  had  removed  to  a 
free  state  in  order  to  be  rid  of  the  system.  It  naturally  followed 
that  he  was  much  more  active  in  words  and  deeds  than  his  Northern 
neighbors.  A  more  distinctive  grouping  is  by  locality;  for  the  two 

^  centers  of  anti-slavery  activity  were  Illinois  and  Ohio. 

In  the  group  of  anti-slavery  advocates  brought  into  prominence 
by  the  struggle  of  1822-1824  in  Illinois,  all  but  one  were  natives 

\jjof  the  free  states  or  of  England.  This  struggle,  which  was,  in  brief, 
i  the  unsuccessful  attempt  of  the  pro-slavery  men  of  Illinois  to  intro 
duce  slavery  into  that  state,  where  it  had  been  prohibited  by  the 
Ordinance  of  1787,  will  be  discussed  in  detail  later.  The  most 
prominent  figure  in  Illinois  during  the  period  was  a  man  of  Southern 
birth,  Edward  Coles.  He  was  born  in  Virginia,  heir  to  several 
hundred  slaves,  and  was  a  man  of  talent  and  education.  He  was 
the  private  secretary  of  President  Madison  from  1809  to  l8l5>  and 
was  sent  on  an  important  mission  to  Europe  in  1815.  In  1819  he 
moved  to  Edwardsville,  Illinois,  with  all  his  negroes,  tarrying  on 
his  way  at  Kaskaskia,  to  use  his  influence  against  a  slave  constitu 
tion.  Before  reaching  his  destination  he  gave  to  each  of  his  slaves 
a  certificate  of  freedom,  which  was  prefaced  by  words  showing  his 
belief  in  their  inherent  right  to  liberty.1 

1  Elihu  Washburne:  "Sketch  of  Edward  Coles,"  pp.  16,  18,  39,  44-53.  The  mis 
sion  to  Europe  was  to  the  court  of  Russia,  whose  Emperor,  deeming  himself  insulted  by 

57 


58  Public  Opinion  in  the  North: 

In  1822,  owing  to  a  division  in  the  pro-slavery  ranks,  he  was 
elected  Governor  of  Illinois  by  the  anti-slavery  minority.  The 
Lieutenant  Governor  and  the  majority  of  the  Legislature  were 
pro-slavery.  A  message  sent  to  the  Legislature  in  1822,  recommend 
ing  that  that  body  make  "just  and  equitable  provisions  for  the 
abrogation  of  slavery"  in  the  state,  opened  the  controversy.  During 
the  struggle  Coles  was  busy  with  voice,  pen  and  purse  in  behalf  of 
the  negro.  His  correspondence  proves  his  hatred  of  slavery,  and 
his  intense  desire  that  freedom  should  win  in  the  struggle.  After 
the  close  of  the  contest  he  was  attacked  in  the  courts  on  a  sham 
plea,  and  with  difficulty  escaped  the  loss  of  all  his  property.1 

Among  the  most  prominent  of  those  who  aided  Coles  in  this 
struggle  in  Illinois  were  Richard  Flower,  an  English  emigrant ; 2 
George  Churchill  and  Curtis  Blakeman,  both  members  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  of  Illinois  during  the  struggle,  who  voted 
against  the  convention  resolution,  and  signed  the  "Appeal  to  the 
People  of  Illinois";3  and  Morris  Birkbeck,  a  practical  farmer 
and  literary  man,  who  came  to  the  United  States  from  England  in 
1816,  and  the  next  year  settled  in  Edwards  County,  Illinois.  Birk 
beck  entered  heartily  into  the  conflict.  In  1823  he  published  a 
pamphlet  concerning  slavery,  and  during  that  year  and  the  next 
wrote  a  series  of  articles  for  the  Illinois  Gazette.  In  1824,  after 
the  defeat  of  the  convention,  he  became  the  Secretary  of  State  under 
Governor  Coles,  but  he  held  the  office  only  three  months,  as  the 
jealousy  of  the  pro-slavery  men  prevented  the  ratification  of  his 
appointment.4 

Of  the  important  group  of  anti-slavery  workers  in  southern  Ohio, 
nearly  all  were  Southern-born ;  all  felt  strongly  opposed  to  slavery ; 
most  of  them  had  removed  to  Ohio  for  the  sake  of  freedom;  and 
many  of  them  are  claimed  as  immediate  emancipationists.  Among 
these  may  be  named,  as  the  more  prominent,  Alexander  Campbell,5 

our  government,  threatened  to  expel  or  imprison  our  consul  at  St.  Petersburg,  who  was 
acting  as  our  charge  d'affaires  during  the  absence  of  our  minister.  Coles  was  sent  pri 
vately,  and  succeeded  in  adjusting  the  difficulties. 

1  Elihu  Washburne  :    "  Sketch  of  Edward  Coles,"  pp.    59,  183,   195,   199-209,  etc. 
Coles  received  2810  votes;   all  others,  5825. 

2  See  Richard  Flower:    "Letters  from  Lexington  and  the  Illinois";    Washburne: 
"Sketch  of  Edward  Coles,"  p.  143. 

3  Washburne:  "Sketch  of  Edward  Coles,"  pp.  60,  102,  117,  118. 

4  For  examples  of  his  opinions  on  slavery  see  his  "Notes  on  a  Journey  in  America," 
pp.    3,    16,    17    (Eng.   ed.);  and  "Letters  from  Illinois,"  pp.    71,   72,    113   (Eng.  ed.). 
See  also  Washburne:   "Sketch  of  Edward  Coles,"  pp.  182,  186-189,  194-197. 

5  William  Birney:  "James  G.  Birney  and  His  Times,"  p.  432. 


Men  of  Prominence  59 

Thomas  Morris,1  and  Samuel  Doak,2  natives  of  Virginia;  and 
Samuel  Crothers  3  and  William  Dunlop,4  natives  of  Kentucky.  Of 
these  Doak  probably  exerted  the  most  influence,  as  he  was  a  teacher 
in  several  Southern  states  before  removing  to  Ohio.  He  is  said 
after  1818  to  have  taught  his  scholars  the  principles  of  immediate 
abolition.  Among  his  most  receptive  pupils  were  Jesse  Lockhart 
and  John  Rankin,  later  champions  in  the  cause. 

Among  other  Ohio  workers,  of  Northern  birth,  or  whose  birth 
place  is  unknown,  some  of  the  more  prominent  were:  James 
Lawton,5  one  of  the  earliest  abolitionists  in  Washington  County; 
Dyer  Burgess,  a  native  of  Springfield,  Vermont;  and  John  B. 
Mahan.  Dyer  Burgess  was  for  many  years  a  member  of  the  Chil- 
licothe  Presbytery,  and  thus  associated  with  men  of  anti-slavery 
prominence.  His  sermons  against  slavery  are  said  to  have  been 
uncompromising,  and  he  published  in  1827  a  pamphlet  which  was, 
apparently,  an  appeal  for  immediate  abolition.  It  was  largely  as 
the  result  of  a  paper  presented  by  him  at  the  meeting  of  the  Pres 
byterian  General  Assembly,  of  which  he  was  a  member,  that  the 
strong  resolutions  were  adopted  by  that  body  in  i8i8.6  John  B. 
Mahan  after  1820  became  an  active  friend  of  the  fugitive  slaves, 
was  associated  with  Levi  Coffin  in  their  behalf  from  1826,  and 
carried  on  something  very  similar  to  the  "Underground  Railroad," 
although  it  was  not  known  by  that  name.7 

The  most  of  the  anti-slavery  advocates  of  Ohio  who  have  been 
already  named,  have  left  no  record  in  their  own  writings  distinctly 
proving  how  far  they  committed  themselves  to  the  anti-slavery 
cause.  But  there  were  others  whose  position  cannot  be  considered 
thus  uncertain.  With  regard  to  the  exact  position  of  Charles 
Osborn  in  respect  to  anti-slavery  there  is  still  much  conflict  of 
opinion ;  he  has  even  been  styled  the  father  of  the  modern  abolition 
movement.  He  seems  to  have  taken  a  prominent  part  in  the  forma 
tion  of  manumission  societies  in  Tennessee  in  1814,  and  in  North 
Carolina  in  1816;  he  removed  to  Mt.  Pleasant,  Ohio,  in  1816,  and 

1  William  Birney:    "  James  G.  Birney  and  His  Times,"  p.  432;   Appleton's   Cyclo 
pedia  of  Biography. 

2  Birney:  "James  G.  Birney,"  p.  74.  3  Ibid.  pp.  167,  168.  4  Ibid.  p.  432. 

5  "  History  of  Washington  County,  Ohio,"  p.  429. 

6  Ibid.  p.  486;  Birney:  "James  G.  Birney,"  pp.  168,  431,  432.     That   "for  years 
before  1817  "  he  refused  to  admit  slaveholders  to  communion  is  not  very  significant,  as 
he  only  removed  from  Vermont  to  Ohio  in  1816. 

7  Birney:  "  James  G.  Birney,"  pp.  166,  167. 


60  Public  Opinion  in  the  North: 

in  1817  founded  his  paper,  "The  Philanthropist,"  a  paper  which 
has  been  called  the  "first  journal  in  America  to  advocate  uncon 
ditional  emancipation."  The  files  of  the  Philanthropist  do  not 
bear  out  so  strong  a  statement,  as  concerns  the  first  two  volumes. 
Lundy  was  a  recognized  and  regular  correspondent  from  the  very 
first  number,  and  himself  assumed  that  he  selected  or  wrote  nearly 
all  the  anti-slavery  articles.  Osborn  is  said  to  have  been  from  his 
earliest  years  a  "thorough-going  abolitionist"  and  an  abstainer 
from  slave-grown  produce.  There  is  nothing  in  these  volumes' of 
the  Philanthropist  to  confirm  or  disprove  this  statement,  although 
the  distinct  statement  can  be  found  that  emancipation  must  be 
gradual.  He  was  also  opposed  to  the  colonization  scheme.  But 
even  if  it  were  conceded  that  there  may  be  room  for  a  difference 
of  opinion  in  regard  to  the  anti-slavery  tone  of  the  Philanthropist, 
and  Osborn's  share  in  the  writing  of  the  articles,  it  does  not  seem 
possible  to  maintain  the  opinion  put  forward  by  both  Julian  and 
Weeks,  that  he  was  the  first  man  in  America  to  proclaim  the 
doctrine  of  immediate  and  universal  emancipation,  while  the  books 

Rice  and  Bourne  still  exist,  —  the  former  with  two  editions  in 
1792  and  1812,  and  the  latter  published  in  1816.  Other  books 
and  pamphlets  are  also  named  in  earlier  works  as  taking  this  atti 
tude,  but  they  are  not  now  extant.1 

James  Gilliland  was  one  of  the  more  prominent  of  the  Ohio 
abolitionists.  He  was  probably  a  native  of  South  Carolina,  and 
began  to  preach  in  that  state  against  slavery  and  in  favor  of  immedi 
ate  emancipation  as  early  as  1794.  His  sermons  against  the  insti 
tution  gave  so  much  offence  that  an  appeaPwas  "Taken  to  the 
Presbytery,  which  enjoined  him  to  be  silent  on  the  subject ;  but 
he  continued  his  teaching  privately.  In  1805  he  removed  to  Ohio 
and  became  the  minister  of  a  church  composed  almost  entirely  of 

1  Julian:  "The  Genesis  of  Modern  Abolitionism,"  in  the  International  Review  for 
June,  1882;  "The  Truth  of  Anti-slavery  History,"  in  Ibid,  for  Nov.  1882.  Stephen  B. 
Weeks:  "The  Southern  Quakers  and  Slavery,"  pp.  235,  236.  The  conclusions  of  these 
two  authors  were  reached  separately.  See  also  Oliver  Johnson:  "Charles  Osborn's 
Place  in  Anti-slavery  History,"  in  the  International  Review  for  Sept.  1882,  for  the  other 
side.  Unless  the  later  numbers  of  the  Philanthropist  are  remarkably  rich,  it  is  hard  to 
find  the  average  of  two  articles  per  number  of  which  Weeks  speaks.  A  careful  reading  of 
the  first  two  volumes,  fifty  numbers,  discloses  no  strong  advocacy  of  immediate  emanci 
pation;  indeed  one  article  (Vol.  i,  No.  13)  distinctly  states  that  emancipation  must  be 
gradual.  There  are  but  fifty-two  articles  in  these  fifty  numbers  which  bear  upon  the 
subject  of  slavery,  and  of  these  nineteen  are  direct  reprints  from  other  papers.  A  large 
proportion,  also,  are  dated  at  St.  Clairsville,  the  residence  of  Lundy,  who  we  know  was 
a  regular  correspondent.  But  four  volumes  were  edited  by  Osborn,  as  he  sold  his  paper 
to  Bates  in  1820  or  1821.  See  above,  note  to  p.  26. 


Men  of  Prominence  61 

Southerners,  a  large  number  of  them  ex-slaveholders.  He  was 
always  a  leader  in  the  abolition  movement  in  Ohio,  and  his  people 
stood  by  him,  and  aided  him  to  the  extent  of  their  power.  In  1820 
he  published  a  pamphlet  in  dialogue  form  in  which  he  is  said  to 
have  taught  immediate  emancipation.  He  also  prepared,  in  1829, 
a  letter  from  the  Chillicothe  Presbytery  to  the  churches  under  its 
care,  which  will  be  considered  later.1 

The  strongest  and  best  known  nf  this  group  of  anti-slavery  men 
in  £)hio  was  John  Rankin,  sometimes  called  the  "father  of  aboli 
tionism"  and  the  "Martin  Luther  of  the  cause."  He  was  a  native 
of  Tennessee,  and  was  a  clergy  man  Jn  Carlisle,  Kentucky,  from 
1817  to  1821,  after  which  he  removed  to  Ripley,  Ohio,  where  he 
preached  for  forty-four  years.  In  1814  he  was  a  member  of  a 
society  in  Jefferson  County,  Tennessee,  which  advocated  immedi 
ate  emancipation,  and  while  in  Kentucky  was  busily  engaged  in 
organizing  societies  auxiliary  to  thn  Kentucky  Abolition  SnnVty 
He  preached  the  doctrine  of  immediate  emancipation  as  early  as 
1817,  and  taught  it  through  the  press  in  1822;  indeed  his  brother, 
A.  T.  Rankin,  says  of  him:  "He  never  was  a  gradual  emancipa 
tionist."  In  1823-1824  he  published  a  series  of  letters  on  slavery 
in  the  "Castigator"  of  Ripley,  Ohio,  then  edited  by  David  Amen. 
These  were  issued  in  book  form,  and  many  copies  sold  in  both 
Kentucky  and  Tennessee.  Rankin  later  joined  the  Garrisonian 
movement;  his  Letters  were  republished  in  the  Liberator;  and 
still  later  new  editions  appeared  in  book  form.2 

In  the  first  of  these  Letters  he  expresses  his  extreme  hatred  of 
slavery,  and  discusses  the  ground  of  the  prejudice  against  the 
African.  He  claims  that  the  degradation,which  isone^  ground  of_ 
this  prejudice,  is  entirely  due  to  the  oppression  of  the  negro,  since, 
if  it  were  a  difference  of  organization,  there  would  not  be  even  the 
few  remarkable  exceptions  to  the  general  rule.  The  second  letter 
was  intended  to  prove  that  the  negroes  were  not  created  for  slavery. 
The  third  recounts  the  evils  of  slavery  from  ignorance  and  petty 

1  William  Birney:  "James   G.  Birney  and  His  Times,"  p.  433;   A.  T.  Rankin: 
"Truth  Vindicated  and  Slander  Repelled,"  p.  4.    See  below,  p.  TOO. 

2  Birney:    "James  G.   Birney,"   pp.   76,    168-171,   390;    Appleton's  Cyclopedia  of 
Biography;    John  Rankin:    "Letters  on  American  Slavery,"  titlepage;    A.  T.  Rankin: 
"Truth  Vindicated,"  pp.  7,  9,  10,  13,  15;   Speech  by  Rankin  in   1839,  at  a  meeting  of 
the  American  Anti-slavery  Society,  where  he  claims  for  the  society  the  basis  of  a  belief 
in  immediate  abolition.    See  also  S.  B.  Weeks:   "The  Southern  Quakers  and  Slavery," 
P-  235- 


62  Public  Opinion  in  the  North : 

tyranny  under  the  best  of  masters,  and  from  severe  punishment 
under  hard  masters;    and  the  interstate  slave  trade  is  strongly 
denounced.    To  Rankin  the  question  was  not  whether  ._the__slasfiS.. 
were  belter  or  worse  oTFtKari  in  Africa,  but  whether  it  was  just  for 
us  to  enslave  them.    No  writer  ever  more  vigorously  set  forth  the 
ill  effects  of  slavery  on  the  white  race,  than  Rankin  in  hisjist  of 
nine  specific  evils  resulting  from  slavery.    First,  slavery  "  is  opposed 
t6^domesfic~peacen:    second,  "idleness    [among  slaveholders]  is 
generally  one  result  of  slavery";    third,   "slavery  promotes  vice 
among  the  free  inhabitants  of  slaveholding  states"  ;  fourth,  "  slavery 
debilitates   the   constitution   of   slaveholding   people";  —  man   is 
formed  for  action,  and  exercise  is  necessary  for  health;   vice  also 
produces  disease;  —  fifth,  "slavery  must  eventually  lead  to  pov 
erty,"  through  gaming,  idleness  and  extravagance;    sixth,  slavery 
promotes  the  ignorance  of  slaveholders ;   seventh,  slavery  weakens 
every  state  where  it  exists;    eighth,  "slavery  cultivates  a  spirit  of 
cruelty";    ninth,  "slavery  tends  to  tyranny."     A  little  later  he 
declares  that  since  slaves  were  originally  stolen  there  can  be  no 
good  title  to  them;   and  lastly  he  takes  up  the  various  pro-slavery 
arguments  from  the  Bible,  and  refutes  them.1 

Outside  the  Illinois  and  Ohio  groups  we  find,  scattered  over  the 
Northern  states,  a  goodly  number  of  men  who  worked  for  the  bene 
fit  of  the  slave,  as  individuals,  or  in  connection  with  local  abolition 
societies.  Among  these  are  to  be  found  a  few  politicians,  who  in 
some  way  manifested  a  hatred  of  the  system.  The  attitude  of  John 
Adams  may  be  shown  by  an  extract  from  a  letter  dated  in  June, 
1819.  "I  have,  through  my  whole  life,  held  the  practice  of  slavery 
in  such  abhorrence,  though  I  have  lived  for  many  years  in  times 
when  the  practice  was  not  disgraceful,  when  the  best  men  in  my 
vicinity  thought  it  not  inconsistent  with  their  character,  and  when 
it  has  cost  me  thousands  of  dollars  for  the  labor  and  subsistence 
of  free  men,  which  I  might  have  saved  by  the  purchase  of  negroes 
at  times  when  they  were  very  cheap." 

John  Quincy  Adams  says  in  his  diary,  under  the  date  of  Decem 
ber  27,  1819:  "With  the  Declaration  of  Independence  on  their 
lips,  and  the  merciless  scourge  of  slavery  in  their  hands,  a  more 

1  John  Rankin:    "Letters  on  American  Slavery,"  second  edition,  pp.  5,  10-12,  32, 
66-74,  77,  80-118,  etc. 

2  John  Adams:  "Works,"  edited  by  Charles  Francis  Adams,  10.  379. 


Men  of  Prominence  63 

flagrant  image  of  human  inconsistency  can  scarcely  be  conceived 
than  one  of  our  Southern  slaveholding  republicans."  In  his  notes 
on  the  Missouri  question  he  speaks  very  strongly:  " Never  since 
human  sentiments  and  human  conduct  were  influenced  by  human 
speech  was  there  a  theme  for  eloquence  like  the  free  side  of  this 
question."  He  even  suggests  that  a  dissolution  of  the  Union  and 
entire  reorganization  on  the  fundamental  principles  of  emancipa 
tion  would  be  both  feasible  and  productive  of  good  results,  even 
though  the  dissolution  was  accompanied  by  the  calamities  of  a 
civil  war.  A  sonnet  written  by  him  in  1826  also  contains  this  sen 
timent,  although  it  may  not  be  fair  to  adduce  it  as  proof  of  the 
strength  of  his  anti-slavery  opinion.  The  last  lines  are : 

"Who  but  shall  learn  that  freedom  is  the  prize 
Man  still  is  bound  to  rescue  or  maintain; 
That  nature's  God  commands  the  slave  to  rise, 
And  on  th'  oppressor's  head  to  break  his  chain. 
Roll,  years  of  promise,  rapidly  roll  round, 
Till  not  a  slave  shall  on  this  earth  be  found."  * 

The  attitude  of  Webster  toward  slavery  is  rather  equivocal.  De 
terminedly  set  against  nullification,  he  seems  at  times  almost  pro 
portionately  weak  against  slavery.  His  opinions,  as  given  by  his 
biographer,  seem  to  include  a  recognition  of  slavery  as  a  "political, 
social,  and  moral  evil,"  the  extension  of  which  must  be  opposed, 
but  which  in  the  slave  states  was  entirely  beyond  the  control  of  the 
rest  of  the  Union,  and  which  in  the  District  of  Columbia  must  be 
treated  with  reference  to  the  effect  of  the  action  upon  the  rest  of 
the  South.2 

There  were  many  members  of  Congress,  of  less  note  than  those 
already  mentioned,  who  used  their  voices  against  slavery.  In 
April,  1818,  Edward  Livermore  of  Massachusetts  submitted  to 
the  House  a  resolution  offering  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution, 
which  read:  "No  person  shall  be  held  to  service  or  labor  as  a 
slave,  nor  shall  slavery  be  tolerated  in  any  state  hereafter  admitted 
into  the  Union,  or  made  one  of  the  United  States  of  America." 
Congress  was  not  ready  for  this,  and  consideration  was  negatived.3 

1  John  Quincy  Adams:  "Memoirs  and  Diary,"  edited  by  Charles  Francis  Adams,  4. 
492>  524,  S31'.  7-  l64- 

2  George  T.  Curtis:  "Life  of  Daniel  Webster,"  i.  526. 

3  Annals  of  Congress,  i5th  Congress,  ist  Session,  1675. 


64  Public  Opinion  in  the  North: 

David  L.  MorrjlLof  New  Hampshire,  in  the  same  session,  declared 
it  as  his  belief  that  the  blacks  had  a  right  to  freedom,  and  that  a 
desire  for  the^nd^jiL^b^crTwas  a  duty  owed  to  sell,  country  ana 


God.  He  also  contended  that  the  abolition  of  slavery  was  con- 
"tempiated  by  the  framers  of  the  Constitution.  Both  he  and  William 
Plumer,  Jr.,  a  Representative  from  the  same  state,  denounced  l 
slavery  in  unmeasured  terms  during  the  session  of  1820.  Other 
Congressmen  also  gave  their  voice  against  slavery  as  an  institu 
tion  during  the  years  1820-1821;  Ezra  C.  Gross2  and  Henry 
Meigs3  of  New  York,  John  Sergeant  4  of  Pennsylvania,  and  Joshua 
Cushman  5  of  Maine  being  perhaps  the  most  outspoken.  In  1826 
Michael  Hoffman  6  of  New  York  denounced  slavery  and  the  de 
fence  of  it  by  Edward  Everett;  and  in  1829  Charles  Miner7  of 
Pennsylvania  introduced  into  the  House  resolutions  favoring  an 
investigation  of  the  condition  of  the  slaves  in  the  District  of  Co 
lumbia,  and  the  gradual  abolition  of  slavery,  which  were  passed 
after  some  discussion,  but  produced  no  result  in  permanent  form. 
Of  the  prominent  anti-slavery  workers  in  the  North  during  this 
period,  the  greater  number  were,  probably,  in  Pennsylvania  and 
New  York;  a  large  number  being  residents  of  Philadelphia. 
Among  these  last  were  Edwin  Pitt  Atlee,8  M.D.  ;  Thomas  Earle,9 
who  believed  in  abolition  with  compensation;  Thomas  Shipley,8 
who  made  great  exertions  in  favor  of  the  slaves  ;  William  Rawle,10  a 
prominent  lawyer  and  historical  student,  who  aimed  to  bring  about 
the  end  of  slavery  by  a  change  in  public  opinion;  Roberts  Vaux, 
who  was  of  great  service  to  Governor  Coles  in  the  Illinois  contest, 
by  selecting  and  printing  pamphlets  and  tracts  for  distribution;11 

1  Annals  of    Congress,   isth    Congress,   ist   Session,  102,  103;    i6th  Congress,    ist 
Session,  1356°.  294  ff.  1412  ff. 

2  Ibid.  i6th  Congress,  ist  Session,  1242. 

3  Ibid.  944;    1  6th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  1168. 

4  Ibid.  i6th  Congress,  ist  Session,  1172  ff. 

5  Ibid.  1291  ff.;    1  6th   Congress,  2nd  Session,    1015.     Cushman  was  Representative 
from  Massachusetts  until  the  division  of  the  state,  and  the  admission  of  Maine. 

6  Register  of  Debates,  igth  Congress,  ist  Session,  1872. 

7  Register  of  Debates,  2oth  Congress,  ist  Session,  167,  175,  191,  etc.  See  below,  p.  221. 

8  Isaac  Parrish  :  "  Brief  Memoirs  of  Thomas  Shipley  and  Edwin  P.  Atlee,"  pp.  31-33. 

9  Henry  Simpson:    "The   Lives  -of   Eminent  Philadelphians,  now   Deceased";    his 
later  work  is  mentioned  in  R.  C.  Smedley  :    "History  of  the  Underground  Railroad  in 

•v  Chester  and  the  Neighboring  Counties  of  Pennsylvania." 

10  Appleton's  Cyclopedia  of    Biography;    T.  I.  Wharton  :  "A  Memoir  of  William 
Rawle,  LL.D.";    Note  to  Rawle's  Inaugural  Address  before  the  Pennsylvania  Historical 
Society,  in  Memoirs  of  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania,   republication  of   1864, 
i.  31. 

11  Washburne:   "Sketch  of  Edward  Coles,"  pp.  153-159,  205-216. 


Men  of  Prominence  65 

Edward  Bettle,  the  author  of  a  historical  paper  on  negro  slavery, 
read  before  the  Pennsylvania  Historical  Society  in  1826; l  and  Isaac 
T.  Hopper,  who  joined  the  abolition  society  in  1795,  and  was  a 
member  till  his  death  in  1852.  Hopper  was  well  known  as  a  friend 
to  the  negro,  and  was  always  ready  to  be  the  legal  adviser  of  the  fugi 
tive,  although  he  did  not  confine  himself  to  legal  means,  if  bethought 
them  likely  to  fail.  He  was  the  overseer  of  a  colored  school,  and  him 
self  taught  in  an  evening  school  for  the  negroes  in  Philadelphia.2 

Daniel  Gibbons  of  Lancaster,  Pennsylvania,  the  son  of  an  anti- 
slavery  advocate  of  the  earlier  period,  was  active  in  assisting  fugi 
tive  slaves  from  1796  to  1853.  Tne  number  whom  he  aided  to 
escape  before  1824  is  estimated  as  over  two  hundred.  Later  he 
kept  full  records  of  each  case,  but  after  the  passage  of  the  stricter 
fugitive  slave  law  of  1850,  they  were  destroyed.  His  son  Joseph 
was  his  faithful  assistant.3 

Among  the  more  prominent  workers  in  New  York  was  William 
Jay,  whose  career  as  an  opponent  of  slavery  dated  from  the  Mis 
souri  Compromise,  although  his  first  really  active  efforts  were  in 
connection  with  the  struggle  for  abolition  in  the  District  of  Co 
lumbia  in  1826.  He  drafted  the  memorial  to  Congress  in  relation 
to  the  case  of  Gilbert  Horton.  His  chief  labor  was  by  his  writings 
to  keep  the  abolitionists  consistent  with  the  provisions  of  the  Con 
stitution,  lest  a  failure  to  recognize  them  might  put  the  cause  in  a 
wrong  position  and  endanger  the  final  result.4 

Elias  Hicks,  a  native  and  life-long  resident  of  Long  Island,  used 
his  influence  in  the  meetings  of  the  Quakers  against  slavery.  He 
was  early  interested  in  the  African  race',  and  was  one  of  the  first  to 
bring  the  subject  before  his  society.  According  to  his  journal,  he 
first  spoke  in  public  on  the  subject  of  slavery  in  1815;  he  also 
visited  the  South  and  spoke  against  slavery  in  1822  and  1828.  He 
especially  advocated  abstinence  from  slave  products,  and  himself 
carefully  abstained  from  their  use.  In  1811  he  published  "  Ob 
servations  of  Slavery";  from  1813  was  actively  interested  in  the 
cause  of  African  education;  and  was  engaged  with  others  in  the 

1  Memoirs  of  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania,  edition  of  1826,  p.  351;  edition 
of  1864,  pp.  365,  481.    Register  of  Pennsylvania,  10.  327-332,  337-339. 

2  L.  M.  Child:  "Isaac  T.  Hopper."    A  True  Life;  see  M.  S.  Locke:  "Anti-slavery 
in  America,  1619-1808,  §  105. 

3  Smedley:   "History  of  the  Underground  Railroad  in  ...  Pennsylvania." 

*  Bayard  Tuckerman :  "William  Jay  and  the  Constitutional  Movement  for  the 
Abolition  of  Slavery,"  pp.  29,  33,  34,  156.  For  the  case  of  Horton,  see  pages  29-38. 

5 


66  Public  Opinion  in  the  North: 

labors  which  resulted  in  the  abolition  act  which  totally  abolished 
slavery  in  New  York  in  182 y.1 

The  number  of  anti-slavery  workers  in  New  England  before 
1831  was  very  small,  if  we  include  only  those  the  record  of  whose 
public  work  has  been  preserved  to  us.  The  older  men  who  are 
still  living,  however,  bear  witness  to  private  conversations  on  slavery 
in  their  own  homes,  between  visitors  and  their  parents,  which  show 
the  existence  of  such  a  sentiment  in  the  latter  part  of  the  period 
under  discussion.  Jeremiah  Evarts  wrote  for  the  "Panoplist"  in 
1820  a  series  of  articles  showing  that  the  failure  of  the  struggle 
for  freedom  in  Missouri  was  not  a  cause  for  despair,  but  that  the 
condition  of  the  slave  was  still  a  legitimate  object  of  labor. 

The  two  names  most  prominently  connected  with  the  anti- 
slavery  question  during  this  period,  in  New  England,  are  those  of 
Leonard  Bacon  and  William  Lloyd  Garrison.  The  "Andover 
Society  of  Inquiry  concerning  Missions"  concerned  themselves 
with  anti-slavery  as  well,  after  their  interest  had  been  aroused  by 
the  discussions  of  the  Missouri  Compromise.  In  1823  out  of  six 
elaborate  dissertations  published  by  them  not  less  than  four  are 
devoted  to  this  subject.  At  the  suggestion  of  a  student  from  Ken 
tucky  a  committee  was  appointed  to  consider  means  for  the  eleva 
tion  of  the  black  race;  and  Leonard  Bacon  wrote  the  report  of 
this  committee,  which  really  advocated  the  American  Colonization 
Society.  The  report,  full  of  denunciations  of  slavery,  was  pub 
lished  as  a  pamphlet  and  circulated  both  at  the  North  and  the 
South.  In  1824  Bacon  was  invited  to  give  the  annual  Fourth  of 
July  address  at  Park  Street  Church,  Boston,  and  chose  the  subject, 
"A  Plea  for  Africa."  While  an  earnest  plea  for  the  African  in 
America,  it  was  equally  strong  for  African  Colonization.  In  1825 
he  repeated  the  address  in  New  Haven,  and  two  days  later  an 
anti-slavery  society  was  formed  by  Leonard  Bacon,  Luther  Wright, 
Alexander  Twining,  Edward  Beecher  and  Theodore  D.  Woolsey, 
with  the  object  of  working,  first  for  the  education  and  protection 
of  the  blacks  of  New  Haven,  and  next  for  the  elevation  of  public 
sentiment.  This  society  increased  in  numbers,  and  remained  in 
existence  till  the  new  era  in  the  work.2 

1  Appleton's  Cyclopedia  of  Biography;  Elias  Hicks:  "Journal  of  Life  and  Religious 
Labours,"  pp.  159,  244,  262,  347,  348,  380,  393,  419,  447,  etc. 

2  Christian  Spectator,  Sept.  and  Oct.  1823,  pp.  485,  540;   see  below,  p.  120.    Those 
facts  with  regard  to  the  anti-slavery  sentiment  in  New  England  before  1831  not  otherwise 


Men  of  Prominence  67 

The.  work  of  Garrison  is  variously  estimated,  some  considering 
him_as  the  Apostle  of  Abolition,  before  whom  and  without  whom 
there_was  no  organized  movement  in  favor  of  the  slave  ;  and 
others  taking  the  opposite^xtrjrne^and^regaTding  him  as  the  one 
hindrance  to  the  cause,  which 


necessary  the  war  of  1861-1865.  It  is  only  necessary  to  discuss 
here  his  work  before  1831,  when  he  first  issued  the  "Liberator," 
and  ushered  in  a  new  era  of  anti-slavery  agitation.  His  first  re 
corded  words  against  slavery  were  in  an  editorial  comment  on  a 
poem  on  4frica,  published  in  1820'  in  "The  Free  Press,"  in  New- 
buryport,  in  which  office  he  was  then  employed.  In  June  of  the 
same  year  he  made  a  brief  mention  of  slavery  in  an  article  review 
ing  the  state  of  progress  of  the  nation  in  view  of  the  approaching 
Fourth  of  July.  No  more  is  heard  from  him  until  1828,  when  he 
commented  in  "The  National  Philanthropist,"  then  edited  by 
him,  on  the  bill  in  South  Carolina  to  prohibit  the  instruction  of  the 
slaves,  and  again  took  the  occasion  to  denounce  slavery.  In  March, 
1828,  he  met  Lundy,  on  the  occasion  of  his  visit  to  Boston,  and 
published  a  little  later,  in  the  "Journal  of  the  Times,"  of  Ben- 
nington,  Vermont,  which  he  was  then  editing,  his  impressions  of 
this  remarkable  man. 

It  was  in  this  paper  Garrison  first  began  his  work  against  slavery. 
It  is  referred  to  in  the  "  Genius,"  and  a  part  of  his  first  editorial  is 
quoted,  giving  the  three  objects  "which  we  shall  pursue  through 
life,  whether  in  this  place  or  elsewhere  —  namely  the  suppression 
of  intemperance  and  its  associate  vices,  the  gradual  emancipation 
of  every  slave  in  the  republic,  and  the  perpetuity  of  national 
peace."  From  this  quotation  we  see  that  anti-slavery  opinion  was 
no  more  born  full-grown  in  Garrison  than  in  the  other  workers. 
A  year  later  he  had  experienced  a  decided  change  of  sentiment, 
for  it  was  in  the  autumn  of  1829  that  he  expressed  in  the  "  Genius" 
his  belief  in  immediate  emancipation.  Possibly  some  of  the 
other  writers  now  known  to  have  written  in  favor  of  immediate 
emancipation  had  come  under  his  observation;  perhaps  it  was 
the  natural  growth  of  the  man  himself.  Still  in  1828  he  was  not 

credited,  are  largely  taken  from  the  paper  by  Leonard  Woolsey  Bacon,  entitled  "The 
Services  of  Leonard  Bacon  to  African  Colonization,"  published  in  "Liberia,"  Bulletin 
No.  15,  Nov.  1899,  and  No.  16,  Feb.  1900;  and  reprinted  in  pamphlet  form  in  1900; 
and  from  a  paper  read  by  Mr.  Bacon  before  the  Boston  Ministers'  Meeting,  in  1900,  not 
printed. 


68  Public  Opinion  in  the  North: 

\  behind  the  majority  of  the  anti-slavery  men  of  his  time,  for  the 
'  American  Convention  of  1828  also  expressed  its  satisfaction  with 
his  position.  It  was  about  this  time,  1828,  that  Garrison  pro 
posed  the  immediate  formation  of  anti-slavery  societies  in  Ver 
mont  and  elsewhere  in  New  England,  and  circulated  through 
Vermont,  by  means  of  the  postmasters,  petitions  against  slavery 
in  the  District  of  Columbia,  to  which  he  succeeded  in  getting 
2352  names.  The  paper  was  sent  to  Congress,  but  received  no 
discussion,  beyond  being  referred  to  a  committee.  On  the 
Fourth  of  July,  1829,  he  gave  the  annual  address  at  Park  Street 
Church,  Boston,  taking  for  his  subject  an  appeal  against  slavery. 
In  this  he  had  "the  zeal  of  a  new  convert,"  and  for  that  reason 
may  have  antagonized  some  of  his  hearers,  since  he  assumed  to 
be  the  first  to  speak  on  the  question  in  that  part  of  the  country, 
while  in  fact  it  was  the  seventh  in  the  line  of  Fourth  of  July  ad 
dresses  at  the  same  place  which  had  been  upon  that  topic.1 

It  may  be  well  to  correct  in  this  place  a  misapprehension  in  re 
gard  to  what  is  often  termed  Garrison's  "residence"  in  Baltimore, 
in  his  early  life.  He  has  been  blamed  for  his  slowness  to  enter 
anti-slavery  work,  because  as  a  youth  he  had  himself  lived  in 
Baltimore,  and  had  therefore  seen  something  of  slavery  with  his 
own  eyes.  A  sufficient  answer  to  this  criticism  is,  that  he  went  to 
Baltimore  with  his  mother  in  October,  1815,  when  he  was  ten  years 
old,  and  was  sent  home  in  April,  1816,  before  his  eleventh  birth 
day.  It  would  be  a  precocious  youth  who,  at  such  a  tender  age, 
could,  in  the  course  of  such  a  short  visit,  conceive  a  strong  antip 
athy  to  slavery.  A  second  visit,  in  June,  1823,  when  he  was  about 
eighteen  years  of  age,  lasted  less  than  a  month,  and  his  time  was 
entirely  engrossed  by  his  sick  mother,  for  whose  sake  he  had  made 
the  journey.  He  made  no  other  visit  South  until  his  partnership 
with  Lundy. 

In  August,  1829,  Garrison  went  to  Baltimore  to  aid  Lundy  in 
the  publication  of  the  "Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation."  In 

1  "William  Lloyd  Garrison,  1805-1879.  The  Story  of  his  Life  told  by  his  Children," 
i.  65,  80-86,  98,  103,  107-110,  124,  127-137;  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation, 
9.  87;  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention  for  Promoting  the  Abolition  of  Slavery,  for 
1828,  p.  9;  Oliver  Johnson:  "William  Lloyd  Garrison  and  His  Times,"  p.  26;  L.  W. 
Bacon:  "The  Services  of  Leonard  Bacon  to  African  Colonization,"  reprint,  p.  n; 
See  above,  p.  26.  Some  of  the  books  advocating  immediate  emancipation  were  known 
to  Garrison,  as  they  are  named  in  his  biography;  whether  at  this  period  or  later  is  not 
so  certain. 


Men  of  Prominence  69 

the  first  number  under  their  joint  editorship  he  announced  his 
position  on  the  slavery  question,  as  follows  :  first,  the  slaves  were 
entitled  to  immediate  emancipation  ;  second,  expediency  had  noth 
ing  to  do  with  right  ;  third,  on  the  ground  of  expediency,  immedi 
ate  emancipation  was  better  ;  fourth,  we  had  no  right  to  force  their 
removal  from  the  country.1  In  a  succeeding  number  he  declares 
that  he  believes  in  immediate,  complete  emancipation,  but  that  the 
different  states  and  not  Congress  must  effect  it,  except  in  the  case 
of  the  District  of  Columbia.  He  does  not  advocate  immediate 
emancipation,  however,  without  "liberal  provisions  and  suitable 
regulations  by  law  for  the  maintenance  and  government  of  the 
emancipated  blacks."  Garrison's  writings  in  the  "Genius"  are 
as  variously  estimated  as  his  work  in  general.  Some  writers  sup 
pose  that  he  alone  inserted  anything  in  favor  of  immediate  eman 
cipation  in  the  paper;  others  insist  that  the  other  editors  devoted 
even  more  space  to  it  than  he.  Neither  of  these  claims  can  be  sus 
tained  in  its  entirety  by  a  study  of  the  files  of  the  paper  ;  the  other 
editors  did  insert  strong  articles  urging  immediate  emancipation, 
even  before  Garrison's  name  was  mentioned  in  connection  with 
slavery;  but  the  amount  inserted  over  Garrison's  name,  during 
the  time  he  was  in  Baltimore,  is  at  least  equal  to  that  inserted  by 
the  other  editors  during  the  same  time. 

Lundy's  words  in  denunciation  of  slavery  are  as  strong  in  many 
instances  as  any  of  Garrison's,  and  sometimes  even  stronger  than 
any  language  used  by  Garrison.  The  difference  seems  to  lie'  in 
the  application  of  the  words.  Lundy  denounced  slavery  as  a 
as_a  business^the  desire  for  new  slave  ter 


ritory  Rsj^^lifeal  rhiran^y;    and  he  plead  for  the  negroes  as  a 

race^However  bitter  and  sharp  his  words,  they  offered  no  hold  for 
an  indictment  for  libel,  and  he  was  not  attacked  except  in  one  in 
stance  when  he  departed  from  his  usual  custom,  and  arraigned  a 
slave  trader  personally.  Garrison,  on  the  other  hand,  not  only 
condemned  slavery,  but  assailed  slave  traders  and  slave  owners  as 
individuals,  and  in  consequence,  in  1830,  suffered  imprisonment 
for  his  rashness.3  A  careful  study  of  this  affair  leads  to  the  con 
clusion  that  it  was  not  his  denunciation  of  slavery  per  se  which 

1  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  10.  5;  see  above;   pp.  45-47. 

2  Ibid.  10.  19. 

3  See  the  account  of  the  affair  in  the  "Genius,"  n.  17,  33;  and  in  Lundy's  reminis 
cences,  in  Earl's  "Life  of  Lundy,"  pp.  29,  30,  where  Lundy  himself  gives  this  explanation. 


yo       Public  Opinion  in  the  North:    Men  of  Prominence 

brought  him  into  trouble,  but  the  personal  resentment  of  a  man 
who  had  been  personally  attacked,  and  the  sympathy  of  a  pro- 
slavery  jury,  who  may  also  have  looked  upon  him  as  a  stranger, 
since  he  was  so  recently  come  among  them.  Pro-slavery  men  were, 
besides,  at  this  time  beginning  to  look  with  suspicion  at  all  North 
erners,  partly  because  of  their  attitude  at  the  time  of  the  Missouri 
contest;  Garrison  was  undeniably  a  Northerner,  and  even  if  he 
had  used  conciliatory  measures  might  have  found  it  difficult  not 
to  arouse  their  suspicions.  Lundy  was  equally  a  Northerner,  by 
birth ;  but  his  long  residence  in  the  South,  and  the  fact  that  he  had 
moved  to  Baltimore  from  Tennessee,  may  easily  have  made  his 
neighbors  less  ready  to  quarrel  with  him. 


CHAPTER  VII 
PUBLIC   OPINION  IN  THE  NORTH:    POPULAR  SENTIMENT 

THE  division  of  the  period  1808  to  1831  into  four  parts,  as  noted 
at  the  South,  is  not  distinct  at  the  North,  and  does  not  warrant 
'  similar  treatment ;  we  find  but  few  clear  indications  of  the  general 
sentiment  of  the  North  during  these  years.  Travelers  in  the  North 
as  in  the  South  describe  the  attitude  of  the  people  with  whom  they 
conversed  on  the  subject.  A  resident  of  southern  Ohio  gave  slavery 
as  the  cause  of  the  slower  advancement  of  Virginia;  1  the  people 
of  southern  New  England  are  quoted  as  abhorring  slavery  so  much 
that  they  would  be  slow  to  assist  slaveholders  in  case  of  a  slave 
insurrection ; 2  and  the  earnest  labor  of  the  Northern  states  to 
eradicate  slavery  from  themselves  is  referred  to,  and  their  almost 
universal  favor  for  the  restriction  in  Missouri.3  Isaac  Holmes,  in 
an  account  of  the  United  States  "derived  from  actual  observation 
during  a  residence  of  four  years,"  and  published  in  1823,  wrote 
freely  in  regard  to  the  feeling  of  the  Americans  toward  slavery. 
"To  the  honor  of  the  inhabitants  of  New  York  and  Philadelphia 
be  it  spoken,  that  they  have  done  much  in  favor  of  the  blacks." 
He  asserted  that  in  a  few  years  slavery  would  not  exist  in  New 
York;  that  in  New  Jersey  measures  had  been  taken  for  gradual 
emancipation;  and  that  of  the  members  of  Congress  from  the 
Eastern  states  who  voted  for  slavery  in  Missouri,  nine  out  of  ten 
had  not  been  afterwards  returned.4  Yet  J.  M.  Duncan,  who 
traveled  through  the  United  States  at  about  the  same  time,  1818- 
1819,  and  printed  his  observations  in  the  same  year,  1823, 
while  saying  that  Americans  "of  candor"  did  not  hesitate  to 
acknowledge  and  lament  the  inconsistency  of  slavery,  states  that 
he  occasionally  saw  in  New  York  advertisements  of  slaves  for 
sale,  and  Fearon,  another  traveler,  says  the  same.5 

1  John  Melish  :  "Travels  in  the  United  States  of  America,"  2.  98. 

2  W.  N.  Blane:  "An  Excursion  through  the  United  States  and  Canada,"  p.  214. 

3  James  Flint:  "Letters  from  America,"  p.  167. 

4  Isaac  Holmes  :  "An  Account  of  the  United  States  of  America,"  pp.  324,  325. 

5  John  M.  Duncan  :    "Travels  through  part  of  the  United  States  and  Canada,"  2.  251, 
254;  Henry  B.  Fearon:    "Sketches  of  America.     A  Narrative  of  a  Journey,  etc.,"   p.  57. 

71 


72  Public  Opinion  in  the   North: 

The  actual  position  of  the  negroes  at  the  North  throws  a  con 
siderable  light  upon  the  attitude  of  that  section  of  the  country, 
and  the  reasons  for  it.  Travelers  often  speak  of  the  degradation 
of  the  negro,  even  in  the  free  states,  and  perhaps  especially  in  New 
York  and  New  Jersey,  where  slavery  yet  existed  in  some  measure, 
and  the  total  number  of  negroes  was  much  larger.  The  apprentice 
system  of  Ohio  was  considered  by  many  to  be  virtual  slavery,  and 
real  slavery  was  often  the  result.  "This  baleful  practice  promises 
a  perpetuation  of  practical  slavery  throughout  America,"  is  the  ver 
dict  of  one  who  saw  it.  Another  traveler  was  impressed  by  the 
indifference  of  some  residents  of  Vincennes,  Indiana,  to  the  cruelties 
attached  to  the  capture  of  a  fugitive  slave.1  Ohio  enforced  in  1829 
laws  expelling  the  colored  people  who  had  taken  refuge  there,  and 
drove  a  large  number  to  Upper  Canada,  where  they  suffered  great 
distress.  While  Massachusetts  did  not  go  so  far,  a  committee  was 
appointed  by  the  Legislature,  in  1821,  to  inquire  into  the  expedi 
ency  of  such  a  law.  The  report  of  this  committee,  on  January  16, 
1822,  states  that  sympathy  for  the  African  must  not  prevent  a  due 
regard  to  the  morals  and  health  of  Massachusetts,  which  seemed 
endangered  by  the  presence  of  so  large  a  colored  population;  yet 
they  could  not  prepare  a  bill  which  they  could  "conscientiously" 
report  to  the  House,  and  therefore  asked  to  be  discharged  from 
further  service.2 

W.  Faux,  an  English  farmer  who  visited  America,  says  in  his 
journal,  which  was  published  in  1823,  that  the  people  of  New  Eng 
land  took  free  negroes  to  the  South  and  sold  them  for  slaves.  This 
seems  impossible,  unless  he  refers  to  the  undoubted  fact  that  New 
England  had  a  large  share  in  the  foreign  slave  trade,  even  after  its 
prohibition.  Yet  his  words  are  clearly  indicative  of  a  real  sale  of 
free  black  citizens  of  Massachusetts,  by  New  Englanders  going  to 
Charleston,  South  Carolina;  and  he  gives  some  instances.3  New 
York  in  1818  was  "but  theoretically"  a  free  state.  The  story  is 
told  of  a  colored  barber  who  would  not  serve  even  free  colored 
men,  for  in  so  doing  he  would  lose  the  custom  of  the  whites.  The 

1  Basil  Hall:   "Travels  in  North  America,"  i.  139;   Isaac  Holmes:   "An  Account  of 
the  United  States  of  America,"  pp.  331,  334;    Fearon :    "Narrative  of  a  Journey,  etc.," 
pp.  98,  99,  226,  264;    Blane:   "Travels  through  the  United  States,"  pp.  149-152. 

2  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  i.  26;  Niles'  Weekly  Register,  20.  311; 
Report  of  the  committee  in  pamphlet  form.     The  report  is  signed  by  Theodore  Lyman, 
Jr.,  was  read  in  the  House,  accepted,  and  signed  by  Josiah  Quincy  as  Speaker. 

3  W.  Faux;  "Memorable  Days  in  America,"  p.  37. 


' 


Popular  Sentiment  73 

blacks  were  excluded  from  the  churches,  and  from  all  social  inter 
course.  "In  the  states  of  New  York  and  New  Jersey,"  says  one 
of  these  travelers,  "the  treatment  of  Americans  of  color  by  their 
white  countrymen  is  worse  than  that  of  the  brute  creation."  Even 
in  Philadelphia,  where  the  anti-slavery  feeling  was  the  strongest, 
the  "colored  citizens  were  despised,"  and  treated  "with  much 
contempt,"  the  Quakers,  even,  allotting  them  separate  pews.1 

But  the  negro  at  the  North  was  not  altogether  in  darkness.  In 
March,  1831,  the  Register  of  Pennsylvania  printed  a  list  of  bene 
ficiary  societies  of  colored  persons  in  Philadelphia.  There  were 
seventeen  such  societies  of  men,  founded,  one  in  1795,  tne  others 
between  1810  and  1830,  and  distributing  sums  varying  from  $18.40 
to  $415-19  during  the  year  1830-1831.  There  were  at  the  same 
time  twenty-seven  societies  of  women,  founded,  one  in  1796,  the 
rest  1816  to  1830,  and  distributing  during  the  same  year  sums  vary 
ing  from  $15  to  $428.50.  The  total  sum  so  distributed  was  $58i9.29.2 

Interesting  descriptions  of  the  schools  and  churches  for  the 
colored  people  at  the  North  are  given.  An  African  church  in 
Boston,  founded  in  1805,  nad  m  J8i3  a  three-story  church  building, 
forty  by  forty-eight  feet,  the  lower  story  used  as  a  schoolroom  for 
colored  children,  with  an  attendance  of  about  forty.  Other  churches 
are  spoken  of  as  well ;  one  in  Philadelphia  and  one  in  New  York, 
both  established  in  1809.  The  Old  Baptist  Church  in  Providence, 
Rhode  Island,  allowed  colored  members  in  1813,  and  was  likely  to 
continue  to  admit  them,  since  a  legacy  had  been  left  in  charge  of 
the  church  for  the  poor  colored  members.  "The  African  Improve 
ment  Society"  in  New  Haven,  Connecticut,  in  1829  supported  a 
church,  a  Sunday  School  with  an  average  attendance  of  eighty, 
Bible  classes,  and  an  evening  school.3 

Plainly  the  means  for  the  education  of  the  colored  children  in 
the  North  were  inadequate,  although  much  better  than  at  the  South. 
In  1828  there  were  two  schools  in  New  Haven,  a  city  having  eight 

1  Fearon:    "Narrative  of  a  Journey,  etc.,"  pp.  56-61,   169;    John  Woods:    "Two 
Years'    Residence    in   the  ...  United   States,"   p.    61;    James  Flint:    "Letters   from 
America,"  pp.   22,  37. 

2  Register  of  Pennsylvania,  7.  163.     It  is  said  to  have  appeared  as  an  advertisement 
in  the  Philadelphia  Gazette.    Other  societies  are  said  to  have  existed,  but  to  have  sent  no 
report  for  the  year. 

3  David  Benedict:   "General  History  of  the  Baptist  Denomination,"  edition  of  1813, 
i.  412,  488,  542,  591;   The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  10.  129.    There  was  also 
an  "African  Union  Meeting  and  School-house"  in  Providence,  erected  during  the  years 
1819-1821,  the  report  of  which,  with  rules  for  its  future  government,  was  published  in 
Providence  in  1821. 


74  Public   Opinion  in  the   North: 

hundred  resident  negroes;  three  in  Boston,  for  two  thousand 
negroes;  one  in  Portland,  Maine,  for  nine  hundred;  three  in 
Philadelphia,  with  a  negro  population  of  twenty  thousand;  and 
two  in  New  York  for  fifteen  thousand.  Those  in  Boston  were 
supported  partially  by  a  bequest  for  the  purpose.  Needles,  in  his 
history  of  the  Pennsylvania  Abolition  Society,  speaks  of  a  success 
ful  attempt  to  procure  schooling  for  the  colored  children  at  public 
expense,  under  the  laws  of  Pennsylvania  providing  for  the  educa 
tion  of  poor  children.  A  day  school  in  New  Haven  containing 
about  sixty  scholars  was  supported  for  about  six  months  of  the 
year  by  the  public  school  money,  and  the  rest  by  the  parents  of 
the  children.  The  school  of  which  we  have  the  fullest  reports  was 
in  New  York.  "The  New  York  African  Free  School "  was  men 
tioned  in  the  address  of  the  American  Convention  in  1828  to  the 
societies  represented.  A  careful  report  of  the  school  was  sent  to 
this  convention,  with  specimens  of  the  work  done  there:  maps, 
charts,  pictures,  essays  and  verses.  Those  children  whose  ages 
were  given  were  from  eleven  to  fifteen  years  old,  and  their  work 
would  compare  very  well  with  work  of  the  same  sort  done  by 
children  of  the  same  ages  in  the  public  schools  of  New  England 
today.  Mention  is  made  of  schools  in  New  York  in  other  years, 
and  perhaps  several  were  in  existence  during  the  period.1 

The  attitude  of  the  people  of  the  North  as  a  whole  may  be  seen 
in  some  measure  by  the  speeches,  pamphlets,  and  books  published 
during  the  period.  Extracts  from  the  writings  of  some  Northern 
travelers  have  already  been  given  to  show  the  sentiment  at  the 
South  on  the  subject  of  slavery,  and  the  treatment  of  the  slaves. 
Nearly  all  of  these  also  express  their  personal  abhorrence  of  the 

1  There  may  have  been  others  in  these  cities  although  nothing  but  the  vaguest  refer 
ence  has  been  found,  and  nothing  that  might  not  be  referred  to  the  ones  named  in  the  text. 
See  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  8.  47;  Edward  Needles:  History  of  the 
Pennsylvania  Abolition  Society,  p.  69.  This  measure  was  adopted  by  the  society  in  1820, 
but  the  address  to  the  American  Convention  in  1821  (p.  12)  says  that  their  efforts  to 
obtain  public  funds  for  colored  schools  had  so  far  failed,  although  they  still  hoped  for 
future  success.  A  reading  of  Needles  leads  one  to  infer  that  the  attempt  was  success 
ful  in  1820,  but  that  may  not  have  been  the  intention  of  the  author. 

Schools  in  New  York  are  referred  to  in  1808  (Minutes  of  the  American  Convention  for 
Promoting  the  Abolition  of  Slavery,  for  1809,  p.  10);  1812  (Ibid,  for  1812,  p.  26);  1826 
(The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  6.  35);  1827  (Basil  Hall:  "Travels  in  North 
America,"  i.  29,  30);  1828  (Minutes  of  the  American  Convention  for  1828,  pp.  20,  29, 
62);  and  about  1829  (Thomas  Hamilton:  "Men  and  Manners  in  America,"  pp.  55,  56). 
The  date  of  the  last  is  not  definitely  given.  The  school  mentioned  in  the  "Genius"  had 
the  fine  reputation  that  none  of  those  who  had  been  on  its  registers  for  any  time  had  been 
convicted  of  crime. 


Popular  Sentiment  75 

system.  In  1812  Amos  Stoddard,  a  prominent  man,  member  of 
several  societies,  including  the  New  York  Historical  Society,  wrote 
his  "Sketches  of  Louisiana."  He  deprecated  the  idea  of  a  citizen 
of  a  free  state  sitting  in  judgment  on  those  of  the  slave  states,  yet 
he  did  not  feel  it  right  to  be  silent.  He  said  of  slavery:  "It  is  a 
stain  on  the  character  of  civilized  nations  that  slavery  was  ever 
authorized  among  them ;  and  how  a  Christian  people  can  reconcile 
it  to  their  consciences,  no  one  can  determine,  except  it  be  on  ac 
count  of  interest."  After  comparing  American  slavery  with  that 
of  the  Barbary  States,  he  continued:  "With  what  justice  can  we 
demand  the  enjoyment  of  a  right,  when  at  the  same  time  we  pro 
hibit  it  to  others?"  The  most  substantial  argument  in  favor  of 
slaveholding  is,  in  his  opinion,  the  right  of  the  strongest.1 

David  Thomas,  a  resident  of  New  York  State,  published  in 
1819  an  account  of  a  journey  through  the  West  which  he  had  taken 
in  1816.  On  crossing  the  Ohio  after  a  stay  in  Virginia,  he  speaks 
of  the  exultation  with  which  he  at  last  trod  a  soil  "  uncontaminated 
by  slavery."  2  James  K.  Paulding,  while  writing  from  the  South 
in  the  same  year,  1816,  speaks  of  his  hatred  of  slavery,  and  his 
ardent  wish  "that  there  was  not  a  man  in  our  country  that  could 
stand  up  and  with  his  black  finger  point  to  the  preamble  of  our 
constitution  .  .  .  and  swear  it  was  not  true."  3  Estwick  Evans, 
apparently  a  New  Hampshire  man,  recounted  a  "Pedestrious 
Tour"  in  the  South  in  1818;  he  denounced  slavery,  asking:  "Why 
do  we  boast  of  liberty  when  every  day  we  violate  its  most 
sacred  principles?"  and  quoted  many  Southern  opposers  of  the 
system.4 

George  W.  Ogden,  in  1823,  published  letters  written  during  a 
Western  trip  in  1821,  in  which,  among  other  things,  he  discussed 
slavery.  Shocking  scenes  of  distress  among  the  slaves  are  recounted, 
and  there  are  violent  words  of  execration  against  the  system.  He 
feels  sure  that  prohibition  in  Ohio  contributed  greatly  to  the  popu 
lation  of  the  state,  and  that  it  turned  the  current  of  European 
emigration  from  Kentucky  and  Tennessee  towards  Ohio,  Indiana 
and  Illinois.  Speaking  of  Kentucky  he  says:  "A  sense  of  pro 
priety,  and  a  regard  for  the  reputation,  and  true  interest  of  the 

1  Amos  Stoddard:   "Sketches  of  Louisiana,"  pp.  331-343. 

2  David  Thomas:    "Travels  through  the  Western  Country,  etc.,"  p.  So. 

3  James  K.  Paulding:  "Letters  from  the  South,"  p.  nq. 

4 'Estwick  Evans:  "A  Pedestrious  Tour  of  Four  Thousand  Miles,  etc.,"  p.  216. 


7 6  Public  Opinion  in  the  North: 

United  States,  should  have  taught  the  guardians  of  her  public  weal 
to  wash  their  hands  from  this  foul  stain."  In  1824  Henry  C. 
Knight,  under  the  pen  name  of  "Arthur  Singleton,  Esq.,"  pub 
lished  letters  from  the  South  and  West.  His  humorous  and  exag 
gerated  vein  makes  it  hard  to  judge  how  far  he  is  in  earnest  in 
regard  to  slavery;  he  repeatedly  says  that  the  slaves  were  well 
treated  and  cheerful,  and  that  he  himself  had  an  instinctive  dislike 
to  call  a  black  man  brother;  yet  he  found  it  "painful  to  reflect, 
that,  from  the  sweat  of  the  brows  of  these  trampled  wretches,  do 
we  receive  many  of  the  comforts,  and  luxuries,  of  life;"  and  he 
cannot  forget  the  inconsistency  of  this  "tyranny"  with  the  boasted 
democracy  of  the  slaveholders.2 

Other  writers  are  no  less  vigorous;  Thomas  Branagan,  the 
author  of  "The  Penitential  Tyrant,"  and  of  other  poems  and  prose 
works  against  slavery  published  in  the  earlier  period,  was  a  native 
of  Dublin,  Ireland.  His  connection  with  the  sea  gave  him  a  knowl 
edge  of  the  slave  trade,  and  his  life  on  a  West  India  plantation 
taught  him  the  evils  of  slavery.  In  1812  he  published  a  book 
entitled  "The  Rights  of  God,  Written  for  the  Benefit  of  Man." 
The  book  takes  up  slavery  as  one  of  many  abuses.  After  a  review 
of  the  corruption  and  fall  of  the  ancient  nations,  he  contends  that 
no  nation  ever  had  greater  privileges  than  America,  but  that  "it 
requires  no  spirit  of  divination  to  foresee  that  without  repentance 
and  reformation  we  must  participate  in  the  punishment,  as  we  do 
the~ingratitude  of  the  favorite  people  of  God.  .  .  .  Let  us  forego 
our  national  crimes,  particularly  the  one  which  exhibits  us  to  the 
view  of  angels  and  men,  as  a  nation  of  legal  impostors,  and  political 
hypocrites;  I  mean  SLAVERY!!  and  we  need  not  fear  either 
men  or  devils."  3 

John  Bristed,  a  native  of  England  who  emigrated  to  New  York 
in  1806,  published  in  1818  a  book  on  the  "Resources  of  the  United 
States,"  in  which  slavery  is  unsparingly  denounced.  "Slaveryjs 
an  absolute  evil,  unqualified  by  any  alloy  of  good.  ...  In  what 
ever  light  we  view  it,  domestic  slavery  is  a  most  pernicious  institu- 

1  George  W.  Ogden :  "Letters  from  the  West,"  pp.  14,  80,  101.    In  a  note  on  page 
106  he  announces  that  he  is  preparing  a  work  on  the  evils  of  slavery  which  will  also  pro 
pose  a  plan  for  gradual  abolition.    There  is  no  proof  that  he  ever  carried  out  his  intention. 

2  Henry  C.  Knight:   "Letters  from  the  South  and  West,"  p.  113. 

3  James  Branagan:  "The  Rights  of  God,  etc.,"  pp.  40,  etc.  Capitals  as  in  the  original. 
For  his  work  before  1808  see  M.  S.  Locke:    "Anti-slavery  in  America,   1619-1808," 
§  186. 


Popular  Sentiment  77 

tion."  *  An  anonymous  Pennsylvanian  in  1820,  said:  "No 
Anierican  ever  yet  dared  to  vindicate  Human  Slavery  in  the  ab-  \J  ' 

stract,  —  or  to  justify  the  bondage  of  his  fellow  man  upon  any  other 
plea  than  that  of  necessity"  2  Another  writer  at  about  the  same 
time,  in  a  discussion  of  the  Missouri  Question,  said :  "  Slavery  is 
a  disgrace  to  the  American  name.  It  is  a  blot  on  the  human 
character."  3 

Charles  J.  Fox,  in  a  series  of  essays  on  slavery  published  in  the 
Nev  York  Commercial  Advertiser  in  1821,  or  perhaps  somewhat 
earlier,  said:  "There  are  other  numerous  evils  which  Slavery  is 
shedding  upon  our  country  like  a  poisonous  blight";  such  are 
pride,  tyranny,  degradation  of  labor  and  sectional  animosity.4  A 
correspondent  from  Ohio,  signing  himself  "Franklin,"  declared 
in  the  same  year  that  "  slavery  is  an  evil  of  the  greatest  magnitude," 
and  asked  why  its  abolition  should  not  be  hastened.5 

Matthew  Carey,  a  native  of  Ireland,  emigrated  to  Philadelphia 
and  entered  upon  literary  work  in  1785.  It  is  hard  to  decide  upon 
the  exact  position  of  Carey  on  the  subject  of  slavery,  but  he  shows 
some  amount  of  opposition  to  the  system.  A  pamphlet  published 
in  1814,  entitled  "A  Calm  Address,"  treats  of  the  subject  of 
slave  representation  on  the  basis  of  political  equality.  In  his 
"Miscellaneous  Essays"  published  in  1829,  there  is  an  essay  on 
colonization,  which  he  apparently  favored  as  the  only  means  for 
the  mitigation  of  the  evils  of  slavery;  and  he  expressed  his  belief 
that  mitigation  was  all  that  could  be  hoped  for.  Another  series 
of  essays  on  universal  emancipation,  published  by  Carey  in  Phila 
delphia  in  1827,  with  the  pseudonym  "Hamilton,"  and  collected 
in  the  volume  of  essays  noted  above,  may  give  more  clearly  his- 
real  views.  The  conclusions  he  draws  are:  Slavery  is  a  great 
evil;  immediate  emancipation  is  unattainable,  except  at  too  high 
a  price ;  the  evil  can  be  mitigated ;  and  it  is  the  duty  of  all  slave 
holders  both  to  make  the  institution  milder,  and  to  prepare  the 
way  for  immediate  emancipation.8 

1  John  Bristed :    "The  Resources  of  the  United  States  of  America,"  pp.  149-155, 
388-392,  423-426. 

2  Darlington,  "Desultory  Remarks  on  the  Missouri  Question,"  p.  n;    a  quotation 
from  the  "American  Republican"  for  Jan.  n,  1820. 

3  "The  Crisis  No.  i,"  p.  3.    (This  is  not  the  pro-slavery  hook  by  Brutus.) 

4  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  i.  13. 

5  Ibid.  i.  4. 

6  Freeman  Hunt:   "Lives  of  American  Merchants,"  i.  307;   Carey:  "Miscellaneous 
Essays." 


78  Public   Opinion  in  the  North: 

Among  the  most  vigorous  attacks  on  slavery  were  the  essays  of 
"Vigornius,"  first  printed  in  the  Boston  Recorder  and  Telegraph 
in  1825,  and  reissued  in  1826.  The  writer  gives  a  sketch  of  the 
origin  of  slavery,  and  its  existence  in  other  countries;  repeatedly 
denies,  with  increasing  force,  our  right  to  hold  the  negroes  in 
bondage;  and  denounces  slavery  as  in  "flagrant  opposition  to  the 
genius  of  our  government,"  as  "a  great  political  evil,"  and  as  a 
great  moral  evil.  In  his  sixth  essay  he  declares  that  the  "slave- 
holding  system  must  be  abolished,"  and  in  order  to  accomplish 
this,  "immediate,  determined  measures"  must  be  taken  for  "ulti 
mate  emancipation."  He  considered  it  unwise  to  free  the  slave 
with  no  preparation  for  freedom  by  education,  thinking  that  the 
result  would  not  be  for  the  happiness  of  the  slave.  These  essays 
provoked  others,  which  were  later  bound  together  in  one  pamphlet. 
Those  by  "Hieronymus"  have  already  been  discussed;  others 
were  by  "A  Carolinian,"  who  upheld  slavery,  and  "Philo,"  who 
claimed  to  "speak  the  language  of  New  England."  The  latter, 
while  disclaiming  all  idea  of  immediate  emancipation  under  exist 
ing  conditions,  said :  "We  think  slavery  so  great  a  national  calam 
ity,  and  crime  too;  —  one  so  threatening  in  its  aspect,  one  which 
so  much  involves  our  national  character,  —  that  it  ought  to  enlist 
the  feelings  of  the  whole  nation."  1 

Two  descriptions  of  the  dark  side  of  slavery  deserve  mention 
here.  "A  Portraiture  of  Domestic  Slavery,"  by  Jesse  Torrey,  was 
written  in  1816  and  first  published  in  1817.  The  book  gives  anec 
dotes  and  illustrations  of  slavery,  and  strongly  advocates  the  in 
struction  of  the  slaves,  and  their  preparation  for  freedom,  which 
•was  "surely  coming."  2  John  Kenrick,  originally  a  Baptist,  later 
a  Quaker,  in  a  pamphlet  entitled  "The  Horrors  of  Slavery,"  gave 
a  recital  of  the  dark  side  of  slave  life,  with  little  suggestion  of  how 
to  better  it.3 

At  some  period  before  1831  Ebenezer  Dole,  of  Hallowell,  Maine, 
offered  fifty  dollars  to  the  Pennsylvania  Abolition  Society  for  the 

1  A  series  of  essays  appearing  in  the  Boston  Recorder  and  Telegraph  in  1825,  repub- 
lished,  with  other  essays,  by  Hieronymus,  Philo,  and  A  Carolinian,  in  Amherst,  in   1826. 
The  quotations  are  from  pp.  8,  13,  16-19,  24»  32>  35-    F°r  t*16  other  essays  see  above, 
pp.  40,  41. 

2  A  second  edition  was  issued  in  1818.    The  order  of  the  paragraphs  was  so  changed 
in  this  edition  that  without  close  examination  it  seems  very  different  from  the  first.    It 
is,  however,  practically  identical  with  it. 

3  For  some  account  of  Kenrick  see  Samuel  R.  Brown:    "The  Western  Gazetteer," 
p.  92;  "Journal  of  the  Life  and  Religious  Labors  of  John  Comly,"  pp.  256,  257. 


Popular  Sentiment  79 

best  essay  addressing  Christians  on  the  subject  of  slavery,  being 
himself  convinced  of  the  sin  of  slaveholding.  Evan  Lewis  wrote  the 
successful  essay,  which  was  published  by  the  Pennsylvania  society 
in  1831.  It  is  a  strong  denunciation  of  slavery  and  recommend a- 
tion  of  the  subject  as  one  most  suited  to  the  labors  of  Christian 
ihinisters;  advises  the  exclusion  of  all  'slaveholders  from  com- 
munion ;  and  speaks  of  various  religious  bodies  which  had  already 
set  the  example  of  opposition  to  slavery.1 

There  were  two  other  publications  during  this  period  which 
were  of  value  to  the  later  anti-slavery  advocates.  Caleb  Bingham's 
"Columbian  Orator,"  in  the  edition  of  1814,  contained  a  dialogue 
between  master  and  slave  which  was  later  used  by  Frederick  Doug 
lass  with  great  effect.2  The  second  of  these  books  is  the  collection 
of  slave  laws  published  in  1827  by  George  M.  Stroud  of  Phila 
delphia,  a  work  distinctly  anti-slavery  in  character,  although  the 
author  had  "never  been  a  member  of  any  abolition  or  anti-slavery 
society.3 

Several  plans  for  emancipation  were  proposed  by  Northern 
writers  during  the  period  between  1808  and  1831.  Amos  Stoddard, 
in  1812,  strongly  recommended  the  passing  of  laws  to  free  the  post 
nati,  though  advising  caution,  owing  to  the  long-standing  habits 
of  the  slaveholders.  Estwick  Evans  proposed  the  purchase  of  the 
slaves  by  the  central  government,  and  their  emancipation  when 
they  had  worked  out  their  purchase  money.  Several  are  published 
in  the  "Genius"  for  1821 ;  one  demanded  something  more  speedy 
than  had  already  been  done,  and  recommended  that  Congress 
should  prohibit  the  domestic  slave  trade  after  ten  or  twenty  years ; 
another,  quoted  from  the  Philanthropist,  proposed  that  a  census 
be  taken,  and  the  proportion  of  blacks  and  whites  made  alike  in 
all  the  states ;  then  he  thought  the  slave  states  could  be  persuaded 
to  abolish  slavery,  and  give  to  the  freedman  education  and  the 
rights  of  citizenship.4 

1  Evan  Lewis:    "Address  to  Christians  of  all  Denominations,  etc."     The  date   of 
writing  is  not  exactly  noted. 

2  The  Columbian  Orator,  edition  of  1814,  p.  240. 

3  Nothing  is  known  of  Stroud,  save  what  is  found  in  the  preface  to  his  book,  which  is 
dated  at  Philadelphia.    A  second  edition  of  the  work,  published  in  1856,  had  a  preface 
even  more  anti-slavery  than  that  of  the  first.    The  text  is  not  identical,  the  latter  being 
more  comprehensive.    References  in  this  work  are  given  to  both  editions. 

4  Amos  Stoddard:    "Sketches  of  Louisiana,"  pp.  331-343;    Estwick  Evans:    "A 
Pedestrious  Tour  of  Four  Thousand  Miles,"  p.  214;   The  Genius  of  Universal  Emanci 
pation,  i.  43;  from  a  New  York  correspondent  of  the  National  Intelligencer. 


8o  Public   Opinion  in  the  North: 

As  can  be  readily  seen  from  the  quotations  given,  there  was 
little  suggestion  of  immediate  emancipation  during  this  period, 
1808-1831;  yet  that  remedy  was  not  left  entirely  without  advo 
cates,  and  some  at  least  of  these  were  as  strong  in  their  language  as 
the  later  writers.  A  correspondent  of  the  "Genius"  in  1829  be 
lieved  in  immediate  emancipation,  on  the  ground  that  if  slavery 
was  right  anywhere  for  a  day  it  would  be  right  for  a  year  or  for 
ever.  He  did  not  think  there  would  be  danger  from  freeing  the 
slaves,  —  but  if  he  was  wrong,  and  somebody  must  suffer,  he 
wished  it  to  be  the  whites,  "for  the  blacks  have  suffered  long 
enough."  In  1824  James  Duncan  published  a  distinct  appeal 
for  immediate  emancipation,  in  Vevay,  Indiana,  under  the  title 
"Treatise  on  Slavery."  The  entire  book  might  be  summed  up 
in  one  phrase :  slavery  is  wrong  from  all  standpoints.  His  method 
was  to  define  and  narrate  the  history  of  slavery;  and  to  set  forth 
arguments  on  both  sides,  with  a  clear  refutation  of  those  favoring 
slavery.  He  declared  slavery  "a  heinous  sin";  "gradualism"  he 
denounced  as  a  partaker  of  the  same  kind  of  "moral  turpitude"  as 
the  ordinary  unlimited  slavery,  though  possibly  in  a  less  aggravated 
degree;  and  it  had  no  advantage  over  life  bondage,  if  the  slave 
were  to  be  held  till  he  was  twenty-five  or  twenty-eight  years  of  age.2 

The  strongest  and  most  uncompromising  plea  for  immediate 
emancipation,3  during  the  period  under  discussion,  was  published 
in  1816,  by  George  Bourne,  a  native  of  England  who  resided  for 
the  most  of  his  life  in  New  York  City.  Bourne  lived  for  seven 
years  in  Virginia,  and  obtained  a  distinct  view  of  slavery  as  it 
actually  existed.  He  was  a  learned  and  ardent  controversialist  and 
wrote  many  articles  on  Romanism  and  slavery.  He  was  perse 
cuted  for  his  anti-slavery  opinions,  but  persevered,  and  converted 
others  to  his  belief.  Can  words  by  the  immediate  emancipationists 
of  the  new  era  be  found  which  surpass  in  intensity  these  from  the 

1  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  10.  41;  a  letter  from  a  correspondent  in 
Sadsbury,  Penn.,  dated  Oct.  1829.  It  expresses  pleasure  at  the  attitude  taken  on  the  sub 
ject  of  slavery  by  the  "Genius." 

2." William  Lloyd  Garrison,  1808-1879,"  *•  I44>  James  Duncan:  "A  Treatise  on 
Slavery."  The  quotations  are  from  pp.  25,  123. 

3  Appleton's  Cyclopedia  of  Biography;  Theodore  D.  Weld:  "American  Slavery  As 
It  Is,"  p.  52;  George  Bourne:  "The  Book  and  Slavery  Irreconcileable."  The  quota 
tions  are  from  pp.  3,  4,  7,  18,  19,  26,  27,  28,  39,  53,  58,  89,  106,  120,  133,  134.  The  capi 
tals  and  italics  are  as  in  the  original.  It  is  of  interest  to  note  in  connection  with  his  remark 
with  reference  to  colonization  that  the  book  was  written  before  the  foundation  of  the 
American  Colonization  Society. 


Popular  Sentiment  81 

introduction  to  his  book?  " Every  man  who  holds  Slaves  and  who 
pretends  to  be  a  Christian  or  a  Republican,  is  either  an  incurable 
Idiot  wiio  cannot  distinguish  good~irbm  evil,  or  an  obdurate  sinner 
who  resolutely  defies  every  social,  moral  and  divine  requisition." 
He  denounces  moderation,  and  declares  that  "their  guilt  against 
God  and  Man  who  hold  Slaves  in  Columbia,  is  exactly  equal 
with  his  criminality,  who  sails  to  Congo,  and  kidnaps  a  cargo  of 
Negroes";  on  the  ground  that  the  receiver  is  as  bad  as  the  thief. 
He  especially  denounces  those  who  upheld  slavery  from  the  Bible, 
and  on  religious  grounds,  and  maintains  that  "  had  this  compound 
of  all  corruption  no  connection  with  the  Church  of  Christ ;  how 
ever  deleterious  are  the  effects  of  it  in  political  society,  however 
necessary  is  its  immediate  and  total  abolition,  and  however  preg 
nant  with  danger  to  the  Union  is  the  prolongation  of  the  system; 
to  Legislators  and  Civilians,  the  redress  of  the  evil  would  have 
been  committed."  Slaveholding  Christians  are  compared  with 
Balaam,  Achan,  Delilah,  Judas,  and  like  characters. 

The  second  chapter  declares  that  the  Bible  justifies  the  slave  in 
escaping;  and  he  denounces  the  fugitive  slave  laws.  The  trial  of 
negroes  is  called  "the  highest  burlesque  upon  the  administration 
of  justice,  that  despotism  ever  devised."  Slavery  is  stigmatized  as 
impious,  cruel,  false  and  unjust,  "incompatible  with  the  Gospel," 
"a  flagrant  violation  of  every  law  of  God,  nature  and  society." 
"Christianity  will  always  abolish  slavery;  no  danger  attaches  to 
an  immediate  and  universal  emancipation;  and  the  only  effectual 
mode  to  eradicate  the  evil  is  to  destroy  thieving  by  law."  After 
the  denunciation  of  the  idea  of  compensation,  and  the  mention  of 
the  fact  that  the  laws  in  many  states  hinder  emancipation,  he 
says:  "No  human  law  must  be  obeyed  when  it  contravenes 
divine  command;  but  slavery  is  the  combination  of  f\]| 
and  therefore  every  manis  obligated  not~to  participate  in  its  cor 
ruption."  Can  anything  more  subversive  of  law  be  found  in  the 
later  writers?  It  certainly  seems  possible  that  Garrison  learned 
something  from  this  old  writer,  with  whose  work  he  was  acquainted. 
Bourne  continues:  "The  national  difficulty  is  not  from  emancipa 
tion,  but  from  servitude.  ...  A  man  in  the  Slave-states  who  claims 
no  Negroes  is  despised;  if  he  has  kidnapped  a  score,  he  is  a  Gentle 
man;  but  if  he  has  stolen  a  hundred,  he  is  a  NABOB.  Every  plea 
and  excuse  in  support  of  Slavery  being  invalid,  originating  in  de- 
6 


82        Public  Opinion  in  the  North:    Popular  Sentiment 

pravity,  sustained  by  corruption,  and  productive  of  all  diversified 
ungodliness,  no  Christian  can  allege,  or  defend  them,  or  practice 

the  iniquity  which  they  arc  formed  to  exculpate.  .  .  .  How  shall  we 
expel  the  evil?  Colonization  is  totally  impracticable.  The  enac 
tion  of  a  law  to  exclude  Slave  holders  from  every  Public  Office, 
would  instantly  destroy  the  pestilence  which  ravages  the  body 
politic:  —  all  other  regulations  are  futile."  These  are  but  a  few 
selections  from  this  book;  many  others  equally  strong  might  be 
cited.  The  whole  is  a  vehement  arraignment  of  slavery  and  the 
slaveholders,  and  on  the  whole  the  strongest  extant  anti-slavery 
writing  during  the  period. 


CHAPTER   VIII 

PUBLIC    OPINION   IN    THE    NORTH:   NEWSPAPERS,    RESOLU 
TIONS,    LEGISLATION.      THE    COLORED    CITIZEN 

WHILE  no  newspaper  at  the  North  was  devoted  to  the  interests 
of  abolition  as  was  "The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation"  at 
the  South,  and  while  few  philanthropic  papers  had  as  even  one 
chief  aim  among  others  the  freedom  of  the  slave,  some  editors  can 
still  be  found  who  expressed  in  their  published  work  a  certain 
amount  of  repugnance  to  slavery.  An  instance  is  an  editorial  in 
"The  Village  Record "  of  West  Chester,  Pennsylvania,  about  1821, 
which  said:  "Whilst  slavery  exists  in  this  land,  it  is  the  solemn 
duty  of  every  gbodTman  constantly  and  steadily  to  press  for  its 
abolition."  * 

The  first  periodical  published  at  the  North  which  had  any  dis 
tinct  purpose  to  discuss  slavery  was  "The  Philanthropist,"  founded 
by  Charles  Osborn  in  1817,  and  already  discussed;  the  strongest 
words  against  slavery  in  the  first  two  volumes  are  selections  from 
other  papers,  and  communications  from  St.  Clairsville,  in  all  prob 
ability  from  the  pen  of  Lundy.2  Other  papers  were  "The  African 
Observer,"  of  which  no  account  has  been  found,  save  the  pro 
posals  for  its  monthly  publication  in  Philadelphia,  by  Enoch  Lewis, 
and  the  statement  in  1827  that  it  had  "been  for  some  time  pub 
lished"  there;3  and  "Freedom's  Journal,"  a  weekly  newspaper 
edited  in  New  York  by  a  colored  man,  John  B.  Russwurm.4 

1  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  i.  20.    Several  quotations  from  this  paper 
appear  in  the  various  volumes  of  the  "Genius."    Other  papers  of  the  same  kind  were 
"The  Boston  Recorder,"  which  is  referred  to  by  Leonard  W.  Bacon  as  anti-slavery  in 
1828;   "The  Boston  Recorder  and  Telegraph,"  very  likely  the  same  paper  as  that  men 
tioned  by  Mr.  Bacon,  which  published  the  series  of    essays    by  Vigornius  and    others 
in  1825   (see  above,  pp.  40,  41,  78)  ;  and  "The  Journal  of  the  Times,"  of  Bennington, 
Vt.,  while  under  the  editorship  of  W.  L.  Garrison  (see  above,  p.  67). 

2  See  above,  p.  60.     Lundy  certainly  wrote  for  this  paper,  from  St.  Clairsville,  and 
it  is  likely  that  'all  the  communications  from  that  place  were  from  him.     In  a  single  in 
stance  strong  words  are  used  in  an  unsigned  article,  which  may  have  been  an  editorial, 
but  hardly  reads  like  one.     See  the  Philanthropist,  i.  i. 

3  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  6.  152  (the  number  152  is  repeated,  this 
reference  is  to  the  second  page  of  that  number) ;    Minutes  of  the  American  Convention 
for  Promoting  the  Abolition  of  Slavery,  for  1827,  p.  13. 

*  Ibid. ;  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  6.  152  (the  first  page  of  that  number) ; 
see  below,  p.  93.  Copies  of  this  paper  are  still  extant. 

83 


84  Public   Opinion  in  the   North: 

"  The  New  England  Weekly  Review  "  *  was  apparently  founded 
in  1828,  as  Lundy  says  of  it  in  that  year:  "  We  think  it  will  con 
tribute  much  towards  the  acceleration  of  principles  favorable  to  the 
total  abolition  of  slavery."  He  quotes  from  it  as  follows:  "  Allare_ 
aware  that  the  slavery  which  exist[s]  in  these  states  is  a  deadly  and 

cancerous  sore  upon  the  vitals  of  the  Commonwealth -  thai  it  must 

be  eradicated  —  or  the  nation  dies  !"  The  question  of  the  antag 
onism  of  the  North  and  the  South  is  often  taken  up  in  this  paper. 
In  the  number  for  February  8,  1830,  an  editorial  by  Prentice  abuses 
the  South  for  its  abuse  of  New  England.  "The  curse  of  slavery  is 
upon  our  Southern  States  —  it  is  a  loathsome  deformity  upon  their 
bodies  —  and  like  all  other  deformed  objects,  they  revile  in  their 
hearts  those  who  are  more  comely  than  themselves."  The  writer 
feels  that  New  England  should  no  longer  tamely  stand  the  abuse 
of  the  South,  even  though  retaliation  should  bring  on  a  civil  war, 
-  which,  however,  he  thought  would  be  easily  and  speedily  closed 
by  the  liberation  of  the  slaves.  A  paper  in  the  South  accused  him 
of  advocating  civil  war,  but  he  denied  this,  only  maintaining  that 
war  would  be  better  than  constant  tame  submission  to  ill-treatment. 
In  the  number  for  June  7,  1830,  these  words  are  found,  doubtless 
also  from  the  pen  of  Prentice:  "Let  them  [the  South]  set  them 
selves  seriously  to  work  to  get  rid  of  their  slaves,  and  they  will  do 
themselves  more  good  than  would  be  effected  by  the  abrogation 
of  fifty  tariffs."  In  the  number  for  July  26  these  words  are  quoted 
as  the  cause  of  fresh  outbursts  which  had  come  from  the  South, 
and  the  editor,  now  John  G.  Whittier,  spoke  in  still  stronger  terms 
against  the  system.  After  saying  that  the  previous  article  had 
aroused  indignation  "  because  it  was  true,"  and  that  the  North 
was  accused  of  denouncing  the  principles  of  slavery,  it  continues : 
"We  do  denounce  the  principles  of  slavery,  God  forbid  that  any 
Christian  —  any  patriot  —  any  friend  of  liberty  and  equal  rights 
should  fail  to  do  so.  There  is  no  monster  of  inconsistency  like 
him  who  boasts  of  his  republicanism  and  his  love  of  liberty,  and 
in  the  same  breath  defends  in  the  abstract  the  accursed  system  of 
slavery.  .  .  .  We  believe  that  a  large  proportion  of  the  inhabitants 
of  the  South  are  truly  and  fearfully  sensible  of  the  criminality  of 

1  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  8.  182.  Numbers  of  the  paper  from  De 
cember  14,  1829,  to  March  12,  1832,  have  been  found.  The  editor  was  at  first  George 
D.  Prentice;  from  July,  1830,  to  January,  1832,  the  paper  was  edited  by  John  G.  Whittier. 
After  that  date  no  editor  is  named. 


Newspapers,  Resolutions,  Legislation  85 

the  principle,  and  tremble  for  the  consequences  of  it  —  even  as 
did  the  illustrious  Jefferson  when  contemplating  the  same  appall 
ing  subject.  These  have  our  sympathy.  We  lament  this  evil 
which  has  been  entailed  upon  them,  and  would  gladly  cooperate 
with,  them  in  the  great  cause  of  Emancipation."  Other  articles 
advocate  the  American  Colonization  Society  and  speak  of  the 
excitement  caused  at  the  South  by  the  circulation  of  Walker's 
"  Appeal." 

"The  Invfrtigntre/'  published  in  1827-1828,  in  Providence, 
Rhode  Island,  by  William  Gqodell,  was  devoted  to  moral  and 
political  discussion  and  reformation  in  general,  including  temper 
ance  and  anti-slavery.  In  January,  1829,  it  was  merged  into  "The 
National  Philanthropist";  in  July,  1830,  moved  to  New  York, 
and  published  as  "The  Genius  of  Temperance";  and  was  entirely 
discontinued  in  1833.  At  the  time  when  Garrison  first  issued  "Th^ 
Liberator,"  in  January,  1831,  there' was  no  other  paper  in  the 
North  devoted  in  even  a  slight  degree  to  the  abolition  of  slavery. 

A  more  definite  measure  of  anti-slavery,  sentiment  than  any 
words  spoken  or  written  by  individuals  is  found  in  the  public  action 
of  the  citizens  of  the  states  by  meetings  or  resolutions  denouncing 
slavery.  The  first  attempt  to  enforce  the  fugitive  slave  law  in 
Boston  resulted  in  failure.  The  slave  was  rescued  by  force  in  the 
midst  of  the  trial,  and  escaped  without  waiting  for  further  legal 
proceedings.  An  attempt  at  prosecution  for  failure  to  enforce  the 
act  was  disregarded,  and  the  fugitive  slave  law  was  practically 
void  in  Massachusetts  until  the  later  period.1  An  abolition  so 
ciety  existed  in  Williams  College  which  reported  itself  to  the 
American  Convention  in  1826  as  "anxious  that  this  foul  stain 
shall  be  wiped  from  the  annals  of  our  country  and  that  the  judg 
ments  of  Heaven  .  .  .  may  be  averted."  2 

In  1819  there  was  a  rumor  that  some  citizens  of  Ohio  wished  to 
amend  the  constitution  of  that  state  to  allow  slavery,  and  several 
gentlemen  "of  the  first  respectability"  wrote  to  Niles'  Register 
denying  the  implication,  and  representing  it  as  a  "calumny  raised 
to  prevent  necessary  reform."  3  An  interesting  commentary  on  the 
attitude  of  Ohio  in  1822  is  the  fact  that  William  Henry  Harrison, 

1  Marion  G.  McDougall :   "Fugitive  Slaves  (1619-1865),"  §  34. 

2  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention  for  Promoting  the  Abolition  of  Slavery,  for 
1826,  p.  19. 

3  Niles'  Weekly  Register,  16.  347. 


85  Public   Opinion  in  the   North: 

in  a  campaign  speech  in  the  Ohio  Congressional  election,  thought 
it  wise  to  dwell  upon  and  even  exaggerate  his  anti-slavery  senti 
ments.1  A  number  of  citizens  of  Ohio  petitioned  the  General 
Assembly  in  the  latter  part  of  1822  against  the  negro  code  in  force 
in  that  state.  After  declaring  slavery  to  be  a  "  flagrant  violation  of 
Christianity^"  etc.,  they  ask  for  a  repeal  of  the  act  forbidding  the 
witness  of  blacks  against  whites.  A  bill  in  answer  to  this  was  pre 
sented  in  the  next  session,  but  was  rejected  in  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives  by  a  vote  of  36  to  3i.2 

Perhaps  the  earliest  evidence  of  a  movement  to  build  up  an 
anti-slavery  political  party  was  an  attempt  in  Philadelphia,  in  1820, 
to  get  up  what  its  projectors  called  an  "anti-slavery"  ticket  for 
electors  of  President  and  Vice-President  of  the  United  States.3 
"Almost  every  man  in  Pennsylvania  is  opposed  to  negro  slavery," 
said  Niles.  With  but  one  or  two  exceptions  every  Senator  and 
Representative  to  the  national  Congress  from  Pennsylvania  sup 
ported  restriction  in  the  new  state  of  Missouri.4  Judge  Hemphill, 
Congressman  from  Philadelphia,  failed  to  support  his  colleague, 
Miner,  in  his  resolution  for  abolition  in  the  District  of  Columbia, 
in  1826-1827,  and  Lundy  finds  in  this  the  reason  for  his  defeat 
in  the  Congressional  election  of  182 y.5  In  1821  the  Legislature  of 
Maryland  complained  to  Congress  that  the  people  of  Pennsylvania 
prevented  the  recovery  of  fugitive  slaves.  They  maintained  that  it 
was  the  "duty"  of  Congress  to  enact  a  law  which  would  prevent 
this.  The  trouble  did  not  cease,  for  the  Maryland  Legislature  sent 
in  1823  a  message  in  much  the  same  terms  directly  to  the  Legisla 
ture  of  Pennsylvania.  A  counter-memorial  insisted  that  no  law 
was  broken,  that  lawful  claimants  could  obtain  their  slaves  by 
legal  means,  but  that  if  they  tried  force  they  justly  failed.6 

The  literary  society  of  Princeton  College  held  many  debates  on 
slavery  during  the  years  1808-1810.  Professor  McLean  was  an 
outspoken  friend  of  abolition,  and  some  of  the  leaders  of  the  later 
free-soil  movement  resided  in  Princeton.7 


1  Jacob  P.  Dunn:  "Indiana:  A  Redemption  from  Slavery,"  p.  311. 

2  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  2.  93,  in. 

3  Niles'  Weekly  Register,  19.  129. 

4  Edward  Needles:  "History  of  the  Pennsylvania  Abolition  Society,"  p.  69. 

5  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  7.  149. 

6  American  State  Papers,   Miscellaneous,  Vol.  2,  No.  506,  p.  752;   Needles:   "His 
tory  of  the  Pennsylvania  Abolition  Society,"  pp.  73-76. 

7  William  Birney:   "James  G.  Birney  and  His  Times,"  pp.  27,  28. 


Newspapers,  Resolutions,  Legislation  87 

The  larger  number  of  meetings,  memorials  and  petitions  in  the 
North  during  these  years  were  directed  against  the  extension  of 
slavery  into  Missouri.  The  Boston  committee  of  1819  to  prepare 
a  memorial  on  the  subject  included  Daniel  Webster,  George  Blake, 
Josiah  Quincy,  James  T.  Austin  and  John  Gallison;  and  they 
used  the  significant  phrase:  "If  the  progress  of  this  great  evil  is 
ever  to  be  arrested,  it  seems  to  the  undersigned  that  this  is  the 
time  to  arrest  it."  x  The  interested  people  of  Newport,  Rhode 
Island,  in  a  meeting  at  the  State  House  in  1819,  on  the  call  of  a 
circular  letter  from  New  York,  drew  up  a  memorial  which  de 
clared  slavery  to  be  "  inconsistent  with  the  genius  of  our  republican 
institutions,"  and  productive  of  "fatal  effects  on  the  principles  and 
morals  of  men/'  They  further  pointed  out  that  the  slave  trade 
could  not  be  practically  stopped  if  slavery  were  extended.2  A  me 
morial  from  Hartford,  Connecticut,  at  about  the  same  time,  pro 
nounced  slavery  an  evil  and  repugnant  to  republicans.3  In  a  New 
York  meeting  slavery  per  se  was  denounced,  and  an  "Address  to 
the  American  People"  was  framed  and  adopted.4  A  mass  meeting 
at  the  State  House  at  Trenton,  New  Jersey,  also  passed  resolu 
tions  of  the  same  tenor.5  A  meeting  of  citizens  of  Chester  County, 
Pennsylvania,  on  November  27,  1819,  adopted  resolutions  stating 
the  impolicy  and  the  injustice  of  the  admission  of  Missouri  as  a 
slave  state,  and  a  circular  was  prepared  to  be  sent  to  all  the  mem 
bers  of  Congress  from  Pennsylvania.6 

A  petition  was  presented  to  the  United  States  Senate  in  January, 
1830,  by  citizens  of  Maine,  praying  for  abolition  in  the  District  of 
Columbia.7  This  is  the  sole  petition  from  the  North  recorded  on 
any  other  topic  than  restriction  in  Missouri. 

It  is  interesting  as  well  as  important  in  this  connection  to  look 
carefully  at  the  legislative__act[onjof_the  various  Northern  states 

1  Niles'  Weekly  Register,  17.  241;   also  a  pamphlet  copy  of  the  memorial. 

2  American  State  Papers,  Miscellaneous,  Vol.  2,  No.  479,  p.  568.    This  was  read  in 
the  Senate  in  January,  1820.    See  Annals  of  Congress,  i6th  Congress,  ist  Session,  2452. 

3  Annals  of  Congress,   i6th  Congress,   ist  Session,  2457;    American  State  Papers 
Misc.,  Vol.  II,  No.  481,  p.  472. 

4  Niles' Weekly  Register,  17.  199;  Isaac  Holmes:  "An  Account  of  the  United  States 
of  America,"  p.  325.    This  may  have  been  the  "circular  letter"  referred  to  at  Newport. 

5  Niles'  Weekly  Register,  17.  189.    The  text  is  given. 

6  William   Darlington:    "Desultory  Remarks    on    the    Missouri    Question,"    p.    4. 
Memorials  against  slavery  in  Missouri  were  also  sent  to  Congress  by  citizens  of  Ohio 
(Annals  of  Congress,  i6th  Congress,  ist  Session,  361),  New  Haven,  Conn.  (Ibid.  69), 
and  Philadelphia  (Ibid.  737;    Niles'  Weekly  Register,  17.  241). 

7  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  10.  142. 


88  Public  Opinion  in  the   North: 

on  the  subject  of  slavery  during  the  years  1808-1831.  The 
question  of  slavery  in  Illinois  will  be  more  fully  treated  in  a  suc 
ceeding  chapter,  .but  a  brief  resume  is  not  out  of  place  here.  In 
1812  the  Legislature  of  Illinois  Territory  passed  a  law  forbidding 
the  immigration  of  free  negroes,  and  enjoining  the  registration  of 
those  already  there,  under  severe  penalties;  1  and  in  1814  the  same 
Legislature  passed  a  law  allowing  the^hire  of  slaves  from  outside  of 
the  Territory,  such  hire  not  to  affect  the  title  of  the  owner  to  the 
slave.2  Slavery  had  existed  in  Illinois  under  the  French,  and  the 
slaves  thus  held  were  not  adjudged  free  by  the  later  regulations  of 
the  constitution.3  The  constitution  of  1818  declared  that  "neither 
slavery  nor  involuntary  servitude  shall  hereafter  be  introduced  into 
this  state."  There  was  considerable  discussion  at  the  time  of  the 
admission  of  the  state  to  the  Union  as  to  whether  this  constitution 
did  in  reality  prohibit  slavery  with  a  sufficient  amount  of  explicit- 
ness  to  entitle  Illinois  to  be  counted  among  the  free  states.  Tall- 
madge  of  New  York  decidedly  opposed  its  admission,  on  the  ground 
that  slavery  was  allowed.4  There  is  still  a  question  whether  the 
framers  of  the  constitution  wished  a  distinct  prohibition  of  the  in 
stitution,  as  they  manifestly  considered  the  negro  not  entitled  to 
all  the  privileges  of  the  whites.  There  were  some  regulations  which 
seemed  to  favor  the  blacks :  slaves  holden  in  other  states  could  not 
be  hired  by  citizens  of  Illinois,  except  to  work  in  the  salt  mines  near 
Shawneetown,  nor  for  longer  than  one  year,  nor  after  the  year  1825  ; 
and  the  abuse  of  forced  apprenticeship  was  regulated  by  the  condi 
tion  that  indentures  could  not  be  made  out  of  the  state,  nor  for  more 
than  one  year ;  while  children  of  indentured  servants  were  to  be  free 
at  majority.  Yet  the  existence  of  the  indenture  system  was  in  itself 
a  menace  to  the  negro  because  it  easily  might  lead  to  a  real  slav 
ery;  the  practice  of  hiring  slaves  under  certain  conditions  did  in 
a  measure  recognize  slavery;  and  the  colored  man  was  excluded 
from  the  franchise  and  the  militia.5  The  doubtful  position  of 
Illinois  on  the  question  seems  to  have  continued  after  its  admission 
to  the  Union,  for  about  1819  a  law  was  passed  providing  that  all 
negroes  found  in  that  state  without  certificates  should  be  consid 
ered  runaways,  subject  to  be  arrested,  hired  out,  and  advertised. 


1  Burke  A.  Hinsdale:   "The  Old  Northwest,"  p.  354. 

2  Ibid.  3  Ibid.  p.  358.  4  Ibid.  p.  359. 
5  John  C.  Hurd :   "The  Law  of  Freedom  and  Bondage,"  2.  132,  133. 


Newspapers,  Resolutions,  Legislation  89 

If  they  were  not  claimed  within  a  year,  they  were  then  to  receive 
a  certificate.    This  law  was  still  in  force  in  1829. l 

The  Territory  of  Indiana  went  still  further  in  installing  slavery. 
From  1807  to  1810  it  had  an  indenture  law  in  force  which  all 
but  established  the  institution  there.2  The  constitution  adopted 
in  1816  definitely  prohibited  slavery  and  nullified  indentures  made 
out  of  the  state.  The  bill  of  rights  also  declared  all  men  free  and 
equal,  though  the  franchise  was  in  set  terms  limited  to  the  whites.3 
In  1816  a  law  was  passed  to  prevent  manstealing;  4  in  1824  a  law 
regulating  the  question  of  fugitive  slaves  gave  to  both  parties  the 
right  of  appeal,  and  decreed  that  in  case  of  appeal  the  trial  should 
be  before  a  jury.5 

New  Jersey  passed  a  gradual  emancipation  act  in  1804,  and  in 
1818  the  Legislature  prohibited  under  heavy  penalties  "the  expor 
tation  of  slaves  or  servants  of  color  out  of  the  state."  In  1820  a 
further  emancipation  act  was  passed,  but  slavery  was  not  even 
nominally  abolished  till  1846,  and  even  as  late  as  1860  a  few  slaves 
still  remained  in  the  state.6 

In  1808  the  Legislature  of  New  York  increased  the  penalty  for 
kidnapping  by  making  the  second  offence  punishable  with  life  im-, 
prisonment,  and  by  more  efficient  legislation  against  slave  dealers. 
The  New  York  Abolition  Society,  in  December,  1808,  expressed 
satisfaction  at  the  prpmptitude  with  which  the  state.  Legislature 
h^djiyiUjimes  enacted  laws  at  their  instance  for  the  relief  of  the 
Blacks.7  In  1809  manumission  was  f  urther^facilitated ;  in  1810 
the  law  of  1801  was  strengthened  by  prohibiting  the  importation 
of  slaves  by  residents  of  New  York,  nine  months  being  accounted 
a  residence ;  indentures  for  the  service  of  a  person  before  held  as  a 
slave  in  another  state  were  to  be  invalid,  and  the  slave  who  was  to 
become  free  at  twenty-one  must  be  taught  to  read.8  In  1814  the 
Legislature  authorized  the  raising  of  two  regiments  of  colored 

1  John  C.  Hurd:   "  The  Law  of  Freedom  and  Bondage  "2    174    i^e 
1  B.  A.  Hinsdale:   "The  Old  Northwest,"  p.  353. 

3  J.  C.  Hurd:  "The  Law  of  Freedom  and  Bondage,"  2.  127;  Niles'  Weekly  Regis 
ter,  13.  86,  89—91. 

4  J.  C.  Hurd:    "The  Law  of  Freedom  and  Bondage,"  2.  127. 

This  law  was  declared  unconstitutional  in  1849.     Hurd:    "Law  of  Freedom  and 
.Bondage,'    2.  129. 

8  William  Goodell:    "Slavery  and  Anti-Slavery,"   p.  115;    Niles'   Weekly  Register, 

7  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention  fbr  Promoting  the  Abolition  of  Slavery    for 
1809,  p.  9. 

8  J.  C.  Hurd:   "The  Law  of  Freedom  and  Bondage,"  2.  54.    • 


go  Public  Opinion  in  the   North: 

soldiers,  the  commissioned  officers  to  be  white,  with  the  provision 
that  slaves  might  with  the  consent  of  their  masters  be  enlisted  and 
when  discharged  should  be  considered  manumitted.1  In  1817  a 
complete  abolition  act  was  passed  in  New  York,  setting  forth  that 
on  July  4,  1827,  " every  negro,  mulatto,  or  mustee  within  this 
state,  born  before  the  fourth  day  of  July,  1799,  be  free,"  and 
"all  negroes,  mulattoes,  and  mustees  born  after  July  4th,  1799, 
shall  be  free,  —  males  at  the  age  of  28  years  and  females  at  the 
age  of  25  years."  On  July  4,  1827,  ten  thousand  slaves  were  thus 
freed,  without  compensation  to  their  former  owners.2  Since  this 
act  only  applied  to  slaves  born  in  the  state  of  New  York,  an  addi 
tional  act  was  passed  in  1828,  applicable  to  slaves  born  elsewhere. 
Those  coming  to  reside  in  the  state  were  allowed  to  bring  with 
them  slaves  born  between  July  4,  1796,  and  July  4,  1827,  and 
to  hold  them  to  service  till  the  ages  of  25  and  27,  if  brought 
between  March  31,  1817  and  the  passage  of  the  act,  and  till  21 
years,  if  brought  after  its  passage.  The  same  law  declared  every 
person,  white  or  colored,  born  in  the  state  of  New  York,  to  be 
free,  and  all  thereafter  born,  and  every  person  brought  into  the 
state  as  a  slave,  except  the  express  cases  previously  authorized, 
were  to  be  immediately  freed.3 

In  Pennsylvania,  in  1826  or  1827,  the  Legislature  decreed  that 
all  sales  of  fugitive  slaves  who  at  the  time  of  sale  were  in  Penn 
sylvania  should  be  void,  and  all  attempts  to  remove  such  slaves 
should  be  punishable  by  a  fine  of  $500. 4 

Besides  the  statutes  which  expressed  a  growing  antirjalhjMo 
slavery,  many  anti-slavery  resomuons  were  passed  by  the  JLegis- 
latures  of  the  Northern  states,  especially  New  York  and  Penn 
sylvania.  They  concerned  principally  slavery  extension  in  Mis 
souri,  and  abolition  in  the  District  of  Columbia.5  One,  in  New 

1  J.   C.  Hurd :   "  The  Law  of  Freedom  and  Bondage,"  2.  54. 

2  Ibid.  2.  55;  Niles' Weekly  Register,  12.  144;  Goodell :  "Slavery  and  Anti-Slavery," 
p.  114. 

3  This  was  inserted  in  the  same  form  in  the  revised  statutes  of  1830.     J.  C.  Hurd: 
"The  Law  of  Freedom  and  Bondage,"  2.  57;   Revised  Statutes  of  New  York,   1830, 
pp.  4-7. 

4  J.  C.  Hurd:  "The  Law  of  Freedom  and  Bondage,"  2.  72. 

5  Those  against  further  extension  of  slavery  were  adopted  by  Pennsylvania  in  De 
cember,    1819   (Darlington:    "Desultory  Remarks  on   the    Missouri    Question,"   p.   5; 
"Liberty,"  p.  69;  Niles'  Weekly  Register,  17.    287,  296;  Annals  of  Congress,  i6th  Con 
gress,  ist  Session,   70);    by   New  Jersey  (Niles'   Weekly   Register,  17.  342;    Annals  of 
Congress,  i6th  Congress,  ist  Session,  234),  New  York  (Niles'  Weekly  Register,  17.  399; 
Annals  of  Congress,  i6th  Congress,  ist  Session,  311;  "Liberty,"  p.  42),  and  Ohio  (Niles' 


The  Colored  Citizen  91 

Jersey,  adopted  in  1818,  asked  Congress  to  use  its  endeavors  to 
prohibit  the  transportation  of  slaves  contrary  to  the  laws  of  any 
state  concerned.1  There  were  also  a  few  resolutions  favoring 
gradual  emancipation,  adopted  by  New  Jersey 2  in  1824,  by 
Ohio  3  in  the  same  year,  and  by  Pennsylvania  4  in  1826.  These  all 
declare  that  slavery  being  a  national  evil  should  be  removed  by 
the  nation,  and  that  all  the  states,  free  and  slave  alike,  should 
share  in  the  duty  and  burden  of  its  removal. 

Up  to  this  point  we  have  considered  practically  only  the  white 
citizens  of  the  United  States,  who  showed  in  some  public  manner 
their  opposition  to  slavery.  Even  among  the  free  states  there  were 
some  which  denied  the  franchise  to  the  colored  man.  In  the  South 
the  lack  of  education  for  either Jree_or_slave  kept  the  .colored  .mail 
impotent,  and  fear  of  the  whites  had  a^  still  greater  effect;  hence 
no  definite  account  has  been  found  of  any  real  anti-slavery  work 
by  the  colored  people  there^save  assistance  to  fugitives  and  com 
fort  and  sympathy  to  the  abused,  when  it  was  possible*  Nomi 
nally  the  negro  at  the  Xorth  was  free  to  express  his  opinions  and 
to  labor  in  behalf  of  his  race,  so  far  as  it  was  allowed  to  any  class  of 
persons.  Yet  their  participation  was  small,  considering  their 
number;  how  small  we  can  only  understand  when  we  remember 
how  low  was  the  position  actually  held  by  the  blacks,  even  at  the 
North^  Few  were  educated  sufficiently  to  write  or  speak  publicly 
in  behalf  of  their  people ;  fewer  still  had  the  money  or  social  posi 
tion  to  put  their  sayings  or  writings  into  a  form  preserved  to  our 
day.  Under  the  circumstances  the  fact  that  we  have  any  record 
of  such  negroes  is  almost  wonderful. 

Weekly  Register,  17.  399)  in  1820.  In  November,  1820,  after  the  passage  of  the  Mis 
souri  Compromise,  resolutions  asking  for  prohibition  of  slavery  in  new  states  were 
passed  by  the  Legislatures  of  New  York  (Annals  of  Congress,  i6th  Congress,  2nd  Ses 
sion,  23),  and  Vermont  {Ibid.  78). 

Resolutions  against  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia  were  adopted  by  Pennsyl 
vania  in  1828  (William  Birney:  "James  G.  Birney  and  His  Times,"  p.  411;  Register 
of  Debates,  5.  180;  Niles'  Weekly  Register,  35.  363),  and  1829  ("Liberty,"  p.  69;  Min 
utes  of  the  American  Convention  for  Promoting  the  Abolition  of  Slavery,  for  1829,  p. 
24);  and  by  New  York  in  1829  (Niles'  Weekly  Register,  35.  433;  Birney:  "James  G. 
Birney,"  p.  412).  One  had  been  previously  offered  in  Ne  York  in  1827  (The  Genius 
of  Universal  Emancipation,  5.  152),  but  there  is  no  record  of  its  passage. 

1  Niles'  Weekly  Register,  19.  195. 

2  Eighth  Report  of  the  American  Colonization  Society,  p.  40. 

3  Ibid.  p.  41;    Brutus:    "The  Crisis,"  p.  137;    Annals  of  Congress,  i8th  Congress, 
ist  Session,  1428;  T.  C.  Smith,  "The  Liberty  and  Free  Soil  Parties  in  the  Northwest," 
p.  6. 

4  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  5.  15  (monthly  edition),  and  5.  165,  202 
(weekly  edition) ;  Birney:  "James  G.  Birney,"  p.  411     A  resolution  asking  for  a  definite 
law  freeing  the  post  nati  on  condition  of  colonization  was  rejected  in  the  Pennsylvania 
Legislature  in  1826  (The  Genius,  5.  179). 


92  Public  Opinion  in  the   North: 

A  general  account  of  the  condition  and  treatment  of  the  colored 
race  at  the  North  has  already  been  given,  and  of  the  degradation 
and  contempt  to  which  they  were  subjected.  There  were  a  few, 
however,  who  were  educated  and  prosperous,  and  whose  reputa 
tion  has  descended  to  our  day.  One  of  the  best  known  of  these 
was  James  Forten,  of  Philadelphia.  He  was  spoken  of  in  1823  as 
a  sailmaker  of  good  education  and  as  prosperous  in  his  business; 
he  owned  a  country  residence,  and  kept  a  carriage.  His  children 
compared  favorably  with  whites  in  capacity  and  acquirement. 
In  1813  he  made  an  appeal  to  the  Senate  of  Pennsylvania  against 
slavery,  claimed  an  equality  with  the  whites,  and  spoke  of  the 
"unalienable  rights"  of  the  blacks.1  Russell  Parrott,  another 
colored  Pennsylvanian,  made  an  address  at  the  celebration  of  the 
abolition  of  the  slave  trade,  on  January  i,  1816,  in  which  he  ex 
pressed  the  sympathy  of  the  free  blacks  for  their  brethren  in  slav 
ery.  He  claimed  that  the  inferiority  of  the  African  was  the  result 
of  his  condition,  and  that  in  him  were  all  the  materials  for  the 
making  of  a  good  and  useful  citizen.2 

Samuel  Cornish,  a  colored  man  living  probably  in  New  York, 
in  1826  wrote  a  remonstrance  against  the  abuse  of  the  blacks,  which 
was  printed  in  some  of  the  local  papers.  He  contended  that  the 
conduct  of  the  lower  class  of  the  whites  in  New  York  was  worse 
than  that  of  the  blacks ;  that  there  were  plenty  of  colored  men  of 
education  and  refinement,  and  of  independent  means,  who  deplored 
the  acts  of  the  mass.  The  evils  of  negro  behavior  were  laid  to 
emancipation,  but  in  truth  they  were  the  result  of  slavery.  Cor 
nish  himself  possessed  some  education,  his  father  was  a  man 
of  high  respectability,  and  his  wife  was  well  educated  and 
cultivated.3 

Other  names  of  prominent  negroes  are  mentioned  in  the  report 
of  the  convention  of  colored  men  in  1832.  The  first  convention, 
held  in  1830,  was  called  by  a  circular  issued  by  Rev.  Richard 
Allen,  Cyrus  Black,  Junius  C.  Morel,  Benjamin  Pascal,  and  James 
E.  Cornish,  in  behalf  of  the  colored  citizens  of  Philadelphia. 
Nearly  all  mentioned  in  this  report  had  been  residents  of  Penn 
sylvania,  where  it  is  probable  that  the  colored  man  was  in  a  better 

1  James  Forten  :  "Letters  from  a  Man  of  Color  on  a  Late  Bill,  etc.,"  pp.  1-8. 

2  The  address  exists  in  pamphlet  form,  as  published  at  the  request  of  the  African 
Benevolent  Societies  before  whom  it  was  delivered. 

3  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  6.  92. 


The  Colored  Citizen  93 

situation  than  farther  North.  This  convention  was  held  for  the 
purpose  of  arranging  some  plan  of  operation  by  which  the  more 
prosperous  of  the  race  could  aid  the  colony  in  Canada,  which  was 
suffering  great  distress.  Nearly  all  had  gone  there  from  Ohio, 
after  the  enforcement  of  the  expulsory  laws ;  and  their  number  was 
increased  from  time  to  time  by  fugitive  slaves  from  the  States.  For 
a  considerable  number  of  years  they  received  assistance  from  the 
United  States,  presumably  from  their  own  race.  Conventions  for 
the  purpose  were  held  in  at  least  three  successive  years:  1830, 
1831,  and  1832. 1 

A  negro  of  considerable  note  was  John  B.  Russwurm,  a  native 
of  Jamaica,  who  was  graduated  in  1825  from  Bowdoin  College. 
He  is  later  mentioned  as  the  editor  of  "Freedom's  Journal,"  in 
New  York,  and  still  later  became  Governor  of  Maryland  in  Liberia.2 

But  the  most  widely  known  colored  man  of  this  period,  and  the 
only  one  whose  writings  made  any  stir  at  the  South,  was  David 
^Valker^a  resident  of  Boston.  He  was  born  in  North  Carolina,  in 
1785,  of  a  free  mother  and  slave  father,  and  was  therefore  free. 
He  was  intelligent  and  had  a  moderate  education;  he  traveled 
widely  over  the  United  States,  and  in  1827  opened  a  second-hand 
clothing  store  on  Brattle  Street,  in  Boston.  He  felt  very  strongly 
on  the  subject  of  slavery,  and  in  1827  began  to  make  preparations 
for  a  slave  insurrection,  addressing  audiences  of  colored  men  in 
Boston  and  other  places  in  1828.  In  September,  1829,  he  pub 
lished  his  "Appeal,"  which  ran  through  three  editions  in  less  than 
twelve  months,  and  was  widely  distributed  throughout  the  United 
States,  even  at  the  South,  and  among  the  slaves.  The  projected 
insurrection  never  took  place;  some  think  because  of  the  death 
of  Walker  in  1830.  Some  authors,  especially  the  more  popular 
ones  writing  just  before  the  Civil  War,  speak  of  his  death  as  caused 
by  foul  play,  but  there  is  no  ground  for  this  opinion  save  an  un- 
authenticated  rumor  which  spread  somewhat  among  the  colored 
people,  but  was  refuted  by  those  who  knew  most  about  the  facts 
of  the  case.3 

1  Minutes  of  the  Second  Annual  Convention  of  Free  Colored  People  in  the  United 
States,  1832,  p.  16. 

2  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention  for  Promoting  the  Abolition  of  Slavery,  for 
1827,  p.  13;    The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  6.  33,  where  an  extract  from  his 
Commencement  Oration  is  given.     See  also  the  Catalogue  of  Bowdoin  Alumni. 

3  "William  Lloyd  Garrison,   1805-1879,"   i.   159,   note;    Samuel  J.  May:    "Some 
Recollections  of  our  Anti-Slavery  Conflict,"  p.  133. 


94  Public  Opinion  in  the  North: 

Walker's  "  Appeal"  is  a  most  bloodthirsty  document.  It  divides 
human,  or  rather  "black,  wretchedness"  into  four  heads:  i. 
"Our  wretchedness  in  consequence  of  slavery" ;  2.  "Our  wretch 
edness  in  consequence  of  ignorance";  3.  "Our  wretchedness 
in  consequence  of  the  preachers  of  the  religion  of  Jesus 
Christ";  4.  "Our  wretchedness  in  consequence  of  the  colonizing 
plan."  It  appeals  to  the  free  colored  men  throughout  the  nation 
Tolmake  the  cause  of  the  slave  their  own.  The  third  edition, 
published  in  March,  1830,  in  a  form  even  more  sanguinary, 
openly  advocated  a  slave  insurrection.  No  wonder  that  before 
the  printing  of  the  second  edition  it  caused  great  consternation  at 
the  South.  The  Mayor  of  Savannah  wrote  to  Mayor  Otis  of 
Boston,  demanding  the  punishment  of  the  man.  Mayor  Otis,  in 
a  widely  published  letter,1  expressed  his  unqualified  disapproval 
of  the  pamphlet,  but  stated  that  the  man  had  not  yet  become 
"amenable"  to  the  laws.  He  felt  that  while  this  was  true  a 
public  notice  of  the  book  would  do  more  harm  than  good.  Great 
excitement  prevailed  in  Virginia,2  especially  in  the  Legislature, 
which  considered  the  passage  of  an  "extraordinary  bill,"  not  only 
prohibiting  the  circulation  of  such  seditious  papers,  but  forbid 
ding  the  education  of  even  free  negroes,  calling  any  assemblage 
for  the  purpose  of  education  "unlawful."  This  bill  was  the 
direct  result  of  a  message  of  Governor  Giles,  who  enclosed  a  copy 
of  a  letter  received  from  Mayor  Otis.  The  House  of  Delegates 
passed  the  measure,  81  to  80;  but  it  was  rejected  in  the  Senate, 
ii  to  7.  Some  copies  of  the  "Appeal"  found  their  way  to  Louisi 
ana,3  where  the  popular  excitement  already  roused  by  the  dis 
covery  of  a  supposed  plot  was  made  still  greater.  A  very  severe 
law  was  immediately  passed,  expelling  all  free  negroes  who  had 
arrived  in  the  state  since  1825. 

This  publication  was  made  the  pretext  for  a  large  number  of 

attacks  upon  the  abolitionists,  and  later  perhaps  upon  Garrison. 

Few  abolitionists,  however,  approved  of  it ;   Garrison  certainly  did 

^ot.4     The   general  attitude  of   the   people    was  that   stated  by 

Mayor  Otis,  in  his  letter  to  the  Governor  of  Virginia  already  re- 

1  Niles'  Weekly  Register,  38.  87. 

2  The  Abolitionist  Monthly,  i.  98;    George  W.  Williams:    "History  of  the  Negro 
Race  in  America,"  2.  553. 

3  Niles'  Weekly  Register,  38.  157. 

4  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  10.  147. 


The  Colored  Citizen  95 

ferred  to :  "  You  may  be  assured  that  your  good  people  cannot  hold 
in  more  absolute  detestation  the  sentiments  of  the  writer  [of  the 
"  Appeal"]  than  do  all  the  people  of  this  city,  and  as  I  verily  be 
lieve,  the  mass  of  the  New  England  population.  ...  I  have 
reason  to  believe  that  the  book  is  disapproved  of  by  the  decent 
portion  even  of  the  free  colored  population  in  this  place."  Lundy, 
too,  found  the  people  of  New  England  hard  to  move  when  he  made 
his  visit  there  in  1827,  and  while  many  individuals  were  opposed 
to  slavery  there  was  little  organized  effort  until  the  beginning  of 
the  new  anti-slavery  era,  with  Garrison  and  the  "  Liberator." 


CHAPTER    IX 

THE  ATTITUDE   OF   THE  .CHURCHES 
ON  a  questioninvolving  so  many  moral  issues,  appealing  so  di 


rectly  to  the  fund  amenta!  principlesof  Christianity  it  seems  natural 
to  expect  from  the  churches  and  their  spiritual  guides  an  interest 

measures.  "As"  a 


they  showed  ffreat  indifference  towards  the  matter.    Indeed  r  in 

man}-  cases  it  was  worse  than  indifference;  clergymen  presented 
reasoned  apologies  for  the  system,  they  carefully  prepared  argu 
ments  in  its  behalf,  they  even  actively  participated  in  its  horrors. 
Because  of  these  undeniable  facts,  the  entire  clergy  and  all  the  reli 
gious  societies  are  often  accused  of,  at  best,  a  weak  yielding  to  the 
greater  power  of  the  slaveholder,  and  an  upholding  or  a  sharing 
of  his  deeds  for  the  sake  of  self-protection. 

Whatever  the  ground  for  blame  against  the  clergymen  of  the 
United  States  during  this  period,  it  is  not  true  that  decided  efforts 
to  check  the  evils  of  slavery  or  to  prohibit  it  utterly  were  entirely 
wanting  either  among  them  or  among  the  churches  to  whom  they 
ministered.  TV^  action  nf  n  gop^  number  of  Southern  ministers 
in^aYJDg-ikeiiLhQrnes  for  new  ones  in  the  free  state  of  Ohio,  and 
their  labors  in  behalf  of  abolition,  have  already  been  spoken  of. 
Some  of  these  so  influenced  their  Southern  churches  that  they  emi 
grated  to  free  states  either  as  individuals  or  as  a  body.1 

The  attitude  of  a  comparatively  small  number  of  clergymen 
and  of  a  few  local  churches  cannot  be  taken  as  proofs  of  the  atti 
tude  of  the  religious  bodies  to  which  they  belong.  It  is  therefore 
important  to  seek  clear  proof  both  of  anti-slavery  sentiment 
among  larger  religious  bodies,  and  of  their  distinct  expression  of 
this  sentiment.  David  Thomas,  a  resident  of  New  York,  stated, 
in  a  book  published  in  1819,  that  whole  religious  societies  had  re 
linquished  the  practice  of  slavery.  "The  Genius  of  Universal 
Emancipation,"  in  an  editorial  written  in  1827,  said  that  though 

1  William  Birney:  "James  G.  Birney  and  His  Times,"  p.  170.  See  above,  pp.  17, 
18,  58-62. 

96 


The  Attitude   of  the   Churches  97 

the  Methodists  and  Friends  were  the  most  active  in  this  direction, 
there  were  many  Presbyterians,  Baptists,  and  other  denomina 
tions  interested.1  Evan  Lewis,  in  a  paper  printed  in  1831  but 
written  earlier,  spoke  of  the  Society  of  Friends  in  Pennsylvania, 
and  of  the  Baptists  in  the  West,  as  taking  up  the  question  of 
sl?^§DLM_.^ij?L^-PW-?-dyS|  and  said  of  the  Presbyterians  in  the 
West:  "Their  resolution  appears  to  be  formed  never  to  cease  their 
efforts  until  their  society  is  purged  from  the  sin  of  slavery." 

The  Methodists  had  a  well  equipped  system  of  state  conferences 
which  had  power  to  lay  down  rules  of  discipline  for  the  churches, 
and  many  of  their  leaders  were  anti-slavery  men.  Bishop  Asbury 
stated  in  his  Journal  that  in  North  Carolina  the  masters  were 
afraid  of  the  influence  of  the  Methodists  over  the  blacks.  Candler 
recalled  a  casual  conversation  in  Virginia,  about  1824,  with  a  farmer 
who  was  sure  that  the  traveler  was  a  "Methodist  parson"  because 
he  professed  to  think  labor  not  degrading  to  the  whites.2 

More  definite  and  convincing  are  the  votes  of  the  organized 
bodies.  In  1812  the  General  Conference  of  the  Methodist  Church, 
meeting  in  New  York,  adopted  a  resolution  providing  that  no 
slaveholder  should  be  eligible  to  the  office  of  local  elder  in  any  state 
or  territory  in  which  he  could  legally  manumit  his  slaves.3  In  18.24 
a  clause  was  added  stating  that  if  a  traveling  preacher  should  in 
any  way  become  the  owner  of  slaves,  he  must  "forfeit  his  minis 
terial  character  .  .  .  unless  he  execute  if  it  be  practicable,  a  legal 
emancipation  of  such  slaves,  conformably  to  the  laws  of  the  state 
in  which  he  lives."4  The  Quarterly  Conference  of  the  Cambridge 
Circuit,  Maryland,  adopted  in  1826  unanimous  resolutions  which 
denounced  slavery  and  pointed  out  the  inconsistency  of  allowing 
the  lay-members  of  the  churches  to  hold  slaves  while  the  officials 
were  forbidden  to  do  so.  They  also  declared  their  intention  to  use 
all  possible  efforts  to  obtain  from  the  General  Conference  a  rule 
forbidding  the  admission  to  church  membership  of  a  slaveholder 
who  would  not  manumit  his  slaves,  where  the  law  allowed.5  Even 


1  David  Thomas:   "Travels  through  the  Western  Country,"  p.  80;    The  Genius  of 
Universal  Emancipation,  6.  174. 

2  Isaac  Candler:   "A  Summary  View  of  America,"  p.  253;   "The  Journal  of  the 
Rev.  Francis  Asbury,"  3.  258. 

3  "The  Journal  of  the  Rev.  Francis  Asbury,"  3.  326;  N.  Bangs:  "A  History  of  the 
Methodist  Episcopal  Church,"  2.  316. 

4  Bangs:  "History  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church,"  3.  274. 

5  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  5.  252. 

7 


98  The  Attitude   of  the   Churches 

in  the  cotton  states  the  Methodists  had  something  of  this  feeling, 
for  in  1825  the  Bishop  of  Georgia  told  a  traveler  that  the  Metho 
dists  in  the  state  were  considering  the  advisability  of  making  a  rule 
requiring  all  of  their  members  to  free  their  slaves.1  Unfortunately 
the  Methodist  Church  of  the  South  eventually  felt  itself  bound  to 
protect  and  defend  slavery,  even  to  the  point  of  complete  separa 
tion  from  its  denominational  brethren  in  the  North. 

The  Presbyterian  Church  was  well  qualified  to  influence  public 
opinion  through  its  annual"  General  Assembly,  the  most  powerful 
ecclesiastical  body  in  America;  and  among  its  leading  men  were 
some  prominent  opponents  of  slavery.  Comparatively  few  of  the 
churches  were  in  the  slave  states;  hence,  perhaps,  the  somewhat 
more  decided  though  spasmodic  action.  In  answer  to  a  petition 
in  1815  the  General  Assembly  reported  that  they  were  not  strong 
enough  as  a  body  for  decided  action  on  the  subject  of  slavery,  but 
a  resolution  was  passed  regretting  the  continuance  of  the  institu 
tion  and  recommending  the  education  of  slaves  as  a  preparation 
for  future  emancipation.2  In  1816  they  went  backward,3  by  erasing 
some  strong  words  against  manstealing  adopted  in  1795.  In  1818 
the  anti-slavery  element  obtained  a  larger  influence.  By  a  unani- 
mous  vote  they  declared  slavery  "  a  gross  violation  of  the  most 
precious  and  sacred  rights  of  human  nature;  as  utterly  inconsist 
ent  with  the  law  of  God  .  .  .  and  as  totally  irreconcileable  with 
the_S£irit  and  principles  of  the  gospel  of  Christ,"  the  Golden  Rule. 
They  expressed  theirLsympathy  wjthjhosejn  the  'slave  states  who 
were  doing  all  they  legally  could  for  their  slaves,  recommended 
patronage  of  the  Colonization  Society,  education  of  slaves,  the  dis 
countenancing  of  all  cruelty,  and  the  suspension  of  any  church 
member  who  should  sell  a  Christian  slave.  They  still  admitted 
slaveholders  to  church  office,  however.4  In  1823  or  1824  unsuc 
cessful  resolutions  were  introduced  to  exclude  slaveholders  from 
the  ministry,  and  to  deny  the  communion  to  slave  traders.  "The 
very  making  of  them  was  a  good  symptom,"  although  they  were 
both  negatived.5 

1  Stephen  Grellet;  see  S.  B.  Weeks:   "Southern  Quakers  and  Slavery,"  p.  219. 

2  George  Bourne:    "Picture  of  Slavery  in  the  United  States  of  America,"  p.  184; 
"Liberty,"  p.  77;   The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  8.  36. 

3  Bourne:   "Picture  of  Slavery,"  pp.  187,  188. 

4  Niles' Weekly  Register,   1 6,  Supplement,  p.  153;  Samuel  J.  May:  "Some  Recol 
lections  of  our  Anti-Slavery  Conflict,"  p.  n;    John  D.  Paxton :   "Letters  on  Slavery," 
pp.  a,  3;   "Liberty,"  p.  78.  5  Candler:   "A  Summary  View  of  America,"  p.  323. 


The  Attitude  of  the  Churches  99 

The  action  of  the  individual  synods  and  presbyteries  was  much 
more  distinctly  anti-slavery  than  that  of  the  General  Assembly. 
The  Synod  of  Kentucky  recommended  the  American  Coloniza 
tion  Society  in  1823,  and  in  1830  enjoined  the  churches  to  raise 
money  for  Liberia.  In  1825  it  directed  the  ministers  to  pay  more 
attention  to  the  religious  education  of  the  slaves,  and  in  1826  there 
were  fifteen  schools  for^colored  children  reported  within  its  limits.1 
In  1828  the  Synod  of  Indiana  senflTmernorial  to  the  General  As 
sembly,  emphasizing  the  immorality  of  slaveholding.  They  quoted 
the  language  of  the  General  Assembly  in  1815  and  1818,  and  con 
cluded  that  the  toleration  of  slavery  there  found  was  only  intended 
to  make  more  sure  the  preparation  of  the  slave  for  freedom.  They 
entreat  that  measures  be  now  taken  for  speedy  (though  gradual) 
emancipation.2 

The  Associate  Synod  adopted  in  1811  at  Cannonsburg,  Pejin- 
sylvania,  these  resolutions:  i.  To  hold  negroes  is  a  I  moral  evil./ 
2.  AU  slaveholding  members  must  emancipate  their  slaves  unless 
prohibited  by  civil  law ;  in  which  case  they  should  treat  them  well 
and  pay  them  wages.  _ 3.  Those  refusing  to  follow  the  preceding 
rule  cannot  be  admitted  or  retained  in  fellowship.  4.  Members 
may  buy  negroes  for  the  purpose  of  emancipation,  and  hold  them 
as  slaves  until  they  have  paid  for  themselves,  provided  the  negroes 
consent.  In  1821  it  was  noticed  by  the  Synod  that  the  resolutions 
of  1811  had  been  neglected,  and  new  resolutions  were  passed, 
i.  All  members  of  the  Synod  holding  slaves  on  April  i,  1822, 
shall  be  considered  as  suspended  from  office.  2.  All  Elders  hold 
ing  slaves  on  April  i,  1823,  shall  be  considered  unworthy  of  mem 
bership.  3.  If  any  one  sells  a  slave  in  the  meantime  he  shall  not 
be  readmitted  to  membership  without  special  treatment  of  his  case. 
This  action  in  Pennsylvania  is  more  radical  than  in  any  other  state 
except  among  the  Presbyterians  of  southern  Ohio,  whose  attitude 
against  slavery  has  already  been  treated  in  an  earlier  chapter.3 

In  1826  the  Synod  of  Ohio,  in  a  session  at  Columbus,  held  a 
discussion  on  the  question  "Is  the  holding  of  slaves  manstealing ? " 
and  a  large  majority  decided  in  the  affirmative.4  In  1827  the  same 

1  Robert  Davidson :  "History  of  the  Presbyterian  Church  in  the  State  of  Kentucky," 
P-  338;  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  6.  102. 

2  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  8.  36. 

3  Ibid.  i.  9,  10;  see  above,  pp.  58-61. 

4  Ibid.  6.  62;  National  Philanthropist,  Dec.  2,  1826. 


ioo  The  Attitude  of  the  Churches 

Synod  considered  whether  slaveholding  was  a  sufficiently  great  sin 
to  exclude  a  man  from  the  communion.  No  advocate  or  justifier 
of  slavery  appeared  in  the  meeting,  and  a  resolution  was  passed 
declaring  that  slavery  could  "  no  longer  be  tolerated  within  the  juris 
diction  of  this  Synod."  The  only  reason  given  against  such  action 
was  the  fear  of  offending  some  slaveholder,  —  a  reason  deemed 
utterly  insufficient.1 

The  Union  Presbytery  of  East  Tennessee  "opposed  slavery  not 
in  word  only  but  also  in  deed."  They  purchased  and  set  free  two 
colored  men  with  their  families,  both  of  whom  became  "useful 
and  acceptable"  preachers  to  both  whites  and  blacks.2  The 
Chillicothe  Presbytery,  to  which  belonged  nearly  all  the  strong 
group  of  anti-slavery  men  in  southern  Ohio,  was  of  course  very 
decided  on  this  question.  In  September,  1829,  they  passed  unani 
mously  a  resolution  "  that  buying  or  selling  or  holding  a  slave  for 
the  sake  of  gain,  is  a  heinous  sin  and  scandal,  and  requires  the 
cognizance  of  the  judicatories  of  this  church."  The  resolution  was 
included  in  an  address  to  the  churches  under  the  jurisdiction  of  this 
presbytery,  which  was  drawn  up  by  Gilliland.3  While  immediate 
abolition  is  not  mentioned  in  this  address,  the  anti-slavery  tone  is 
clear  and  ringing.  "Had_the  church  kept  her  hands  clear  of  this 
bloody  crime,  it  is  possible,  nay  it  is  almost  certain  that  slavery  in 
*~*  these  United  States  would  have  long  ago  been  abolished."  Gilli 
land  feared  that  destruction  was  near  because  men  were  so  loath  to 
hear  reproof  on  the  subject,  and  declared  it  the  duty  of  the  churches 
to  exclude  from  communion  all  guilty  of  this  sin.  While  Gilliland 
alone  signed  the  address,  which  was  called  a  "pastoral  letter,"  the 
first  page  declared  it  to  be  with  the  authority  of  the  presbytery. 

The  Baptists,  who  had  no  central  organization  which  could  lay 
clown  rules  for  the  government  of  the  entire  body  of  the  church 
members,  were  very  strong  in  the  South.  For  these  two  reasons 
we  find  no  action  taken  by  the  denomination  as  a  whole,  though 
some  individuals  and  churches  took  anti-slavery  ground.  Before 
1808  a  crusade  against  slavery  was  initiated  by  six  Baptist  min 
isters  of  Kentucky: 4  Carter  Tarrant,  David  Barrow,  John  Sutton, 

1  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  7.  27,  33,  43,  52,  53. 

2  John  Rankin:   "Letters  on  American  Slavery,"  pp.  28,  29. 

3  Address  to  the  Churches,  in  pamphlet  form;    The  Genius  of  Universal  Emanci 
pation,  ii.  158,  165,  181. 

4  N.  S.  Shaler:    "Kentucky.    A  Pioneer  Commonwealth,"  p.  148;    Lewis  Collins: 


The  Attitude  of  the  Churches  101 

Donald  Holmes,  Jacob  Gregg  and  George  Smith.  They  called 
themselves  "  Friends  of  Humanity,''  and  maintained  that  there 
should  be  no  fellowship  with  slaveholders.  Their  field  of  opera 
tions  was  narrow  and  they  did  not  acquire  a  great  reputation, 
nor  did  they  greatly  affect  the  anti-slavery  contest,  although  they 
are  mentioned  once  or  twice  during  the  period  1808-1831.  Most 
of  the  Baptist  churches  in  Illinois  admitted  slaveholders  into  mem 
bership,  and  were  not  earnest  against  the  system.  In  1828  seven 
teen  churches  withdrew  from  the  connection  for  this  reason,  and 
sent  a  circular  address  "to  the  Friends  of  Humanity  in  Illinois, 
Missouri,  and  elsewhere."  1 

There  is  less  testimony  as  to  the  work  of  other  sects  in  the 
United  States,  with  the  exception  of  the  Friends.  The  Episcopa 
lians  and  Catholics  were  apparently  neutral.  The  German,  or  High 
Dutch,  Church  at  Pleasant  Run,  Ohio,  was  one  of  the  few  anti- 
slavery  churches  of  which  we  have  mention,2  and  carried  their  op 
position  to  the  institution  "so  far  that  they  would  hold  no  slaves 
themselves,  nor  have  any  communion  or  fellowship  with  those  who 
did."  Nearly  all  the  members  were  from  Virginia,  whence  the 
church  had  as  a  body  emigrated  to  Ohio  in  1801.  A  congrega 
tion  of  Lutherans,  probably  in  Tennessee,  passed  in  1822  or  1823 
a  resolution  declaring  their  abhorrence  of  slavery.3 

The  Friends  were  by  far  the  most  active  opponents  of  slavery  ' 
during  this  period.  They  furnished  the  leaders  in  the  "American 
Convention  "  and  in  the  greater  number  of  the  Abolition  Societies 
in  the  country,  while  many  individual  members  were  renowned 
as  friends  of  the  slave.  The  traveler  Blane  thought  the  Quakers 
the  only  people  in  the  United  States  who  were  seriously  striving  to 
abolish  slavery,  or  who  were  exerting  "themselves  to  the  utmost  to 
alleviate  its  horrors."  Knight  is  less  positive,  yet  says:  "The 
Quakers,  emphatically,  and  to  their  unfading  honor,  have  ever 
been  the  foremost  against  slavery."  4  Among  the  few  memorials 

"Historical  Sketches  of  Kentucky,"  p.  in;  David  Benedict:  "General  History  of  the 
Baptist  Denomination,"  edition  of  1813,  2.  245. 

1  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  8.  107. 

2  This  church,  founded  in  1790,  had  70  members  in  1809.     Nothing  is  known  of  its 
later  history.    See  Benedict:  "General  History  of  the  Baptist  Denomination,"  2.  261. 

3  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  2.  114. 

4  Wm.  N.  Blane:    "An  Excursion  through  the  United  States  and  Canada,"  p.  26; 
Henry  C.  Knight  (Arthur  Singleton,  Esq.):   "Letters  from  the  South  and  West,"  p.  17. 
For  the  work  of  the  Quakers  before  1808  see  M.  S.  Locke:   "Anti-Slavery  in  America, 
1619-1808,"  §§  105-107. 


IO2  The  Attitude  of  the  Churches 

to  Congress  during  this  period  are  two  from  a  Quaker  Yearly 
Meeting;  one  in  1819  expressed  their  disapprobation  of  slavery 
extension,1  and  a  second,  in  December,  1823,  prayed  for  the 
amelioration  of  the  condition  of  the  slaves,  especially  in  regard  to 
the  marriage  relation.2  Candler  said  in  1824  that  slaveholding 
was  not  tolerated  among  the  Friends  of  Long  Island.3  A  remon 
strance  in  1826  from  the  Monthly  Meeting  of  Friends  to  the  Leg 
islature  of  Delaware  solicits  attention  to  the  subject  of  slavery, 
denounces  the  system,  and  blames  Delaware  for  her  participation 
in  the  crime.  It  demands  an  immediate  action  of  the  powers  of 
the  Legislature  for  abolition  in  the  state.4 

The  relation  of  the  Friends  of  North  Carolina  and  Virginia  to 
slavery  has  been  fully  treated  in  a  recent  monograph,  and  a  few 
facts  may  be  briefly  quoted.  Quakers  in  the  former  state  were  not 
all  anti-slavery  men;  some  who  married  outside  the  Society,  and 
took  slaves  as  their  wives'  dower,  became  the  hardest  class  to 
deal  with.  As  a  denomination,  however,  they  freed  their  slaves,, 
and  since  the  laws  in  that  state  against  unconditional  emancipa 
tion  were  so  rigid,  the  Society  itself  became  a  slaveholder  in  1808, 
receiving  slaves  from  masters  who  wished  to  be  rid  of  them,  and 
giving  them  virtual  freedom,  sometimes  sending  them  to  the  free 
states..  ^n  I^°9  the  Yearly  Meeting  decided  to  give  up  this  custom, 
but  it  was  soon  recommenced,  and  continued  till  the  Civil  War. 
In  1814  they  had  350  negroes  whom  they  held  in  trust  in  this  way. 
It  was  not  deemed  advisable  to  purchase  these  slaves  at  their  full 
value,  or  to  receive  them  from  persons  outside  of  the  Society.  A 
report  in  1830  gave  the  number  sent  to  free  governments  since  the 
beginning  of  the  custom  as  652,  at  an  expense  of  $12,769.81,  and 
the  number  still  under  their  care  as  402.  Other  than  this  there  was 
little  work  done  even  by  the  Quakers  in  North  Carolina.  Petitions 
to  Congress  in  1816  and  1823,  which  had  but  little  success,  and 
some  effort  to  educate  the  negroes  are  about  all  that  is  noted.  Be 
tween  1825  and  1831  they  were  especially  interested  in  the  work 
of  the  American  Colonization  Society,  although  some  members 
looked  upon  it  as  an  aid  to  the  slave  power.  In  1826  nearly  $5000 
was  given  to  the  North  Carolina  Yearly  Meeting  to  send  negroes 

1  Annals  of  Congress,  i6th  Congress,  ist  Session,  739. 

2  Ibid.  1 8th  Congress,  ist  Session,  p.  810. 

3  Isaac  Candler:  "A  Summary  View  of  the  United  States,"  p.  322. 
*  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  5.  201,  202. 


The  Attitude  of  the  Churches  103 

from  the  states,  and  several  vessels  were  fitted  out  and  sent  with 
emigrants.1 

In  Virginia  slavery  attracted  little  attention  from  the  Quakers 
after  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century.  The  Society  in  that 
state  never  became  a  slaveholder,  and  it  did  no  aggressive  work.2 

Notwithstanding  these  and  other  facts  showing  a  true  anti- 
slavery  sentiment  among  the  churches  in  this  period,  it  is  not  to 
be  contested  that  the  greatj-eligious  bodies  did  little,  as  such,  to 
aid  in  the  abolition  of  slavery.  The  real  work  of  the  Quakers 
was  in  the  Abolition  Societies,  which  will  be  considered  later,  and 
in  individual  work,  some  of  which  has  already  been  described. 

1  Stephen  B.  Weeks:    "Southern  Quakers  and  Slavery."     Quotations  with  regard 
to  the  Quakers  in  North  Carolina  are  from  pp.  224-232.    See  also  The  Genius  of  Univer 
sal  Emancipation,  4.  33.    The  memorial  in  1823  is  the  one  referred  to  in  note  2,  p.  102. 

2  Weeks:  "Southern  Quakers  and  Slavery,"  p.  217. 


CHAPTER  X 
THE  CAUSES   OF   ORGANIZED  EFFORT 

ALTHOUGH  anti-slavery  organizations  existed  before  1808,  their 
number  increased  during  the  later  years.  This  was  due  to  several 
well-defined  causes:  the  spread  in  the  country  of  the  idea  of 
African  colonization ;  the  growth  of  the  idea  of  immediate  emanci 
pation  ;  the  steady  increase  in  anti-slavery  sentiment  in  the  North ; 
and  the  conviction  that  slavery  was  likely  to  be  a  permanent  in 
stitution  unless  immediately  attacked.  At  the  same  time  changes 
in  individual  opinion,  and  the  growth  of  "delicacy"  at  the  South, 
had  their  effect  upon  the  organizations,  their  spread  and  their 
personnel.  The  character  and  personnel  of  the  American  Coloni 
zation  Society,  its  aims,  and  the  extent  to  which  it  effected  them, 
and  the  question  whether  it  was  on  the  whole  truly  anti-slavery, 
will  be  discussed  in  a  later  chapter.  Consideration  here  is  limited 
to  its  external  history,  as  showing  the  spread  of  the  idea  of  African 
colonization,  and  its  effect  upon  the  amount  of  organized  effort  in 
the  country  in  connection  with  slavery.  The  founder  of  the  Ameri- 
N)  can  Colonization  Society  was  Rev.  Robert  Finley,  D.D.,  a  native 
of  New  Jersey,  graduate  of  Princeton  College,  and  an  ordained 
pastor  of  the  Presbyterian  Church.  At  the  time  of  its  foundation 
at  Washington  in  1816,  it  had  fifty  members,  including  Henry  Clay, 
Stephen  B.  Balch,  John  Randolph  of  Roanoke,  and  Justice  Bush- 
rod  Washington,  who  was  its  first  President.  The  movement  was 
practically  inaugurated  by  the  action  of  several  of  the  Southern 
Legislatures,  that  of  Virginia  passing  in  1816  a  resolution  asking 
the  general  government  to  procure  a  site  for  African  colonization, 
and  the  Legislatures  of  Maryland,  Tennessee  and  Georgia  soon 
following  her  example.  In  1821  the  site  of  Liberia  was  purchased, 
and  the  community  still  in  existence  was  soon  after  founded.  The 
number  of  Colonization  Societies  steadily  increased,  though  it  was 

ten  years  before  the  idea  obtained  a  distinct  foothold  in  the  North. 

104 


The  Causes  of  Organized  Effort  105 

As  we  approach  the  end  of  the  period  the  growth  becomes  more 
rapid,  although  the  number  of  societies  and  of  life  members  was 
always  greater  at  the  South  than  at  the  North.  In  1832  there  were 
societies  in  every  state  except  Rhode  Island  in  the  North,  and 
South  Carolina  in  the  South.  The  tables  show  the  increase  in 
the  number  of  societies,  by  states,  during  the  years  1816-1832, 
and  of  the  life  members  for  the  first  three  years  in  which  they  were 
recorded. l  \ 

While  immediate,  unconditional  emancipation  found  at  all  \ 
times  only  a  limited  following,  the  idea  spread  during  the  period 
under_discussion,  while  a  constantly  increasing  number  favored  the 
immediate  passage  of  gradual  emancipation  laws.  Even  as  late 
as  the  time  of  the  Civil  War  a  large  number  of  those  who  expressed 
their  sympathy  for  the  slave  decried  immediate  emancipation  as  §\ 
no  less  bad  for  the  blacks  than  for  the  whites,  though  a  fair  pro-  V 
portion,  especially  among  the  slaveholders  themselves,  felt  that 
immediate  emancipation  accompanied  by  colonization  flight  hp 
practicable]  Later  in  the  struggle  people  liked  to  think  that  they 
had  always  been  on  the  extreme  side,  and  they  or  their  friends  and 
biographers  were  sure  that  they  had  held  and  voiced  that  opinion 
between  1792  and  1831,  most  of  them  dating  it  from  about  1814. 
The  contemporary  evidence  shows  very  few  real  immediatists,  but 
many  who,  while  not  favoring  immediate  emancipation,  advocated 
an  immediate  passage  of  gradual  emancipation  acts.2  John  Adams, 
John  Jay  and  Daniel  Raymond  in  1819,  Edward  Bettle  in  1826, 
Samuel  Sewall  in  1827,  all  speak  of  the  inexpediency  of  immediate 
emancipation,  and  the  danger  to  the  blacks  if  it  were  attempted. 
An  anonymous  Southern  writer,  "  Hieronymus,"  in  1825,  says  he 
does  not  believe  he  could  find  any  Northern  man  advocating  it; 

1  Appleton's  Cyclopedia  of  Biography;    North  American  Review,  Jan.   1824;    "A 
Few  Facts  respecting  the  American  Colonization  Society"  published  in  1830;    Ralph  R. 
Gurley:  "The  Life  of  Jehudi  Ashmun,"  p.  no;   "African  Colonization.    Proceedings  of 
a  meeting  of  the  Friends  of  African  Colonization,  held  in  the  City  of  Baltimore  on  the  i  yth 
Oct.  1827,"  p.  5;  Miles'  Weekly  Register,  n.  275,  296;   15,  Supplement,  p.  42.    The  New 
Jersey  Society  is  said  to  have  been  founded  by  Finley  in  1817,  but  there  is  no  mention  of  it 
in  any  report  before  1827.    The  table  is  arranged  entirely  from  the  reports  of  the  American 
Colonization  Society,  as  the  most  comprehensive  and  presumably  the  most  reliable  source 
of  such  information.     Statements  differing  from  these  may  be  found  in  various  books, 
both  those  written  in  the  earlier  period,  and  more  recently. 

2  See  William  Birney:   "James  G.  Birney  and  His  Times,"  pp.  17,  18,  76,  78,  106, 
169,  399 ;  John  Adams,  "  Works,"  edited  by  Charles  Francis  Adams,  10.  379 ;  Daniel  Ray 
mond  :  "The  Missouri  Question,"  p.  8;  Register  of  Pennsylvania,  10.  328;  The  Christian 
Examiner,  4.  211 ;  "Hieronymus,"  Essays,  pp.  49,  58-60;  The  Genius  of  Universal  Eman 
cipation,  i.  160  (Letter  of  John  Jay  to  Elias  Boudinot),  6.  82,  260. 


io6 


The  Causes  of  Organized  Effort 


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The  Causes  of  Organized  Effort  107 

the  members  of  the  Abolition  Society  in  Williams  College  in  1826 
express  their  doubt  of  its  advisability ;  while  a  writer  in  the  Rich 
mond  Enquirer  in  1827  said  that  immediate  emancipation  without 
expatriation  was  the  idea  only  of  those  "who  have  not  the  guide 
of  either  knowledge  or  experience  on  the  subject."  Yet  Hierony- 
mus  would  be  inclined  to  follow  the  plan  could  he  feel  the  danger 
from  it  overestimated ;  he  declares  that  abolition,  either  immediate 
or  gradual,  is  the  only  remedy  for  the  slave  trade;  "that  it  is  our 
duty,  and  our  interest,  to  liberate  them  [the  slaves]  as  soon  as  it 
can  be  done  with  safety";  and  expresses  his  hope  that  if  the  slave 
holders  cannot  prove  the  necessity  and  value  of  slavery,  "they  will 
yield  to  their  honest  convictions  and  unite  for  the  gradual,  and  if 
at  all  practicable,  the  immediate  abolition  of  slavery." 

The  Pennsylvania  Abolition  Society  sent  a  memorial  to  their 
State  Legislature  in  1820,  asking  for  a  law  for  immediate  and  total 
emancipation  in  that  state,  believing  that  it  was  feasible,  since  the 
gradual  emancipation  act  had  been  so  long  in  force.1  In  the  Ameri 
can  Convention  in  1826  it  was  proposed  to  ask  Congress  to  abolish 
slavery  immediately  in  the  District  of  Columbia.2  In  1828  the 
New  York  Legislature  passed  an  act  practically  setting  free  all 
slaves  still  held  in  that  state.  In  1825  a  writer  in  the  Washington 
(Pa.)  Examiner,  while  expressing  doubts  as  to  the  safety  of  uncon 
ditional  emancipation,  adds,  apropos  of  the  domestic  slave  trade, 
"We  would  almost  as  soon  risk  even  that  as  a  continuance  of  such 
infamous  and  inhuman  practices."  3  A  pamphlet  published  in  the 
same  year  by  a  New  England  man  declared,  by  logical  and  numeri 
cal  arguments,  the  practicability  of  emancipation.4  A  letter  from 
Sadsbury,  Pennsylvania,  to  the  editor  of  the  "Genius"  in  October, 
1829,  declared  the  writer's  belief  in  immediate  emancipation,  and 
his  desire  that  the  slaves  be  freed,  even  though  it  were  to  be  danger 
ous  to  the  whites.5  Another  writer  from  western  Virginia  declared 
(1830)  that  immediate  emancipation  was  justice,  and  that  it  was 
not  right  to  consider  expediency.8  Other  writers  whose  arguments 

1  Edward  Needles:  "History  of  the  Pennsylvania  Abolition  Society,"  p.  70. 

2  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  6.  74. 

3  Ibid.  5.  19. 

4  "An  Attempt  to  Demonstrate  the  Practicability  of  Emancipating  the  Slaves  of  the 
United  States  of  North  America,  and  of  removing  them  from  the  Country,  without  im 
pairing  the  Right  of  Private  Property,  or  subjecting  the  Nation  to  a  tax.     By  a  New- 
England  Man."    Published  in  New  York  in  1825. 

5  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  10.  41. 

6  Ibid.  11.85-86. 


io8  The  Causes  of  Organized  Effort 

against  slavery  and  for  immediate  emancipation  were  published 
during  this  period  are  quoted  in  the  previous  chapters. 

The  unpopularity  of  immediate  emancipation,  though  advo 
cated  by  a  limited  following,  is  clearly  seen  in  the  unwillingness 
of  any  society  to  accept  it  in  its  completeness,  except  one  society 
in  Sunsbury,  Monroe  County,  Ohio,  which  in  1826  set  that  definite 
aim  before  itself  by  its  constitutional  rule  that  "No  person  shall 
be  admitted  to  membership  unless  he  is  in  unison  with  the  follow 
ing  propositions,  i.  I  am  opposed  to  every  species  of  slavery. 
2.  I  am  willing  to  do  all  I  can,  consistently,  towards  the  immedi 
ate  abolition  of  slavery.  3.  And  when  any  of  this  class  shall 
become  free,  I  wish  them  to  partake  of  the  common  privileges  of 
other  free  citizens."1 

Midway  between  colonization  and  immediate  emancipation  was 
.the  old-fashioned  anti-slavery  sentiment,  which  gained  ground  at 
/the  North,  however  apathetic  it  seemed  to  the  wrongs  of  the  slave. 
The  address  of  the  American  Convention  to  the  Societies  in  1821 
congratulated  its  readers  upon  "the  great  change  in  public  opinion 
in  favor  of  abolition  of  slavery  that  has  already  been  effected  in 
the  Northern,  Middle,  and  some  of  the  Western  States."2  The 
New  York  society,  in  its  address  to  the  American  Convention  the 
same  year,  stated  that  "perseverance  in  the  course  of  philanthropy 
and  justice  has  achieved,  in  this  state,  nearly  all  that  laws  can 
effect."  The  writers  continued:  "But  a  little  while  ago  we  were 
surrounded  with  enemies  on  every  side;  and  the  number  of  ad 
vocates  for  Negro  emancipation  was,  in  comparison  with  the 
whole  number  of  citizens,  a  mere  handful.  ...  It  is  believed,  we 
may  now  with  confidence  assert,  that  a  great  majority  of  the  citi 
zens  of  New  York  and  of  the  state  are  adverse  to  slavery."  3 
The  address  of  the  Williams  College  Society  for  Abolition  said  in 
1826:  "It  appears  to  be  the  conviction  of  people  generally  in  this 
part  of  the  country  that  the  time  has  arrived  when  it  is  necessary 
to  feel  as  well  as  speculate,  and  to  act  as  well  as  feel,  if  we  would" 
accomplish  anything  in  behalf  of  the  negroes.4  A  similar  address 

1  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention  for  Promoting  the  Abolition  of  Slavery,  for 
1826,  p.  48 ;  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  6.  122.    It  is  true  that  other  societies 
claimed  to  advocate  this,  but  we  have  no  copy  of  their  constitution  extant,  nor  any  distinct 
report,  other  than  the  later  utterances  of  those  more  or  less  intimately  concerned. 

2  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention  for  Promoting  the  Abolition  of  Slavery,  for 
1821,  p.  56.  3  Ibid.  p.  67;   The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  i.  178. 

4  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention  for  Promoting  the  Abolition  of  Slavery,  for 
1826,  p.  21. 


OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY 

Vv 

The  Causes  of  Organized 


in  1828  from  the  National  Anti-slavery  Tract  Society  was  sure 
that  a  wonderful  change  had  taken  place  in  the  public  mind,  and 
that  it  had  mostly  been  effected  within  a  quarter  of  a  century.1 

Another  reason  for  advance  both  in  numbers  and  in  expression 
of  sentiment  was  the  evidence  that  slavery  was  not  a  temporary 
and  disappearing  thing  at  the  South,  as  at  the  North,  but  that  it 
had  firmly  taken  root  in  the  political  and  social  institutions  of  the 
country.  The  Methodist  Episcopal  Church  felt  in  1824  that  it 
was  impossible  to  eradicate  or  control  slavery,  and  that  even  "  its 
eradication  from  the  church"  was  "beyond  the  control  of  ecclesi 
astical  law,"  and  proposed  rules  to  govern  the  treatment  of  the 
slaves  by  the  church  members.2  Isaac  Holmes,  traveling  about 
1821,  said  that  there  was  little  prospect  of  emancipation.3  Others 
held  out  the  cheerful  prospect  that  slavery  would  continue  until 
there  should  be  a  second  San  Domingo,  to  drench  the  slave  states 
with  blood  and  give  rise  to  a  barbarous  black  republic.  The  bug 
bear  often  served  the  abolitionists,  who  tried  to  arouse  the  South 
erner  to  his  danger,  so  that  he  might  emancipate  the  slaves  before 
it  was  too  late. 

During  the  decade  from  1820  to  1830  there  was  indubitably  a 
growth  of  anti-slavery  sentiment  at  the  North,  and  a  slow  change 
of  individual  opinion  on  the  question  of  slavery.  Intercourse 
between  the  North  and  the  South  was  more  easy  in  1830  than  in 
1808,  and  news  from  one  part  of  the  country  more  readily  found 
its  way  to  other  sections.  The  growth  of  freedom  in  the  Northern 
states  must  have  led  many  both  in  the  North  and  the  South  to  see 
the  advantages  of  abolition;  the  border  states  saw  a  diminishing 
proportion  of  slave  population;  and  there  were  indications  that 
these  and  other  states  were  approaching  the  position  where  they 
might  consider  the  feasibility  of  emancipation.  More  than  all  the 
rest,  the  Missouri  struggle  had  opened  the  eyes  of  many  to  the  evils 
of  slavery  extension,  or  to  the  necessity  for  protection  to  that  institu 
tion,  according  to  the  geographical  position  of  the  thinker.  The 
contest  in  Illinois  had  aroused  a  number  to  whom  the  slavery 
struggle  might  otherwise  have  been  only  a  word.  It  therefore 
seems  natural  that  the  period  after  1831  should  witness  more 

1  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention  for  Promoting  the  Abolition  of  Slavery,  for 
1828,  p.  46. 

2  N.  Bangs:  "A  History  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church,"  3.  274. 

3  Isaac  Holmes:  "An  Account  of  the  United  States,"  p.  329. 


no  The  Causes  of  Organized  Effort 

zealous  advocates  and  more  bitter  speeches  than  the  earlier  period. 
The  expression  of  sentiment  is  slower  than  its  growth.  Some 
people  would  not  speak  on  the  subject  until  their  opinion  had 
become  less  unusual,  and  the  minority  in  which  they  stood  had 
grown  larger.  Many  later  anti-slavery  champions  may  with  justice 
claim  that  their  anti-slavery  sentiment  dated  from  their  early  life 
though  their  first  words  on  the  subject  came  much  later  in  their 
life,  and  far  along  in  the  history  of  anti-slavery. 

In  later  discussions  it  became  a  fixed  dogma  of  the  pro-slavery 
writers  that  up  to  1831  there  was  in  the  South  an  ever  increasing 
opposition  to  slavery,  a  denunciation  of  it  as  a  system,  and  a  strong 
tendency  towards  its  abolition,  and  that  the  "delicacy"  of  the  South 
in  regard  to  the  "peculiar  institution"  was  aroused  by  the  clashing 
between  the  uncompromising  abuse  by  Garrison  and  his  fol 
lowers  and  the  indomitable  pride  of  the  slaveholders.  For  this 
conviction  there  was  some  ground;  in  1813  Benedict,  a  New 
England  man  traveling  at  the  South,  at  first  determined  not  to  talk 
about  slavery,  but  he  found  that  the  Southern  slaveholders  were 
willing  to  discuss  it.1  Rankin's  "Letters  on  Slavery"  sold  in 
great  numbers  without  opposition  in  Kentucky  in  1824  to  i828.2 
In  1828  a  three-day  anti-slavery  convention  was  held  in  Win 
chester,  Virginia.  The  meetings  were  public,  widely  advertised, 
and  were  held  in  the  town  hall,  yet  they  met  with  no  opposition.3 

Yet  the  evidence  of  open-mindedness  cannot  stand  against  the 
many  instances  of  absolute  refusal  to  permit  argument  against 
slavery.  In  the  Colonial  Congress,  in  the  Confederation,  in  the 
Constitutional  Convention,  in  the  State  ratifying  Conventions,  in 
the  early  Congresses,  there  were  many  vehement  denunciations  of 
anything  which  seemed  to  have  an  anti-slavery  tendency,  and 
J  wholesale  suspicion  of  the  North  at  all  times  when  the  subject  was 
opened.  Between  1808  and  1819  there  is  little  indication  of  a 
real  sectional  jealousy  on  the  subject,  but  after  the  struggle  over 
[  Missouri  it  is  rarely  absent  from  Southern  discussions  of  slavery. 
The  Missouri  Compromise  was  in  part  a  political  contest,  in  which 
the  issue  was  not  slavery  per  se,  but  sectional  power,  yet  plenty  of 

1  David  Benedict:  "General  History  of  the  Baptist  Denomination,"  edition  of  1813, 
2.  208. 

2  A.  T.  Rankin:  "Truth  Vindicated  and  Slander  Repelled,"  p.  7. 

3  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  9.  35.    For  a  fuller  discussion  of  the  period 
before  1808,  with  reference  to  Southern  delicacy,  see  M.  S.  Locke:  "Anti-Slavery  in  Amer 
ica,  1619-1808." 


Tlie  Causes  of  Organized  Effort  in 

references  can  be  found  to  the  "irritability  of  the  South,"  and  the 
"danger"  of  discussion  both  during  and  after  this  period.  A  few 
examples  will  illustrate  this  point.  In  January,  1820,  William 
Smith  of  South  Carolina  denounced  in  Congress  the  anti-slavery 
pamphlets  by  "Colbert,"  "Marcus,"  and  Daniel  Raymond.1 
Judge  Story,  afterwards  Chief  Justice,  in  May,  1820,  called  the 
subject  a  "delicate  topic."  2  Charles  J.  Fox,  in  the  New  York 
Commercial  Advertiser,  before  or  during  the  earlier  part  of  1821, 
included  "sectional  animosity"  among  the  "evils  which  slavery 
is  shedding  upon  our  country  like  a  poisonous  blight."  3 

An  interesting  incident  was  related  in  1823  by  W.  Faux,  an  anti- 
slavery  Englishman  who  happened  to  be  in  Charleston,  South 
Carolina,  and  wrote  to  the  Charleston  Courier  to  show  up  the  case 
of  a  slave  murdered  by  excessive  whipping,  and  to  arouse  the  com 
munity  from  its  indifference.  Faux  was  severely  criticized  then 
and  on  a  second  visit,  and  he  declared  that  "the  Carolinians  love 
slavery  and  hate  all  who  hate  it."  Perhaps  it  is  more  astonishing 
that  the  letter  was  printed  at  all  than  that  it  was  criticized,  for  it 
came  two  years  after  the  Denmark  Yesey  plot,  when  the  state  was 
fearfully  excited.4 

A  constitutional  nervousness  is  shown  in  several  incidents  of  the 
years  1825-1826,  for  example  Governor  Troup's  attitude  in  1825 
in  regard  to  the  Creek  episode.5  Attorney- General  Wirt's  opinion 
on  the  unconstitutionality  of  the  South  Carolina  Colored  Seamen's 
Act  (1826)  was  received  with  abuse  and  neglect.  In  the  debates  on 
the  Panama  Congress  in  1826  slavery  was  treated  as  a  fragile  thing, 
which  could  not  bear  discussion  at  Panama. 

When  William  Maxwell,  a  Norfolk  lawyer  of  high  standing, 
denounced  slavery  in  an  article  in  the  Norfolk  Herald,  a  meeting 
was  called  to  examine  the  state  of  the  police,  and  other  correspond 
ents  in  the  paper  accused  Maxwell  of  wishing  to  arouse  another 
San  Domingo.6  The  United  States  Gazette  referred  in  1826  to  "A 
sensible  and  spirited  writer  in  the  Kentucky  Reporter"  who  had 
"come  out  against  slavery  in  plain  and  manly  terms."  "We  did 

1  Annals  of  Congress,  i6th  Congress,  ist  Session,  267. 

2  Charge  to  the  Grand  Jury  of  the  U.  S.  Circuit  Court  at  Portland,  Me.,  on  May  8, 
1820,  p.  14. 

3  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  i.  13. 

4  W.  Faux:  "Memorable  Days  in  America,"  pp.  69,  73-76,  405. 

5  Niles'  Weekly  Register,  28.  274,  etc. 

6  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  5.  369,  372,  377,  385,  393. 


ii2  The  Causes  of  Organized  Effort 

not  suppose,"  the  editor  continues,  "that  any  man  dare  write,  or 
printer  publish  such  plain  truths  in  that  state."  1    In  November, 

1825,  the  Southern  writer  "Hieronymus"  said  that  probably  no 
discussion  of  slavery  could  be  carried  on  in  the  papers  of  the  South, 
for  the  editors  would  lose  their  patrons;   he  related  how  a  clergy 
man  in  Carolina  about  twenty  years  before  had  been  obliged  to 
leave  his  people  and  remove  to  a  free  state  because  he  conscien 
tiously  preached  against  slavery.2     The  Manumission  Society  of 
North  Carolina,  in  their  address  to  the  American  Convention  in 

1826,  spoke  of  the  fact  that  in  that  state  "the  gentlest  attempt  to 
agitate  the  subject  or  the  slightest  hint  at  the  work  of  emancipa 
tion"  was  "sufficient  to  call  forth  their  [the  slaveholders']  indig 
nant  resentment,  as  if  their  dearest  rights  were  invaded."  3 

Added  to  remonstrance  there  were  some  cases  of  positive  meas 
ures  against  anti-slavery  men  and  organizations.  When  some 
people  met  at  Smithfield,  Virginia,  in  1827,  to  form  an  abolition 
society,  the  meeting  was  broken  up  by  magistrates,  on  the  ground 
that  as  there  was  no  law  authorizing  such  a  meeting  it  must  be 
contrary  to  law.4  The  authoj  of  "Americans  as  they  are,"  pub 
lished  in  1828,  refers  to  the  extreme  irritability  of  the  South  on  the 
question,  and  the  actual  danger  of  death  if  a  lawyer  defended  a 
slave.5  In  1825  a  South  Carolina  subscriber  to  the  "Genius" 
asked  to  have  the  paper  discontinued;  a  young  man,  in  weak 
health,  and  dependent  on  his  profession  for  support,  he  dared  not 
receive  a  paper  which  aroused  so  much  opposition.6 

That  this  unwillingness  was  not  always  accompanied  by  a  real 
sense  of  the  righteousness  of  slavery,  but  was  often  rather  an  indi 
cation  of  sectional  jealousy,  is  also  shown  by  some  of  the  discussion 
on  the  part  of  the  South.  Representative  Drayton  of  South  Caro 
lina,  in  a  debate  in  Congress  in  1828,  spoke  strongly  against  the 
institution,  yet  he  continued :  "  Much  as  we  love  our  country,  we 
would  rather  see  our  cities  in  flames,  our  plains  drenched  in  blood 

1  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  5.  69. 

2  "Hieronymus,"  Essays,  p.  62.     Perhaps  the  clergyman  referred  to  was  Gilliland; 
see  above,  p.  60. 

3  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention  for  Promoting  the  Abolition  of  Slavery,  for 
1826,  p.  37. 

4  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  7.  13.     The  quotation  is  from  the  Win 
chester  Republican,  whose  editor  considered  that  the  magistrates  had  taken  the  best 
means  to  increase  the  supporters  of  the  society. 

5  "Americans  As  They  Are,"  p.  178. 

6  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  6.  61.    This  was  four  years  before  Garrison 
became  one  of  its  editors. 


The  Causes  of  Organized  Effort  113 

—  rather  endure  all  the  calamities  of  civil  war,  than  parley  for  an 
instant  upon  the  right  of  any  power  than  our  own  to  interfere  with 
the  regulation  of  our  slaves."  1  This  is  still  more  clearly  shown  in 
the  distinct  utterance  of  suspicions  of  the  North.  Samuel  E.  Sewall 
in  the  Christian  Examiner  in  1827  speaks  of  the  jealousy  of  the 
North  entertained  by  the  South,  and  the  unfounded  belief  that 
there  were  many  who  favored  the  idea  of  immediate  emancipation.2 
The  editorials  of  the  New  England  Weekly  Review,  which  have 
already  been  quoted,  allude  to  the  "  abuse  heaped  by  Southern 
Demagogues  upon  New  England." 

A  still  more  fierce  unwillingness  to  discuss  slavery,  and  indica 
tion  of  sectional  jealousy  are  found  in  the  resolution  of  the  Legisla 
ture  of  South  Carolina  in  1828,  protesting  against  any  claim  by 
Congress  of  power  to  interfere  with  either  free  blacks  or  slaves  in 
South  Carolina,  and  declaring  that  South  Carolina  would  not 
submit.  Any  discussion  of  the  matter  would  light  "fires  of  in 
testine  commotion"  and  would  "  ultimately  consume  our  country."  s 
A  still  closer  parallel  to  the  later  argument  that  the  Southerners 
adhered  to  slavery  because  the  North  abused  them  is  found  in 
a  speech  of  Thomas  H.  Benton,  in  Congress,  in  1829.  "It  is  not 
to  be  forgotten,"  he  said,  "that  the  terrible  Missouri  agitation  took 
its  rise  from  the  '  substance  of  two  speeches '  delivered  on  this 
floor,"  and  thenceforth  no  anti-slavery  speech  coming  from  the 
North  must  be  disregarded.  Then  addressing  the  North,  he  said : 
"  To  them  I  can  truly  say  that  slavery  in  the  abstract  has  but  few 
advocates  or  defenders  in  the  slaveholding  States,  and  that  slavery 
as  it  is,  an  hereditary  institution,  .  .  .  would  have  fewer  advo 
cates  among  us  than  it  has,  if  those  who  have  nothing  to  do  with 
the  subject  would  only  let  us  alone.  The  sentiment  in  favor  of 
slavery  was  much  weaker  before  those  intermeddlers  began  their 
operations  than  it  is  at  present."  ' 

It  is  a  noteworthy  fact,  especially  in  view  of  the  history  of  the 
beginning  of  the  Civil  War,  that  the  larger  part  of  this  opposition 

1  Register  of  Debates,  4.  975.    See  above,  p.  22. 

2  The  Christian  Examiner,  4.  7. 

3  David  F.  Houston :  "A  Critical  Study  of  Nullification  in  South  Carolina,"  p.  51. 

4  Benton :  "A  Thirty  Years'  View,"  i.  136.    This  was  before  Garrison's  first  words  in 
the  "Genius";    before  he  first  advocated  immediate  emancipation;  and  of  course  before 
he  had  sufficient  prominence  and  influence  even  among  the  abolitionists  to  antagonize  the 
South.    The  opposition  to  which  Benton  refers,  and  which  he  so  condemns,  was  due  to  the 
earlier  abolitionists  entirely. 

8 


H4  The  Causes  of  Organized  Effort 

to  anti-slavery,  and  nearly  all  the  violent  expression  of  it,  was  found 
in  the  state  of  South  Carolina,  many  of  the  other  states  of  the  South 
contributing  nothing,  or  at  least  nothing  that  has  gone  on  record. 
The  most  virulent  attack  on  anti-slavery  before  Garrison's  rise  was 
written  under  the  title  of  "The  Crisis,"  by  Robert  James  Turnbull 
of  South  Carolina,  over  the  nom  de  guerre  of  "Brutus."  "Who 
could  have  believed,  in  1789,"  says  Brutus,  "that  in  less  than  forty 
years  several  State  Legislatures  should  even  entreat  that  Congress 
would  take  under  its  consideration  measures  to  remove  as  an  evil 
of  the  first  magnitude  the  FUNDAMENTAL  POLITY  of  the 
Southern  States  —  that  even  the  subject  of  slavery  should  be  a  fit 
object  for  the  INDIRECT  legislation  of  a  Government  instituted 
for  the  purpose  of  attending  to  foreign  relations.  .  .  .  Domestic  ser 
vitude  is  the  policy  of  our  country,  and  has  been  so  from  time  im 
memorial.  It  is  so  intimately  interwoven  with  our  prosperity  .  .  . 
that  to  talk  of  its  abolition  is  to  speak  of  striking  us  out  of  our  civil 
and  political  existence."  He  complains  that  the  Legislatures  of 
Ohio,  New  Jersey  and  other  states  "pour  forth  their  phials  of 
wrath"  upon  slavery.  He  foresees  that  the  question  must  be  dis 
cussed  in  Congress,  but  "the  instant  Congress  PRESUMES  to 
express  its  opinion,"  South  Carolina  "will  Act"  This  violent  and 
threatening  paper  has  the  very  same  ring,  and  uses  nearly  the 
same  language,  as  the  later  expressions  from  South  Carolina,  which 
were  supposed  to  be  excited  solely  by  the  anti-slavery  labors  of  the 
Garrisonians ;  but  it  was  published  two  years  before  Garrison  went 
to  Baltimore,  one  year  before  he  took  the  editorship  of  the  "  Journal 
of  the  Times"  in  Bennington,  Vermont,  and  only  one  year  after 
his  first  recorded  words  against  slavery,  which  were  probably  not 
read  by  any  Southern  man. 

Not  one  of  these  many  critics  of  the  North  refer  to  William 
Lloyd  Garrison,  or  even  to  Northern  abolition  societies  or  aboli 
tionists,  and  probably  not  one  of  them  had  ever  heard  of  Garrison. 
The  dates  of  his  coming  into  abolition  service  show  conclusively 
the  existence  of  bitterness,  irritation,  and  a  determination  to  suppress 
criticism,  before  he  could  have  had  any  influence.  The  work  of 
Garrison  before  1831  has  been  mentioned  in  an  earlier  chapter,2 
but  it  may  be  well  in  this  connection  to  give  a  brief  re"sum£  of  the 

*  R.  J.  Turnbull  (Brutus):  "The  Crisis,"  pp.  95,  124,  129,  130,  131.    Italics  and 
capitals  as  in  the  original. 
2  See  above,  p.  67-70. 


The  Causes  of  Organized  Effort  115 

important  dates.  Garrison's  first  recorded  word  on  the  subject 
of  slavery  was  an  editorial  comment  on  a  poem  on  Africa  published 
in  1826;  and  the  next  a  brief  reference  to  the  topic  in  an  article 
written  in  June  of  the  same  year.  An  editorial  denunciation  of 
slavery  in  1828  is  followed  during  the  same  year  by  the  work  in 
Vermont,  and  the  editing  of  the  "Journal  of  the  Times,"  from 
which  we  may  justly  date  the  beginning  of  his  anti-slavery  career. 
He  is  not  yet,  however,  in  a  position  to  influence  the  South,  or  at 
all  events  to  antagonize  it,  for  he  advocates  only  gradual  emancipa 
tion  and  writes  only  for  a  local  Northern  paper,  though  he  is  be 
coming  known  to  the  anti-slavery  workers  of  the  country  and  is 
proposing  the  formation  of  anti-slavery  societies  at  the  North  and 
a  petition  against  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia.  His  belief 
in  and  advocacy  of  immediate  emancipation  dates  from  1829,  and 
his  expression  of  it  from  his  partnership  with  Lundy  in  that  year.) 
Garrison  manifestly  thought  that  his  advocacy  of  immediate  eman 
cipation  in  the  "Genius"  was  the  cause  of  its  small  circulation 
and  the  opposition  to  it  which  was  seen  in  some  quarters,  and  some 
of  his  biographers  have  laid  great  stress  upon  this  point,  even 
stating  that  his  attitude  "broke  up  the  paper."  His,  however,  was 
not  the  first  advocacy  of  immediate  emancipation  in  the  paper ; 
the  trouble  in  finding  subscribers  existed  long  before  the  partner 
ship  ;  the  opposition  was  equally  strong  in  1825,  four  years  before ; l 
and  the  publication  of  the  "Genius"  continued  for  more  than  six 
years  after  the  connection  of  Garrison  with  the  paper  ceased,  and 
for  five  years  after  the  publication  of  the  "Liberator."  While 
Lundy  says  that  some  of  the  articles  in  the  paper  during  his  absences 
were  not  such  as  he  would  have  liked,  it  is  very  possible  that  his 
opposition  would  have  been  to  the  personalities  rather  than  to  the 
proposal  of  immediate  emancipation.  It  wasjio  doubt  Garrison's 
later  work  which  aroused  the  hatred  of  the  South  against  hirn,  and 
led  to  the  expression  of  a  sentiment  which  had  existed  for  many 
years. 

1  See  above,  p.  112. 


CHAPTER    XI 
ANTI-SLAVERY  SOCIETIES 

IT  is  at  this  date  impossible  to  determine  with  any  exactness 
the  number  or  location  of  anti-slavery  societies  during  the  period 
from  1808  to  1831.  This  is  not  remarkable,  since  at  the  time 
widely  varying  statements  were  current.  An  enumeration  of  the 
societies  appears  only  three  times  in  the  reports  of  the  American 
Convention  or  in  the  "  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,"  and 
each  time  the  statement  is  purposely  left  indefinite.  Lundy  says 
in  1825  "over  one  hundred,"  in  1827  "  about  one  hundred  and 
thirty,"  and  the  report  of  the  American  Convention  gives  the  num 
ber  for  1828  as  "over  one  hundred  and  forty."  Where  Lundy 
lists,  by  states,1  one  hundred  and  six  societies,  he  adds  that  there 
were  also  ten  or  twelve  in  Illinois,  and  some  forty  or  fifty  unrc- 
ported,  which  would  make  a  total  of  at  least  one  hundred  and 
fifty-six.  A  great  many  names  of  societies  are  found  in  these  two 
authorities,  but  rarely  the  date  of  organization.2  The  accompany 
ing  tables  give,  as  accurately  as  the  material  permits,3  the  num 
ber,  location  and  date  of  organization  of  the  various  societies,  by 
states,  and  the  names  of  all  the  individual  societies  which  have 
been  found  will  be  printed  in  Appendix  B.  As  may  be  readily  seen, 
these  are  not  all  that  were  in  existence  at  the  dates  mentioned.4 
A  study  of  these  tables  arouses  some  doubt  of  such  statements 


1  Lundy's  lists  by  states  are  certainly  not  exhaustive.    For  example,  no  mention  at  any 
date  is  made  of  Connecticut;  yet  in  1827,  the  year  one  of  these  lists  was  published,  there 
was  mentioned  in  the  "Genius"  a  colored  society  in  New  Haven,  and  there  also  existed  a 
small  society  in  the  same  city,  in  which  Leonard  Bacon  was  the  prime  mover. 

2  The  date  of  the  first  sending  of  delegates  to  the  American  Convention  is  usually  the 
earliest  date  given.     But  in  every  case  there  is  some  record  of  work  done  by  the  society 
previous  to  that  date,  and  sometimes  indications  of  an  existence  of  several  years. 

3  For  these  tables  no  secondary  authority  has  been  taken,  with  two  exceptions  :   for 
the  period  before  1808  the  facts  were  taken  from  Mary  S.  Locke  :  "Anti-Slavery  in  Amer 
ica,  1619-1808";    and  for  those  in  North  Carolina  the  authority  of  Stephen  B.  Weeks: 
"Southern  Quakers  and  Slavery,"  has  been  accepted.     The  authorities  consulted  have 
been   the  reports  of  the  American  Convention,  the  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation, 
the  Annals  of  Congress  in  case  of  memorials  signed  by  societies  as  such,  the  American  State 
Papers  in  one  such  case,  and  Niles'  Weekly  Register,  in  regard  to  current  events.     In 
Appendix  C  will  be  found  the  names  of  all  societies  found  in  any  authority. 

4  Only  eight  names  are  given  for  North  Carolina,  while  all  authorities  agree  that  there 
were  between  forty  and  fifty  societies  there,  and  the  cases  of  Connecticut  and  Illinois  have 
been  already  cited. 

116 


Anti-Slavery  Societies 


117 


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Anti-Slavery  Societies 


II.    TOTAL    SOCIETIES    IN   THE   UNITED    STATES1 


States 

1824 

1825 

1826 

1827 

District  of  Columbia    .    .    . 
Illinois                                  .    . 

12 

7  or  8 

2 
12 

Kentucky                    .... 

c  or  6 

6 

6 

8 

Maryland            ...... 

4 

Sor  6 

1  1 

Massachusetts   ...... 

i 

2 

New  York      

I 

i 

I 

North  Carolina 

41 

4e  4- 

Ohio 

6 

i  or  2 

Pennsylvania 

8 

16 

Rhode  Island 

I 

i 

Tennessee 

2  I 

2"\ 

20  4- 

2  r 

Virginia          .    .        .    . 

i  or  2 

2 

2 

8  or  o 

Total  (A) 

30—42 

IOO 

07—  IOO 

141—  14° 

Total  CB") 

IOO  -f- 

i  ^o  -4- 

that  in  1827  there  were  one  hundred  and  thirty  abolition  societies 
in  the  United  States,  and  only  twenty-four  of  them  in  the  free 
states.2  The  "  Genius  "  distinctly  records  in  this  year  one  hun 
dred  and  thirty-nine  or  one  hundred  and  forty  societies,  of  which 
thirty-six^were  in  the  free  states,  and  several  Northern  societies 
are  not  included.  Taking  the  more  definitely  described  societies,  a 
still  larger  proportion  are  in  the  North.3 

The  attempt  to  reconcile  the  varying  estimates  of  the  number  of 
societies  must  lead  to  the  suspicion  that  the  anti-slavery  people 
talked  loosely,  and  exaggerated  their  numbers.  By  the  widest 
liberality  can  be  located,  with  any  approach  to  certainty,  only  one 
society  out  of  a  possible  twelve  in  Illinois;  only  six,  out  of  a  pos 
sible  twenty-five  in  Tennessee;  and  only  eight  out  of  a  possible 
fifty  in  North  Carolina,  or  a  total  of  sixty-four  out  of  a  possible 
one  hundred  and  forty  in  the  country.  From  other  authorities 

1  Only  the  totals  are  given  here  which  are  distinctly  given  as  such  in  the  authorities, 
they  are  not  the  sums  of  any  previous  tables. 

(A)  These  totals  are  the  deductions  from  this  table,  obtained  by  the  addition  of  the 
columns. 

(B)  These  are  two  totals  distinctly  given  by  Lundy  in  the  "Genius."     They  are  the 
only  cases  where  a  total  for  the  United  States  is  given. 

2  Jacob  P.  Dunn:  "Indiana:  A  Redemption  from  Slavery,"  p.  190. 

3  Out  of  twenty-three  societies  whose  names  are  recorded  in  one  year,  ten  were  in  the 
free  states,  in  addition  to  the  possible  twelve  in  Illinois.    (See  Table  I.)    And  out  of  sixty- 
four  named  societies  twenty-six  were  in  the  free  states,  with  the  same  addition  as  before. 
(See  Table  II.) 


Anti-Slavery  Societies  119 

we  learn  of  other  names,  very  likely  as  correct  as  those  tabled, 
but  we  cannot  check  the  official  estimates  by  the  writers  of 
the  time.  For  example,  William  Jay  in  1835  enumerated * 
fifteen  societies  which  sent  delegates  to  the  American  Conven 
tion  of  1827.  The  report  of  that  Convention  mentions  ten  soci 
eties,  of  which  four  are  not  in  Jay.  The  societies  he  mentioned 
existed  at  some  time,  but  they  did  not  send  delegates  in  1827, 
and  in  most  cases  there  is  no  proof  of  their  existence  in  that  year. 

The  most  definite  references  by  writers  of  the  period  are  to 
abolition  societies  in  Delaware  and  Kentucky.  A  society  in  Wil 
mington,  Delaware,  is  mentioned  by  John  Palmer  in  1817  as 
caring  for  a  fugitive  slave  until  legal  proofs  of  possession  were 
brought  by  his  owner.2  In  Kentucky  a  society  called  "  Friends  of 
Humanity"  was  formed  in  1807,  eleven  clergymen  and  thirteen 
laymen  signing  the  constitution;  they  were  commonly  known  as 
the  "Emancipators,"  and  remained  in  existence  at  least  till  1813, 
when  the  account  of  the  society  was  written.3  An  abolition  society 
near  Frankfort,  Kentucky,  communicated  with  the  Pennsylvania 
Abolition  Society  in  1809  and  1823,  which  of  course  argues  its  ex 
istence  between  those  two  dates.4  An  account  is  given  of  an  attempt 
to  form  an  abolition  society  in  Kentucky  in  1830.  This  last  was 
to  have  no  formal  organization  until  it  numbered  fifty  members; 
the  first  call  was  signed  by  fourteen,  and  in  a  few  weeks  thirty- 
four  more  joined  them,  including  men  of  national  reputation,  but 
for  lack  of  a  strong  leader  the  whole  plan  came  to  nothing.5 

A  society  at  St.  Clairsville,  Ohio,  founded  by  Lundy  in  1815,  is 
mentioned ; 8  one  in  Ripley,  Ohio,  begun  early  in  the  century ; 7 
also  one  in  West  Union,  formed  by  Dyer  Burgess,  in  1819.  An 
other  in  Zanesville,  Ohio,  founded  in  1826,  had  for  its  expressed 
object  "the  total  extinction  of  slavery  in  the  United  States  at  the 
earliest  possible  period."  This  society  remained  in  existence  dur- 

1  William  Jay:  "Miscellaneous  Writings  on  Slavery,"  p.  113. 

2  John  Palmer:   "Journal  of  Travels  in  the  United  States  of  America,"  p.  19. 

3  David  Benedict:   "General  History  of  the  Baptist  Denomination,"  edition  of  1813, 
2.  245-247.     See  above,  pp.  100,  101. 

4  Edward  Needles:  "History  of  the  Pennsylvania  Abolition  Society,"  pp.  58,  79,  80. 
6  William  Birney:   "James  G.  Birney  and  His  Times,"  pp.  99-101.     See  above,  pp. 

20,  35.    An  abolition  society  had  existed  in  Kentucky  for  several  years,  but  it  is  very  pos 
sible  that  it  may  have  lapsed  before  1830,  as  the  latest  mention  of  it  was  in  1822. 

6  Birney:  "James  G.  Birney,"  p.  390;  Earl:   "Life  of  Lundy,"  p.  16.     Mr.  Birney, 
page  164,  speaks  of  the  society  at  Mt.  Pleasant,  Ohio,  as  founded  by  Lundy  in  1815.    This 
must  be  a  mistake,  as  Lundy  was  not  then  living  in  Mt.  Pleasant,  but  in  St.  Clairsville, 
where  he  certainly  founded  a  society  in  that  year. 

7  Birney:  "  James  G.  Birney,"  p.  165. 


i2o  Anti-Slavery  Societies 

ing  the  later  period,  and  in  1833  reformed  its  constitution  to  favor 
immediate  emancipation  still  more  strongly.1 

These  societies  differed  much  in  size,  although  few  writers 
state  their  numbers.  That  in  New  Haven,  Connecticut,  in  which 
Leonard  Bacon  was  prominent,  consisted  for  a  considerable  time 
of  only  its  five  charter  members.  The  Kentucky  Abolition  Society 
is  said  to  have  had  but  six  or  seven  members  when  its  new  consti 
tution  was  adopted  in  1815,  but  in  1822  it  had  grown  to  two 
hundred  and  fifty  regular  members,  banded  into  five  or  six 
branches.2  The  Maryland  Anti-slavery  Society,  which  was  started 
as  a  state  society  in  1825,  had  four  branches  with  several  hun 
dred  members  only  thirteen  months  after  its  organization ; 3  in 
its  report  to  the  American  Convention  in  1826  it  states  its 
membership  as  two  hundred  and  fifty  in  five  branches;  4  and  in 
1827  it  had  grown  to  eleven  branches  and  five  hundred  mem 
bers.5  The  National  Anti-Slavery  Tract  Society,  which  had  its 
headquarters  in  Baltimore,  Maryland,  reported  in  1828  a  mem 
bership  of  fifty,  all  from  slaveholding  states. 

The  New  York  Abolition  Society  deplored  in  1821  the  small 
number  of  anti-slavery  advocates  in  proportion  to  the  inhabitants ; 8 
for  many  years  after  its  foundation  it  counted  not  more  than  one 
hundred  active  members  and  never  "in  its  greatest  prosperity"  did 
it  exceed  four  hundred  in  the  midst  of  a  population  of  one  hun 
dred  thousand.  The  society  in  New  Lisbon,  Ohio,  is  said  to  have 
numbered  five  hundred  in  three  months  after  its  organization,  and 
to  have  advocated  immediate,  unconditional  emancipation.7  The 
Columbia  (Penn.)  Society  had  sixty-four,  nine  months  after  its 
formation;  and  that  in  West  Middletown  (Penn.)  consisted  of  "a 
very  respectable  number  of  citizens." '  The  society  in  Loudon, 
Virginia,  had,  in  1824,  soon  after  its  foundation,  about  twenty 
members;9  and  in  the  Virginia  Convention  of  1827,  twenty  mem- 

1  Mr.  Birney  seems  to  think  that  the  Aiding  Abolition  Society  of  Ohio,  the  first  mention 
of  which  in  either  the  reports  of  the  American  Convention  or  the  Genius  of  Universal 
Emancipation  was  in   1826,  was  founded  before  that  time.     He  also  says  (p.  76)  that 
the  Manumission  Society  was  founded  in  1814,  a  fact,  which,  though  clearly  indicated 
in  the  "Genius,"  is  not  expressly  so  stated. 

2  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  i.  150. 

3  William  Birney:   "James  G.  Birney  and  His  Times,"  p.  83. 

4  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1826,  p.  31. 

6  Ibid,  for  1827,  p.  51 ;   The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  8.  43. 

6  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1821,  p.  6. 

7  Birney :  "James  G.  Birney,"  p.  165  ;  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  6.  182. 
*>  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  5.  364.  9  Ibid.  4.  7. 


Anti-Slavery  Societies  121 

bers  answered  to  their  names.1  These  last  were  probably  dele 
gates  from  branch  societies,  and  represented  a  much  larger 
constituency,  but  how  much  larger  we  cannot  tell. 

.  The  largest  numbers,  so  far  as  we  can  ascertain  now,  corne  from 
\]  the  slave  states  of  Tennessee  and  North  Carolina.  In  1823  the 
I  Manumission  Society  of  Tennessee  reported  2  twenty  branches, 
most  of  them  apparently  flourishing,  the  whole  number  of  mem 
bers  "supposed  to  exceed  600."  But  in  the  number  of  members 
North  Carolina  decidedly  leads.  In  1816,  at  the  first  general 
meeting,  there  were  one  hundred  and  forty-seven  members  pres 
ent;3  in  the  annual  meeting  in  1819,  two  hundred  and  eighty- 
one  members  reported  present.4  For  the  meeting  of  1825  Weeks 
allows  but  eighty-one  delegates,  while  Lundy  reports  one  hun 
dred  and  forty  delegates,  and  many  spectators.5  In  this  year 
fifteen  branches  report  four  hundred  and  ninety-seven  members; 
the  entire  membership,  reckoned  on  this  basis,  would  be  about 
one  thousand  one  hundred  and  fifty.6  In  1826,  twenty-three 
branches  reported  about  one  thousand ; 7  in  July  of  that  year  the 
society  is  said  to  have  about  two  thousand  members,  and  the  num 
ber  to  be  increasing  rapidly.8  A  meeting  of  an  anti-slavery  soci 
ety  near  Yadkin  River,  in  North  Carolina,  in  1826,  is  said  to 
have  had  an  attendance  of  three  hundred,  and  to  have  received 
sixty-three  new  members,  with  no  opposition,  "and  not  a  Quaker 
among  them."  '  About  this  time  the  society  in  Maryland,  in  an 
address  to  the  people,  speaks  of  the  situation  in  North  Carolina, 
and  says:  "It  is  believed  that  nearly  3,000  citizens  of  that  state 
have  enrolled  themselves  as  members  of  anti-slavery  societies 
within  a  period  of  two  years."  10 

The  names  of  but  a  few  of  the  members  have  come  down  to  us 
in  the  reports  of  these  societies;  but  we  know  a  large  proportion 
of  the  officers,  and  nearly  all  the  delegates  to  the  American  Conven 
tion,  presumably  the  most  prominent  workers.  We  find  the  names 
of  nearly  four  hundred  different  men  reported  as  officers  and  dele 
gates  to  the  American  Convention  during  the  period.11  Few  of 

1  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  7.  102. 

2  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1823,  p.  18. 

3  Stephen  B.  Weeks:  "Southern  Quakers  and  Slavery,"  p.  235.      *  Ibid.  p.  238. 
3  Ibid.  p.  240;    The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  5.  57. 

6  Weeks:   "Southern  Quakers  and  Slavery,"  p.  240.         7  Ibid.  p.  241. 
8  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  5.  364.  9  Ibid.  5.  414. 

10  Birney:  "James  G.  Birney,"  p.  83. 

11  The  names  of  these  men  will  be  found  in  Appendix  A. 


122  Anti-Slavery  Societies 

these  names  are  familiar,  almost  no  man  prominent  in  politics  ap 
pears  among  them,  and  but  few  of  the  later  abolitionists.  Among 
the  most  familiar  men  are  Carter  Tarrant  and  David  Barrow 
of  Kentucky,  Daniel  Raymond  and  Benjamin  Lundy  of  Mary 
land,  Thomas  Emmett  and  Cadwallader  D.  Golden  of  New  York, 
the  Swaims  and  Coffins  of  North  Carolina,  Caspar  Wistar,  the 
Atlees,  William  Rawle,  Roberts  Vaux,  Benjamin  Rush  and  Edward 
Needles  of  Pennsylvania,1  and  Rowland  Hazard  of  Rhode  Island. 

The  organization  of  the  anti-slavery  societies  was,  as  a  rule, 
very  simple.  A  President,  Vice-President,  Secretary  and  Treas 
urer  were  the  regular  officers,  and  often  an  "  Acting  Committee," 
apparently  much  like  modern  "Executive  Committees."  In  the 
larger  societies,  as  those  of  New  York  and  Pennsylvania,  and  also 
in  some  of  the  smaller  ones,  there  were  several  committees.  In 
Pennsylvania  there  was  an  "Acting  Committee,"  a  "Board  of 
Education"  for  the  oversight  of  the  schools  under  the  charge  of 
the  society,  an  "Electing  Committee,"  and  a  number  of  "Coun 
sellors,"  who  were  of  great  assistance  in  all  cases  involving  law  or 
an  appeal  to  the  courts.  In  New  York  there  was  a  still  larger 
variety;  the  ordinary  officers  including  two  Vice-Presidents  and 
an  Assistant  Secretary,  "Counsellors,"  a  "Register,"  a  "Standing 
Committee,"  "Trustees  of  the  School,"  "Committee  of  Ways  and 
Means,"  and  "Committee  of  Correspondence." 

The  societies  differed  greatly  in  the  amount  and  the  kind  of 
work  done.  Some  few  seem  to  have  really  advocated  immediate 
emancipation,  others  hardly  dared  to  stand  for  emancipation  of 
any  sort,  without  colonization  as  a  necessary  sequence.  The  work 
in  general  consisted  of  meetings,  published  addresses  or  general 
information  on  the  subject  of  slavery,  memorials  and  petitions  to 
the  officials  of  state  or  nation,  the  defence  of  negroes  in  the  courts 
when  claimed  as  fugitives,  the  bringing  to  justice  of  cruel  masters 
and  opposition  to  both  the  foreign  and  domestic  slave  trade.  Where 
it  was  not  against  the  law  of  the  state  they  also  labored  for  the  edu 
cation  and  elevation  of  the  negro  race. 

Nearly  all  the  societies  of  which  we  have  record  were  represented 

at  least  one  year  in  the  general  "American  Convention  of  Aboli- 

/  tion  Societies,"  and  the  anti-slavery  addresses  they  prepared  and 

sent  to  this  body  are  preserved  in  the  reports  of  its  meetings.    Many 

1  Needles  later  reported  from  Maryland. 


Anti-Slavery  Societies  123 

also  of  the  messages  of  the  local  or  state  meetings  to  the  societies 
there  represented  can  be  found,  as  well  as  reference  at  least  to 
other  addresses  on  the  subject.  The  society  at  Williams  College, 
Williamstown,  Massachusetts,  arranged  for  public  anti-slavery 
addresses,  both  on  the  Fourth  of  July  and  on  other  occasions.1 
The  society  in  New  Lisbon,  Ohio,  published  an  address  on  the 
evils  of  slavery  and  the  necessity  of  gradual  emancipation.2  The 
method  of  public  appeals  was  more  frequent  in  the  slave  states; 
the  society  in  Washington,  District  of  Columbia,  addressed  the 
citizens  of  their  District  in  1828  on  the  question  of  abolition  there,3 
and  that  in  Alexandria,  then  in  the  District,  published  a  series  of 
addresses  in  the  Alexandria  Gazette  and  the  Genius  of  Universal 
Emancipation,  which  were  quite  widely  copied,  and  in  which 
they  denounced  slavery  as  a  social  and  political  evil.4  Others 
were  issued  by  societies  in  Maryland,5  in  addition  to  the  work  of 
the  National  Anti-slavery  Tract  Society,  which  had  its  head 
quarters  in  Baltimore.  The  society  in  Loudon,  Virginia,  published 
an  address  to  the  public  with  strong  denunciations  of  slavery  and 
appeals  for  emancipation.6  An  "  Address  to  Christians"  was  put 
forth  in  1816  in  Tennessee,7  and  annual  addresses  from  the 
" Tennessee  Convention"  to  its  branches,8  etc. 

The  most  widely  known  address  issued  by  a  society  as  such, 
was  published9  by  the  Manumission  Society  of  North  Carolina 
in  1830,  under  the  title  "Address  to  the  People  of  North  Carolina 
on  the  evils  of  slavery."  They  state  five  propositions :  first,  "  Our 
slave  system  is  radically  evil";  second,  "it  is  founded  in  injus 
tice  and  cruelty";  third,  "it  is  a  fruitful  source  of  pride,  idleness 
and  tyranny";  fourth,  it  increases  depravity  and  inflames  the 
passions,  is  disgraceful  and  destructive;  fifth,  it  is  contrary  to  the 
Christian  religion.  They  urge  that  the  truth  of  the  first  proposition 
was  generally  admitted,  and  would  have  been  still  more  generally 
assented  to  if  the  "pernicious  effects"  were  less.  The  fundamen 
tal  injustice  was  in  the  kidnapping  of  the  negro  in  Africa,  and  the 

1  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1826,  p.  19. 

2  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  6.  123.  3  Ibid.  8.  21. 

4  Ibid.  6.  221,  etc.;    Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1827,  p.  54. 

5  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  5.  273.  6  Ibid.  5.  85,  86. 

7  Niks'  Weekly  Register,  14.  321. 

8  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  4.  73,  142;  5.  42,  50. 

9  This  address  received  the  approval  of  the  Board  of  Managers,  and  was  signed  for 
them  by  Amos  Weaver  and  William  Swaim.    A  reprint  of  the  pamphlet,  in  facsimile,  pub 
lished  in  1860,  has  been  found,  the  earlier  edition  being  apparently  not  extant.    The  quo 
tations  are  from  pp.  6,  8,  9,  10,  u,  13,  14,  15,  16,  30,  41-43,  45,  58,  59-63,  65-68. 


124  Anti-Slavery  Societies 

dooming  of  his  innocent  children  to  slavery.  The  fact  of  the  sanc 
tion  of  civil  law  was  no  justification,  for  the  laws  of  nature  and  of 
God  were  higher  than  those  of  man ;  and  slavery  is  impossible  by 
civil  law,  because  it  is  contrary  to  the  Bills  of  Rights  in  the  con 
stitutions  of  many  states  and  of  the  United  States.  In  the  consti 
tution  of  Delaware  all  men  are  declared  to  possess  by  nature  the 
right  to  liberty,  to  property  and  to  worship;  in  the  constitution  of 
North  Carolina  all  men  are  declared  to  possess  a  natural  and  un- 
alienable  right  to  worship  God.  Attention  is  called  to  the  clause 
in  the  latter  constitution  where  it  states  that  "no  hereditary  emolu 
ments,  privileges,  or  honors  ought  to  be  granted  or  conferred  in 
this  state,"  and  it  is  claimed  that  transmitting  slaves  by  inheri 
tance  violates  this  principle.  Common  law  is  said  to  rest  on  "  reason 

\>  and  the  divine  law,"  and  these  are  violated  in  the  slave  laws.  The 
cruelty  of  slavery  is  shown  by  the  slave  trade,  foreign  and  domestic, 
by  the  lack  of  protection  to  slave  marriage  and  to  the  property 
of  slaves,  and  by  cruelty  and  even  murder,  when  no  white  person 
is  present,  or  the  slave  is  a  runaway.  It  is  further  shown  by  the 
absence  of  provisions  for  education  or  for  moral  improvement. 

Appeal  is  made  to  the  people  to  reflect  and  call  for  redress 
"  until  virtue  triumphs  over  vice,  and  humanity  over  cruelty."  In 
discussing  the  fifth  proposition,  that  slavery  is  contrary  to  the  Chris 
tian  religion,  they  considered  it  almost  superfluous  to  ask  whether 
slavery  is  contrary  to  Christianity.  The  claim  that  slavery  is  con 
trary  to  the  Mosaic  policy  is  also  quite  fully  discussed.  At  the  end 
of  the  document  the  principles  of  the  Manumission  Society  are 
definitely  restated,  i.  Liberty  is  the  inalienable  birthright  of 
every  human  being,  white  or  black.  2.  The  negro  is  entitled  to 
the  same  measure  of  justice  as  the  white.  3.  The  evil  affects 
every  part  of  the  community,  and  emancipation  and  colonization 
are  necessary;  emancipation  must  be  gradual  and  prudent,  but 
universal.  Their  plan  for  effecting  this  was  the  passage  of,  first, 
-^'a  law  prohibiting  further  introduction  of  slaves  into  the  state; 

NT  second,  a  law  to  allow  manumissions  by  slaveholders;  third,  a  law 
allowing  negroes  to  make  contracts  for  purchasing  their  freedom; 
fourth,  laws  to  impose  further  restraint  upon  the  abuse  of  slaves 
and  allowing  easy  means  of  redress ;  fifth,  a  law  providing  for  the 
elementary  education  of  the  negroes;  and  sixth,  a  law  to  free  the 
st  nati  at  a  certain  age,  and  to  prohibit  the  removal  of  slaves 


Anti-Slavery  Societies  125 

from  the  state  in  such  a  way  as  to  cause  the  loss  of  the  benefit  of 
this  last  law. 

Memorials  and  petitions  to  the  legislative  bodies  of  state  and 
nation  were  prepared  in  large  numbers  by  the  various  abolition 
societies.  No  publications  of  any  sort,  and  no  record  of  memo 
rials  and  petitions  to  Congress  purporting  to  be  from  New  Eng 
land  societies,  can  now  be  found.  The  societies  must  then  have 
been  few  and  unaggressive.  Memorials  and  petitions  in  favor  of 
abolition  in  the  District  of  Columbia  were  sent  by  the  Tennessee 
Manumission  Society  in  1822, 1  and  later  in  1825; 2  by  the  Penn 
sylvania  Abolition  Society  in  1824  ;3  by  the  Maryland  Abolition 
Society  in  1825; 4  by  the  New  York  Abolition  Society  in  1827; 5 
and  by  the  societies  of  the  District  itself  in  1827  and  1828. 6 
Other  petitions  to  Congress  sent  by  the  abolition  societies,  as  such, 
were  in  regard  to  the  slave  trade,  by  the  Pennsylvania  Abolition 
Society  in  i8i3,7  i8i8,8  and  1822  ;9  and  by  the  Franklin  (Penn.) 
Manumission  Society  in  1827. 10  The  last  named  also  asked  for  the 
freedom  of  the  post  nati.  A  petition  for  protection  to  the  blacks 
was  sent  by  the  Delaware  society  in  i8i6.u  The  Tennessee  Man 
umission  Society  sent  in  1823  memorials  to  Congress  asking  for 
the  relief  of  the  blacks,  and  for  proscription  of  slavery  in  new 
states.12 

The  petitions  to  the  state  legislatures  sent  by  the  various  socie 
ties  for  the  amelioration  of  the  condition  of  the  blacks  in  each 
state  will  be  more  fully  considered  in  connection  with  the  detailed 
work  of  the  societies  themselves,  as  recorded  in  the  reports  of  the 
American  Convention.  They  embraced  every  sort  of  legislation 
for  the  benefit  of  the  blacks,  from  a  law  for  the  punishment  of  the 
kidnapper  of  a  free  negro  to  a  law  for  the  immediate  abolition  of 

1  Annals  of  Congress,   lyth  Congress,   ist  Session,  709;    The  Genius  of  Universal 
Emancipation,  i.  142. 

2  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  5.  409. 

3  Annals  of  Congress,  i8th  Congress,  ist  Session,  1756. 

4  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  5.  20. 

5  Ibid.  8.  68;   see  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1827,  p.  54. 

6  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1828,  p.  60;    The  Genius  of  Universal 
Emancipation,  8.  21,  22,  28,  38;    Basil  Hall:   "Travels  in  North  America,"  3.  42-48. 

7  Edward  Needles:  "History  of  the  Pennsylvania  Abolition  Society,"  p.  59. 

8  Ibid.  pp.  66,  67. 

9  Annals  of  Congress,  i7th  Congress,  ist  Session,  747. 

10  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  6.  145. 

11  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1817,  p.  18. 

12  Annals  of  Congress,  i7th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  642;    i8th  Congress,  ist  Session, 
931;  S.  B.  Weeks:  "Southern  Quakers  and  Slavery,"  p.  236. 


126  Anti-Slavery  Societies 

slavery.  These  petitions  and  memorials  were,  necessarily,  pre 
pared  only  in  states  where  slavery  was  still  legal;  hence  none 
were  drawn  in  New  England,  nor  in  the  West.  The  societies  in 
New  York  and  Pennsylvania,  and  in  the  Southern  slave  states, 
used  this  method  in  trying  to  arouse  the  interest  of  their  fellow- 
citizens  to  the  needs  of  the  blacks. 

The  negro  schools  of  New  York  and  Pennsylvania  have  already 
been  considered.1  Few  societies  could  do  anything  in  this  direc 
tion,  since  in  some  states  the  education  of  even  the  free  negro  was 
prohibited,  while  in  many  the  attempt  to  educate  a  slave  was 
severely  punished.  In  the  North  the  black  had,  nominally,  as 
much  right  in  the  public  schools  as  the  white,  and  he  practically 
enjoyed  it  in  the  earlier  days,  in  many  places.  No^  real  opposition 
to  the  education  of  the  blacks  was  made  in  these  states  until  the 
later  period.  There  were  separate  schools  also  in  many  places, 
supported  by  various  methods, —  some  by  bequests  for  the  pur 
pose,  as  a  school  in  Boston,  others  by  the  benevolence  of  the 
blacks  themselves,  as  in  New  Haven,  and  others  by  the  benevo 
lence  of  the  whites. 

i  See  above,  pp.  73,  74. 


CHAPTER  XII 

ANTI-SLAVERY  SOCIETIES  :   DETAILS   OF  WORK  IN 
THE   SOUTH 

ACCOUNTS  of  the  work  of  each  of  the  anti-slavery  societies  are 
often  to  be  found  in  the  columns  of  the  "Genius  of  Universal 
Emancipation,"  and  throw,  in  general,  considerable  light  on  the 
conditions  in  the  various  states  in  regard  to  the  slavery  question. 

Only  one  society  in  Delaware  is  reported  at  any  length,  the 
Abolition  Society  of  Delaware,  which  was  often  represented  in  the 
meetings  of  the  American  Convention.  It  commonly  gave  evi 
dence  of  Quaker  influence,  and  was  in  existence  during  the  earlier 
period  of  the  anti-slavery  contest.  The  reports  sent  to  the  American 
Convention  speak  in  the  strongest  words  against  slavery,  which  is 
referred  to  as  the  " scourge  of  our  country,"  the  "moral  pesti 
lence,"  the  "highest  and  most  cruel  despotism  that  the  world  has 
ever  known."  The  "avarice  and  cupidity"  which  they  felt  were 
suffered  to  prevail  over  dictates  of  conscience,  and  the  reasons  of 
state  and  doctrines  of  expediency,  which  they  saw  in  competition 
with  the  divine  law  of  the  Golden  Rule,  are  especially  denounced. 
The  reports  of  the  work  done  by  this  society  include  the  releasing 
of  many  illegally  held  in  bondage,  the  maintenance  of  schools  for 
the  manual,  intellectual  and  religious  education  of  the  colored 
children,  the  presentation  of  petitions  to  the  Legislature  for  a 
gradual  emancipation  act,  and  to  Congress  for  protection  to  the 
blacks.  These  petitions  failed  of  their  object,  but  they  were  pre 
sented  again  and  again,  at  every  favorable  opportunity.  In  1826 
the  society  advised  its  members  to  refuse  to  use  the  products  of 
slave  labor.  At  all  times  it  complained  of  the  lack  of  money  for 
the  various  branches  of  its  work,  and  before  1827  its  operations 
had  become  much  circumscribed  on  this  account.1 

1  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention  for  Promoting  the  Abolition  of  Slavery,  for 
1809,  pp.  19,  20;  for  1817,  pp.  17,  18;  for  1821,  pp.  17,  18;  for  1823,  p.  15;  for  1826,  pp. 
17,  18;  for  1827,  pp.  44,  45;  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  6.  81. 

127 


128    Anti-Slavery  Societies:  Details  of  Work  in  the  South 

The  reports  of  two  societies  in  the  Pjstrict  of  Columbia  are 
found  at  considerable  length:  the  Washington  Anti-slavery  So 
ciety,  and  the  Benevolent  Society  of  Alexandria.  In  the  first 
letter  of  the  former  to  the  American  Convention,  in  October,  1827, 
the  reason  given  for  its  foundation  is  the  deep  regret  felt  by  the 
members  at  the  thought  that  "slavery  with  all  its  horrors  was 
countenanced  in  the  capital  of  the  country,"  and  their  object  in 
uniting  was  that  they  might  use  all  lawful  means  in  their  power  to 
"wipe  away  that  stain"  for  which  they  were  so  reproached  by  the 
European  nations.  They  felt  that  if  the  principles  of  freedom 
could  obtain  a  hold  on  the  capital,  the  whole  nation  would  be 
benefited,  and  therefore  asked  that  all  societies,  and  friends  of 
humanity  generally,  should  memorialize  Congress  at  its  next  ses 
sion,  asking  for  gradual  abolition  in  the  District.  From  the 
"Genius"  we  learn  that  in  1828  the  society  addressed  the  citizens 
of  the  District  advocating  abolition,  and  to  that  effect  circulated  a 
petition,  which  in  a  few  days  had  received  more  than  five  hun 
dred  names  in  Washington  City  and  County  alone.  All  the  judges 
of  the  Court  of  the  District  signed  it.1 

The  Benevolent  Society  of  Alexandria  announce  in  1827  as  its 
leading  objects:  i.  to  liberate  those  illegally  held  in  bondage; 
2.  to  improve  the  condition  of  the  free  people  of  color;  3.  to  dif 
fuse  among  the  citizens  more  just  views  on  the  subject  of  slavery. 
The  society  was  small,  having  but  nineteen  members  in  1827  and 
twenty-two  in  1828.  It  reported  the  rescue  of  negroes  from  the 
hands  of  slave  traders,  and  the  maintenance  of  Sunday  Schools 
for  colored  children.  In  1827  it  considered  that  it  was  inexpedient 
to  circulate  a  petition  for  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District 
of  Columbia;  but  in  1828  it  reported  that  it  had  united  with 
the  Washington  Society  in  such  a  petition,  which  was  signed  by 
two  hundred  "very  respectable"  citizens  in  Alexandria,  and 
about  eight  hundred  in  Washington  and  Georgetown.  The  peti 
tion  was  presented  to  Congress  during  the  session  of  1827-1828, 
but  received  no  discussion.  In  1827  warm  approbation  was  given 
to  the  idea  of  colonization.2 

1  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1827,  p.  56;  The  Genius  of  Universal 
Emancipation,  8.  21,  22,  28,  38.     This  address  is  mentioned  in  Basil  Hall:  "Travels  in 
North  America,"  3.  42-48.    Nothing  is  however  said  in  the  address  of  1829  on  this  point; 
see  the  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1829,  p.  62. 

2  Ibid,  for  1827,  pp.  53-55;  for  1828,  pp.  59-60.    Alexandria,  now  in  Virginia,  was  at 
that  time  still  included  in  the  District  of  Columbia. 


Anti-Slavery  Societies:  Details  of  Work  in  the  South     129 

Another  branch  of  the  work  of  this  society  was  the  publication 
of  essays  in  the  Alexandria  Gazette,  and  in  the  "  Genius,"  some  of 
which  were  copied  into  other  papers,  both  North  and  South.  In 
one  series  of  essays,  printed  in  the  "Genius"  for  1827,  slavery  is 
denounced  as  an  evil  of  the  greatest  magnitude,  and  the  intention 
of  the  societies  to  destroy  the  evil  is  emphasized,  although  they  dis 
claim  all  intention  of  interfering  with  the  constitutional  rights  of 
slaveholders.  The  comparative  cost  of  free  and  slave  labor,  and 
the  comparative  prosperity  of  free  and  slave  states  are  discussed, 
with  the  causes  producing  the  results.  Reference  is  made  to  the 
political  tendency  of  slavery  in  the  United  States,  and  to  the  dan 
gers  of  insurrection.  The  admission  of  Florida  as  a  slave  state  is 
regarded  as  increasing  the  danger,  because  of  the  great  room  for 
slaves,  and  its  nearness  to  Cuba.  If  Cuba  were  to  become  free 
under  the  control  of  the  blacks,  these  writers  felt  sure  that  nothing 
but  a  large  standing  army  would  keep  the  mainland  slaves  in  sub 
jection,  and  that  the  North  could  not  be  expected  to  aid,  if  the  South 
had  not  done  its  best  to  prevent  the  trouble.  The  last  essay  of  the 
series  describes  the  demoralizing  effects  of  slavery,  especially  upon 
the  children  of  the  slaveholders.1 

An  anti-slavery  society  existed  in  Kentucky  during  the  early 
part  of  the  century,  although  before  1830  it  had,  apparently,  been 
dissolved.  Its  aim  was  set  forth  in  its  first  constitution,  —  uTo 
have  regard  to  free  negroes  and  mulattoes ' —  to  inculcate  upon 
them  the  great  duties  of  morality,  industry  and  economy,  and 
also  the  education  of  their  children,  by  every  and  the  best  means 
they  may  be  able  to  devise.  To  meliorate  the  condition  of  slaves 
by  pursuing  every  method  which  may  be  in  their  power,  under 
the  constitutional  laws  of  this  state.  To  seek  for  justice  in  favor  of 
such  negroes  and  mulattoes  who  are  held  in  bondage  contrary  to 
the  existing  laws  of  this  commonwealth."  In  October,  1811,  in  a 
letter  to  the  Pennsylvania  Abolition  Society,  the  society  in  Ken 
tucky  refers  to  itself  as  an  " infant"  and  speaks  of  that  in  Penn 
sylvania  as  the  mother  to  whom  they  could  look  for  instruction 
and  assistance.  A  memorial  from  the  Kentucky  society,  pre 
sented  to  the  House  of  Representatives  in  1816,  was  relative  to 
the  colonizing  of  the  free  people  of  color  on  the  public  lands. 
The  committee  to  whom  the  memorial  was  referred  reported  ad- 

1  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  6.  221,  228,  235,  243,  252. 
9 


130     Anti-Slavery  Societies:    Details  of  Work  in  the  South 

vcrsely,  on  the  ground  that  since  such  lands  were  not  granted  to 
free  whites  they  saw  no  reason  for  granting  them  to  others.  In 
1821  the  society  resolved  to  publish  a  semi-monthly  paper  in  the 
interests  of  abolition,  under  the  name  of  the  "Abolition  Intelli 
gencer."  In  the  proposals  for  this  paper  extracts  from  the  con 
stitution  are  printed,  and  the  announcement  is  made  that  no  ad 
vertisements  will  be  received  save  such  as  relate  to  slavery.  In 
1823  the  paper  was  discontinued  for  lack  of  support.1 

While  detailed  reports  are  found  of  only  one  society  in  Virginia, 
there  were  without  doubt  a  number  of  others,  for  on  more  than  one 
occasion  reference  is  made  to  the  "  Virginia  Convention,"  which 
was  apparently  a  union  of  abolition  societies  meeting  in  conven 
tion,  and  sending  in  that  form  their  report  to  the  "  American  Con 
vention."  The  address  from  the  one  held  in  Winchester,  Virginia, 
during  three  days  of  August,  1828,  has  a  distinct  note  of  discour 
agement.  "W7hen  we  reflect  that  many  of  the  most  enlightened 
men  of  America,  have  employed  their  time  and  talents  for  the 
laudable  and  magnanimous  purpose  of  devising  means  by  which 
African  slavery  might  be  ultimately  abolished,  we  fear  that  our 
exertions  (comparatively  speaking)  will  be  abortive  and  unavailing. 
However,  we  feel  it  our  duty  to  contribute  all  that  we  possibly  can 
to  that  great  and  noble  cause,  which  ought  to  arrest  the  attention 
of  every  true  philanthropist;  and  which  so  materially  affects  the 
vital  interest  and  prosperity  of  our  country.  Never  was  there  a 
subject  which  has  more  manifest  claims  on  our  compassion,  benev 
olence  and  humanity,  than  African  degradation."  That  slavery 
is  incompatible  with  the  designs  of  an  overruling  Providence  they 
feel  must  be  acknowledged  by  all  who  have  any  claims  to  virtue, 
morality  and  religion.  Many  in  Virginia  would  aid  the  cause 
were  it  not  for  the  ridicule  of  others,  whom  thejsociety  character 
izes  as  "prejudiced  and  interested4ie^ons,,.whpse  avarice  obscures 
the  sunshine*  oft,  reason  and  benevolence ;  ana  whose  nicest  sensi 
bilities  are  checked  by  a  mere  shadow  —  the  fear  of  losing  their 
popularity.  "^Notwithstanding  the  impediments,  however,  the  abo 
litionists  of  Virginia  intended  to  persevere  to  the  end,  feeling  mat 

-  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  i.  96;  2.  167.  Minutes  of  the 
American  Convention,  for  1812,  pp.  16,  17  (Carter  Tarrant  was  then  its  Presi 
dent);  American  State  Papers,  Miscellaneous,  Vol.  2,  No.  395,  p.  278.  The  proposals 
for  the  paper  were  in  the  Indiana  Gazette,  Corydon,  Indiana,  for  Thursday,  Nov.  29, 
1821. 


Anti-Slavery  Societies:   Details  of  Work  in  the  South     131 

so  long  as  slavery  was  tolerated  in  the  Union,  there  would  be  a 
stain  on  the  flag  which  was  regarded  as  an  emblem  of  freedom.1 

The  single  Virginia  society  from  which  we  have  reports  was  in 
Loudon,  where  in  1823  the  first  steps  were  taken  to  form  a  society 
for  the  abolition  of  slavery.  In  1824  it  had  twenty  members,  and 
a  committee  was  appointed  to  draft  a  constitution,  which  should 
support  gradual  emancipation  and  emigration.  In  1825  the  society 
published  an  "  Address  to  the  Public"  in  which  slavery  was  de 
nounced,  and  emancipation  and  colonization  strongly  advocated. 
Aid  is  requested  from  the  people,  an  appeal  being  made  to  their 
sense  of  justice,  and  to  their  love  for  their  country  and  desire  for 
its  welfare.2 

A  call  for  a  meeting  to  organize  an  anti-slavery  society  in  Ten 
nessee  was  sent  out  in  March,  1797,  but  no  account  is  found  of 
any  action  previous  to  the  foundation  by  Charles  Osborn  and 
others  of  the  Manumission  Society  of  Tennessee,  at  the  house  of 
Elihu  Swain,  in  December,  1814.  The  more  prominent  names 
connected  with  its  organization  were  Charles  Osborn,  Elihu 
Swain,  John  Underbill,  Jesse  Willis,  John  Canaday,  John  Swain, 
David  Maulsby,  John  Rankin,  Jesse  Lockhart  and  John  Morgan. 
It  is  claimed  that  a  number  of  the  members  were  at  all  times  in 
favor  of  immediate  and  unconditional  emancipation,  and  that  the 
society  was  first  founded  with  that  idea,  though  the  constitution 
suggested  no  method.  Almost  immediately,  however,  either  be 
cause  of  weakness,  and  on  considerations  of  expediency,  or  because 
of  the  real  opinion  of  the  majority  of  the  members,  the  idea  was 
abandoned,  and  gradual  emancipation  was  distinctly  advocated.3 

The  society  held  annual  conventions,  issued  annual  addresses  to 
the  people,  and  several  times  was  represented  in  the  American 
Convention,  usually  by  Benjamin  Lundy.  In  four  successive 
years  the  convention  sent  memorials  to  Congress.  The  first,  in 

1  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1828,  pp.  54,  55.      ^^ 

2  Lundy  considered  it  the  first  association  of  its  kind  in  Virgirna..5!Hgj^eiiius  of 
Universal  Emancipation,  4.  2,  188;    5.  85,  86. 

3  Julian :   "The  Genesis  of  Modern  Abolition,"  in  the  Internationa^evie^or  June, 
1882;  Stephen  B.  Weeks:   "Southern  Quakers  and  Slavery,  "pp.  2*35  ,^^ 'flM^WJiHtem 
Birney:  "James  G.  Birney  and  His  Times,"  pp.  76,  390;   Historicall^JJhttMppf  Ohio, 
*•  3375  Niles'  Register,  14.  321.    Theoriginal  purpose  of  this  society  is  sOT^Whave  been 
immediate,  unconditional  emancipation,  but   no  documentary  evidence   appears  to   be 
extant.    Osborn,  Underhill,  Willis,  Lockhart,  and  Rankin  are  said  to  have  been  the  ones 
favoring  immediate  emancipation.     They  all  moved  later  to  the  free  states,  Osborn  to 
Ohio  in  1816,  the  rest  later,  —  Underhill  and  Willis  to  Indiana,  and  Lockhart  and  Rankin 
to  Ohio. 


132     Anti-Slavery  Societies:    Details  of  Work  in  the  South 

January,  1822,  prayed  for  provisions  for  gradual  emancipation  in 
the  District  of  Columbia,  and  that  Congress  would  do  all  in  its 
power  to  effect  the  final  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  United  States. 
The  memorial  of  1823  prayed  for  the  relief  of  the  colored  people, 
especially  in  the  line  of  the  prohibition  of  the  interstate  slave  trade, 
and  of  the  separation  of  families.  A  third  memorial,  in  1824,  prayed 
for  the  prevention  of  the  extension  of  slavery  into  states  as  yet  free, 
and  its  proscription  in  any  state  formed  or  admitted  in  the  future. 
The  fourth,  in  1825,  was  on  the  subject  of  the  amelioration  of  the 
condition  of  the  colored  people,  and  the  gradual  abolition  of 
slavery;  it  held  that  a  law  freeing  the  post  nati  would  be  within 
the  powers  of  Congress ;  it  advocated  abolishing  slavery  in  the  Dis 
trict  of  Columbia ;  it  called  attention  to  the  internal  slave  trade,  the 
ignorance  of  the  slaves  and  the  lack  of  true  marriage  among  them ; 
and  it  specifically  petitioned  for  the  prohibition  of  slavery  in  all 
new  states.1 

The  general  objects  of  the  Tennessee  society  were  set  forth  in  the 
addresses  of  1822  and  1823  as  "a  gradual  reform  of  our  laws,  so 
as  to  soften  the  bonds  of  slavery  to  those  who  now  groan  under 
the  yoke,  and  to  avert  the  evil  from  generations  yet  unborn,"  and 
"the  gradual  abolition  of  slavery  in  our  country."  The  work  of 
the  Tennessee  conventions  was  much  like  that  of  the  American 
Convention;  addresses  were  prepared  by  the  President  for  cir 
culation  among  the  churches  or  for  general  distribution;  plans 
were  discussed,  reports  given  of  the  year's  work,  and,  as  we  have 
seen  in  several  cases,  memorials  and  petitions  prepared.  The 
address  sent  to  the  American  Convention  in  September,  1823,  was 
very  encouraging.  The  society  at  the  time  consisted  of  twenty 
branches,  and  the  membership  was  supposed  to  exceed  six  hun 
dred.  The  address  to,  the  Branches  in  1824  speaks  of  some 
"  lukewarmness  "  on  the  part,  of  some  of  the  members,  but  the 
attitude  of  the  main  "Society  was  earnest  and  uncompromising. 
"We  have  hoisted  our  ensign  on  which  it  is  written  that  Slavery 
is  wrong."  It  was  in  this  year  that  the_first  proposals  were  made 
for  the  publication  of  a  paper,  which  was  finally  agreed  upon  in 

1  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  i.  142;  5.  409;  Annals  of  Congress, 
iyth  Congress,  ist  Session,  709;  i7th  Congress,  and  Session,  642;  i8th  Congress,  ist 
Session,  931.  No  results  appear  from  these  memorials,  save  the  reading  in  the  House, 
and  a  reference  to  a  Committee;  S.  B.  Weeks:  "Southern  Quakers  and  Slavery,"  p. 
236,  note. 


Anti-Slavery  Societies:    Details  of  Work  in  the  South     133 

the  convention  of  1825,  under  the  name  of  "The  Manumission 
Journal."1 

The  only  other  address  of  the  Tennessee  society  to  the  American 
Convention  is  in  1828.  It  begins  in  these  suggestive  words:  "To 
the  American  Abolition  Convention  for  promoting  the  rights  of  op 
pressed  man.  Friends  and  Fellow-Advocates  in  the  cause  of  suf 
fering  humanity."  The  address  is  signed  by  James  Jones,  who 
had  been  President  for  many  years,  and  is  in  all  probability  the 
expression  of  his  personal  opinions,  for  that  reason  being  perhaps 
of  especial  interest.  He  says :  "  I  am  very  anxious  that  the  friends 
of  freedom  may  be  firm  and  encouraged  to  persevere  with  Chris 
tian  fortitude  in  promoting  the  great  cause  of  justice."  He  con 
siders  it  strange  that  people  "do  not  more  seriously  consider  the 
interest  of  themselves  and  posterity."  "I  wish,"  he  continues, 
"  that  the  several  Religious  and  Benevolent  Societies  could  be  pre 
vailed  upon  throughout  this  Union,  to  consider  the  propriety  of 
petitioning  the  several  legislative  Authorities  on  the  all-important 
subject  of  negro  emancipation,  but  more  particularly  to  load  the 
tables  of  Congress  with  such  Memorials,  not  only  referring  that 
august  body  to  the  (little  spot  ten  miles  square)  District  of  Co 
lumbia  over  which  Congress  holds  entire  control.  If  Congress 
have  power  to  regulate  commerce  between  the  several  states,  &c. 
let  all  friends  of  man  solicit  the  Congress  to  pass  laws  to  prohibit 
.  .  .  the  Internal  Slave  Trade."  After  a  denunciation  of  the 
traffic  he  goes  on:  "It's  time  for  the  people  to  be  roused  to  their 
duty,  and  ask  their  rulers  to  abolish  such  things  in  plain,  explicit 
terms."  2 

"The  Moral,  Religious  Manumission  Society  of  West  Ten 
nessee"  was  formed  in  December,  1824,  to  procure  abolition  by 
argument,  and  to  raise  money  to  spread  the  truth.  Three  articles 
of  their  constitution  were  as  follows:  "Art.  6.  As  we  believe  that 
enslaving  our  brethren  is  the  greatest  act  of  practical  infidelity  and 
is  absolutely  incompatible  with  the  spirit  of  Christianity;  and  as 
we  think  that  the  Gospel  of  Christ  if  believed  would  remove  per 
sonal  slavery  at  once  by  destroying  the  will  in  the  tyrant  to  enslave, 

1  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1823,  pp.  17,  18;  The  Genius  of  Universal 
Emancipation,  i.  151;    2.  21;    4.  156,  157;    5.  42  (italics  as  in  the  original);    William 
Birney:  "James  G.  Birney,"  p.  76.    See  also  the  "  Genius,"  2.  23,  38,  40,  90,  109,  etc.; 
4-  735  5-  5°- 

2  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1828,  p.  57. 


134     Anti-Slavery  Societies:  Details  of  Work  in  the  South 

and  as  we  believe  that  the  glory  is  due  to  Christ  alone,  and  that  it 
cannot  be  given  up  to  another,  we  do  agree  to  hold  it  up  to  others 
to  the  best  of  our  skill,  so  as  to  convince  them  of  the  truth. 
Art.  7.  As  we  believe  that  slavery  will  exist  while  men  of  talents  are 
willing  to  tyrannize,  and  as  we  are  convinced  that  nothing  but  the 
moral  or  religious  principle  can  make  men  unwilling  to  tyrannize, 
we  therefore  deem  it  unnecessary  to  make  use  of  any  other  means 
but  argument.  Art.  8.  None  that  own  or  hold  slaves  can  be  ad 
mitted  as  members  of  this  society.'.'  The  membership  seems  to 
have  been  largest  among  the  Scotch  Highlanders  of  that  part  of 
the  state,  if  we  can  judge  by  the  Scotch  names  of  the  directors. 
In  March,  1825,  the  society  sent  an  address  to  the  various  man 
umission  societies  of  Tennessee,  asking  them  to  appoint  July  4, 
1825,  as  jubilee,  to  celebrate  it,  and  to  send  out  missionaries  to 
preach  to  slaveholders.1 

A  good  number  of  anti-slavery  organizations  existed  in  Mary 
land,  most  of  which  were  considered  as  branches  of  the  Maryland 
Abolition  Society.  This  was  formed  in  August,  1825,  with  Daniel 
Raymond  as  President,  and  Edward  Needles  as  Secretary.2  There 
were,  however,  some  earlier  anti-slavery  societies  in  the  state.  One, 
which  was  in  existence  from  the  summer  of  1789  till  1796,  had  for 
its  purpose  the  abolition  of  slavery  and  the  relief  of  free  negroes 
unlawfully  held  in  bondage.  Its  membership  was  large,  and 
among  the  cultured  class.3  Another  society  in  existence  before 
1825  was  a  "Maryland  Protection  Society,"  which  was  perhaps 
merged  in  1827  with  the  Baltimore  Protection  Society.4  The  only 
record  of  the  work  of  the  earlier  society  is  in  1818,  when  it  is  said 
that  it  had  "lately  had  the  glory  to  release  a  number  of  kidnapped 
black  people  and  to  restore  them  to  freedom  and  their  families."  5 
The  society  in  Newmarket,  Maryland,  held  a  quarterly  meeting  in 

1  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  4.  76,  142;    Birney:   "James  G.  Birney," 
p.  77.    The  only  other  notice  of  this  society  is  in  the  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention, 
for  1826,  p.  48,  when  the  directors  decided  that  an  address  sent  to  that  body  from  the 
society  showed  sentiments  not  in  accord  with  the  convention,  and  it  would  not  be  best  to 
print  it.    What  these  sentiments  were  is  not  hinted. 

2  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  5.  n,  13/16,  20. 

3  The  society  was  started  in  1796  by  Joseph  Townsend,  who  with  its  first  President, 
Philip  Rogers,  and  its  first  Vice-President,  James  Carey,  was  alive  in  1825.     The   au 
thority  from  which  we  learn  of  the  society  ("Life  of  Elisha  Tyson.    By  A  Citizen  of  Bal 
timore")  claimed  that  there  was  "hardly  an  old  and  venerable  citizen  now  [1825]  in  ex 
istence  in  Baltimore  whose  name  was  not  enrolled  among  the  number." 

4  See  the  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1828,  p.  53. 

5  Niles'  Weekly  Register,  14.  192. 


Anti-Slavery  Societies:    Details  of  Work  in  the  South     135 

1828,  and  undoubtedly  was  in  existence  earlier.  At  one  time  it 
had  declined  in  interest,  but  had  rallied,  and  was  prosperous  in 
that  year.1 

The  Maryland  Abolition  Society,  which  held  its  first  meeting  in 
1825,  for  several  years  made  up  an  anti-slavery  state  ticket,  pre 
senting  the  name  of  Daniel  Raymond  as  candidate  from  Baltimore 
to  the  General  Assembly.  While  Raymond  was  never  elected,  he 
received  a  fair  number  of  votes,  and  his  candidacy  gave  an  opening 
for  anti-slavery  addresses  and  pamphlets.  He  was  pledged  to 
endeavor  to  procure  a  gradual  emancipation  law  for  the  state,  and 
the  society  recorded  it  as  its  opinion  that  the  only  practical  means 
of  abolition  in  Maryland  was  the  passing  of  a  law  to  free  the  post 
nati.  Committees  were  appointed  in  1825  and  1827  (i)  to  draft  a 
memorial  to  the  Legislature  of  Maryland  on  the  internal  slave 
trade  and  slavery  generally ;  (2)  to  draft  a  memorial  to  Congress  on 
abolition  in  the  District  of  Columbia ;  and  (3)  to  prepare  an  address 
to  the  religious  societies  of  Maryland  on  the  abolition  of  slavery. 
This  society  in  its  address  to  the  American  Convention  in  1826 
speaks  as  strongly  as  any  of  its  Northern  contemporaries  of  the  cru 
elty  of  slavery,  its  debasing  effect  on  the  morals  of  the  nation,  and 
its  direct  denial  of  the  principles  of  republican  government.2 

The  avowed  object  of  the  society  was  the  extinction  of  slavery, 
primarily  in  Maryland,  but  finally  throughout  the  nation.  The 
methods  of  work  were :  /the_  investigation  of  the  state  of  slavery, 
the  publication  and  presentation  of  addresses,  the  circulation  of 
anti-slavery  publications,  and  the  support  of  candidates  for  the 
Legislature  who  would  enact  laws  toTabolish  slavery.  In  1827 
the  society  sent  to  the  American  Convention  a  brief  historical  sketch 
of  slavery  in  Maryland,  and  an  apparently  unimpassioned  account 
of  the  condition  of  the  slaves  at  the  time,  with  great  stress  laid  on 
the  prevalence  of  kidnapping.  It  also  claimed  that  the  most  intel 
ligent  of  the  people  in  the  state  were  beginning  to  be  convinced  that 
slavery  was  a  curse  to  the  state.  The  writers  felt  sure  that  the  time 
was  not  far  distant  when  the  state  would  be  willing  to  adopt^a 
system  of  gradual  emancipation.3  In  October,  1828,  the  society 
lost  ground  because  many  workers  were  absorbed  in  the  presi- 

1  The    Genius    of    Universal   Emancipation,  4.    191;   5.   6   (monthly);    5,    68,    181 
(weekly). 

2  Ibid.  5.  20,  35;   7.  13;   Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1826,  pp.  27,  28. 

3  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1827,  pp.  48-51. 


136     Anti-Slavery  Societies:  Details  of  Work  in  the  South 

dential  election,  but  the  officers  were  still  confident  that  the  cause 
would  in  the  end  triumph,  even  over  the  pride  and  avarice  which 
they  saw  impeding  its  progress. 

Two  other  societies  in  Maryland  deserve  mention:  the  Gun 
powder  Branch,  which  voted  to  have  an  anti-slavery  library,  and 
prepared  an  address  to  the  citizens  of  Maryland  on  the  evils  of 
slavery;1  and  the  Baltimore  Protection  Society,  which,  hardly  a 
year  after  its  organization,  reported  a  membership  small  in  num 
bers  but  of  great  zeal,  and  considerable  success  already  in  their 
work  of  redeeming  those  in  illegal  slavery.2  In  connection  with 
these  organizations  it  is  interesting  to  note  that  one  formed  in  1826 
is  said  to  have  been  formed  principally  of  persons  not  Quakers. 
The  idea  was  somewhat  prevalent  then  as  now,  that  only  the 
Quakers  opposed  slavery;  this  thought  perhaps  arose  from  the 
fact  that  they  were  the  most  numerous  and  active,  and  this  state 
ment  and  others  were  intended  to  combat  this  idea.3 

Baltimore  was  also  the  home  of  the  National  Anti-Slavery  Tract 
Society,  which  in  1828,  according  to  their  own  account,  had  fifty 
members,  all  residents  of  slaveholding  states,  the  officers  nearly 
all  from  Maryland.  Their  work  of  publishing  and  distributing 
anti-slavery  literature  was  performed  earnestly  and  perseveringly. 
They  employed  agents  in  various  parts  of  the  United  States  to 
make  the  public  acquainted  with  their  proceedings,  and  also  to 
urge  abolition  in  the  District  of  Columbia.  In  their  address  to  the 
American  Convention  in  1828,  they  use  the  same  strong  expressions 
as  do  the  others  in  their  characterization  of  slavery:  "the  bar 
barous  system  of  African  slavery."  After  giving  a  few  facts  in 
regard  to  the  internal  slave  trade  from  Baltimore,  they  add :  "  These 
facts,  though  they  furnish  but  a  partial  view  of  the  true  state  of 
things,  speak  in  tones  of  thunder,  shewing  the  necessity  of  putting 
an  end  to  this  diabolical  business.  Can  it  be  possible  that  Ameri 
can  Republicans,  that  professing  Christians,  will  much  longer  sit 
with  folded  arms,  and  look  upon  such  a  horrible  state  of  things 
without  emotion?"  In  1829  they  reported  that  their  work  was 
retarded  by  the  apathy  of  those  around  them,  but  they  were  not 
disposed  to  retire  from  the  conflict.4 

1  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  5.  273. 

2  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1828,  p.  53. 

3  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  6.  36. 

4  The  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1828,  pp.  44-52;   for  1829,  p.  61. 


Anti-Slavery  Societies:   Details  of  Work  in  the  South     137 

All  the  societies  that  have  been  mentioned  were  in  the  border 
states  or  those  Southern  states  immediately  bordering  on  them, 
and  it  is  most  probable  that  there  were  few  or  none  in  the  true 
South,  with  the  exception  of  North  Carolina.  This  point  should 
be  borne  in  mind  when  the  comparison  between  North  and  South, 
in  regard  to  the  number  of  societies,  is  made.  In  the  states  nearest 
the  free  states,  where  the  results  of  the  gradual  emancipation  acts 
of  New  York  and  Pennsylvania  could  be  studied  to  the  best  ad 
vantage,  the  societies  were  numerous,  and  in  many  cases  large  and 
vigorous.  In  the  states  farther  South,  where  those  results  were 
less  apparent,  the  societies  were  entirely  wantingo  The  one  excep 
tion  to  this  general  rule  was  the  state  of  North  Carolina,  where 
Lundy  labored  on  his  way  to  Baltimore  for  the  organization 
of  societies,  and  where  thereafter  there  were  a  goodly  number  of 
earnest  workers.  The  most  active  men  of  the  period  in  that  state 
were  the  Mendenhalls,  Coffins  and  Swaims ;  and  the  societies  were 
the  most  numerous  in  Guilford  County. 

The  Manumission  Society  of  North  Carolina,  the  central 
society,  held  its  first  public  meeting  in  July,  1816;  it  had  been 
preceded  by  four  local  societies,  which  perhaps  had  a  good  share 
in  its  organization.  The  majority  of  names  found  in  connection 
with  the  central  society  are  those  prominent  among  the  Quakers, 
but  other  traces  of  them  are  few;  Osborn  was  doubtless  instru 
mental  in  forming  branches.  In  1817,  when  colonization  came 
under  discussion,  by  that  or  some  other  influence  a  division  was 
caused,  and  in  spite  of  frequent  meetings  the  society  was,  in  1823, 
on  the  verge  of  dissolution.  It  was  at  this  time,  or  early  in  1824, 
that  the  influence  of  Lundy  became  felt  in  North  Carolina.  He 
held  fifteen  to  twenty  abolition  meetings,  organized  from  twelve 
to  fourteen  abolition  societies,  and  gave  to  the  Manumission  Society 
a  new  impulse,  abolition  being  in  control  and  colonization  in  the 
background.  In  October,  1824,  the  society  presented  to  Congress 
a  memorial  on  the  evils  of  slavery  and  the  benefits  of  emigration.1 

Through  the  address  of  the  society  to  the  American  Convention 
in  1826  we  learn  the  attitude  of  the  leaders,  and  the  strength  of  the 
membership ;  over  forty  branches  were  in  existence,  besides  several 

1  The  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1826,  p.  37;  S.  B.  Weeks :  "Southern 
Quakers  and  Slavery,"  pp.  234-240;  Birney :  "James  G.  Birney,"  p.  78;  Earl:  "Life  of 
Lundy,"  pp.  22,  23;  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation  4.  7  (the  first  mention  of 
the  society  in  the  paper),  78;  6.  91. 


138     Anti-Slavery  Societies:    Details  of  Work  in  the  South 

associations  of  women,  extending  into  seven  or  eight  of  the  most 
populous  counties  of  the  state;  the  membership  was  more  than 
two  thousand,  and  the  number  still  increasing.  Their  funda 
mental  principles  were  that  emancipation  must  be 


cornpanied  with  Toreign  colonization,  and  should  be  universal. 
The  active  work  of  the  society  was  to  show  slavery  in  all  its  glaring 
colors,  its  enormity,  impolicy,  danger  and  inconsistency  witH  demo 
cratic  institutions  and  religion,  until  the  people  were  aroused,  and 
could  be  heard  in  the  Legislature.  At  present  the  petitions  to  the 
General  Assembly  were  laid  on  the  table.  A  system  of  five  laws 
was  advocated:  (i)  prohibiting  the  importation  and  exportation 
of  slaves;  (2)  permitting  manumissions;  (3)  legalizing  slave  con 
tracts  for  the  purchase  of  freedom  ;  (4)  providing  for  the  education 
of  the  slaves;  (5)  providing  that  after  a  certain  time  all  persons 
should  be  born  free.  The  address  in  1828  is  in  much  the  same  tone, 
but  no  more  encouraging,  although  the  abolition  sentiments  had 
gained  ground  in  unexpected  quarters  of  the  state,  and  the  writers 
were  confident  that  there  was  a  latent  sympathy  in  many  hearts, 
only  waiting  to  be  roused  into  action.  For  this  purpose  they  had 
been  issuing  publications  for  general  distribution,  with  the  certain 
result  that  the  subject  was  becoming  more  and  more  matter  for 
familiar  conversation,  and  less  irritation  was  evident.  In  1829, 
however,  they  speak  of  it  as  an  "awfully  delicate  subject,"  and 
state  their  object  much  more  mildly,  possibly  on  that  account. 
The  society  existed  at  least  until  1834,  but  declined  from  1827,  and 
finally  lost  its  organization  entirely  save  as  a  part  of  the  Under 
ground  Railroad.1 

Only  a  few  other  societies  in  North  Carolina  are  reported  with 
any  fullness.  That  of  Guilford  County  was  said  in  1818  to  have 
been  "  lately"  established;2  others  are  merely  named3  in  the 
"  Genius"  for  1824  and  1825.  In  1825  the  "Trotter's  Creek 
Branch"  sent  an  address  to  the  people  of  the  United  States.4  In 
1826  it  was  said  that  the  formation  of  new  societies  was  continu- 

1  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1826,  pp.  32-39;    for  1828,  p.  66.     See 
also  the  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  5.  364;    S.  B.  Weeks:    "Southern  Quakers 
and  Slavery,"  p.  241.     The  only  North  Carolina  "publication  for  general  distribution" 
which  has  been  found  is  the  "Address  to  North  Carolina  by  the  Managers  of  the  Manu 
mission  Society  of  North  Carolina  on  the  Subject  of  Slavery,"  mentioned  in  the  preceding 
chapter. 

2  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1818,  p.  21. 

3  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  4.  n,  26,  51,  79. 

4  Ibid.  4.  158. 


Anti-Slavery  Societies:    Details  of  Work  in  the  South     139 

ally  heard  of,  but  later  in  this  year  opposition  was  shown  to  their 
organization  in  some  parts  of  the  state.1 

The  Southern  societies  as  a  whole  were  not  radical  in  their  aims, 
nor  increasingly  active  towards  the  latter  part  of  the  period,  many 
even  losing  their  existence  after  the  struggle  of  1820.  Yet  the 
years  1826  and  1827  saw  the  formation  of  many  new  societies. 
Individuals  remained  true  to  their  allegiance,  and  took  their  share 
in  the  later  struggle.  One  characteristic  of  the  Southern  anti- 
slavery  society  w^j  1 1  In  Cn<  I  tin  I  a  large  proportion  of  them  included 
slaveholders  among  their  members,  and  for  that  reason  they  could 
not  stand  as  strongly  against  the  institution  as  those  societies  where 
a  slaveholder  was  excluded  because  he  was  a  slaveholder.  These  - 
organizations  therefore  became  either  colonization  societies,  or 
merely  protection  societies,  not  advocating  manumission,  but 
amelioration;  not  abolition,  but  the  keeping  within  legal  bounds. 

1  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  5.  414;  6.  13. 


> 


CHAPTER  XIII 

ANTI-SLAVERY  SOCIETIES  :  DETAILS   OF  WORK 
IN  THE  NORTH 

FOR  the  history  of  anti-slavery  there  is  an  especial  importance 
in  the  beginnings  of  aggressive  anti-slavery  work  in  those  states 
which,  later,  were  the  great  factors  in  the  struggle  for  the  freedom 
of  the  slave.  The  number  of  such  societies  was  much  smaller  than 
in  the  South,  and  the  reports  of  their  action  are  vaguer ;  and  so  far 
as  can  now  be  ascertained  not  many  of  the  Northern  states  had  a 
share  in  the  work.  In  New  England  the  only  societies  which  can 
be  traced  were  two  in  Massachusetts,  and  one  each  in  Rhode 
Island  and  Connecticut.  The  other  New  England  states  were 
nearly  free  from  slaves  during  the  entire  period,  1808-1831,  and 
it  is  not  strange,  in  those  days  of  slow  travel,  that  the  needs  of  the 
blacks  in  the  remote  South  did  not  especially  appeal  to  them.  It 
seems  that  Massachusetts  also  should  be  included  among  these, 
since  at  no  time  after  the  formation  of  the  Union  was  she  a  slave- 
holding  state.  But  the  two  Massachusetts  societies  were  in  An- 
dover  Seminary  and  Williams  College,  and  very  possibly  owed 
their  existence  to  those  students  who  came  from  the  South.  It 
was  certainly  a  student  from  Kentucky  who  directed  the  attention 
of  the  Andover  Society  of  Inquiry  into  Missions  to  the  work  among 
the  Africans  in  America,  and  thus  gave  an  opening  for  the  work 
of  Leonard  Bacon,  which  bore  fruit  in  Connecticut  at  a  later  date. 

The  Andover  Society  was  hardly  a  regular  anti-slavery  society 
since  it  included  both  slavery  and  missions  in  its  labors,  and  con 
fined  itself  to  the  dissemination  of  intelligence  on  the  subject,  a 
work  which  it  considered  the  best  means  of  effecting  either  the 
liberation  of  the  slaves  or  the  amelioration  of  their  condition.1 

The  Society  at  Williams  College  was  formed  for  the  purpose  of 

1  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1826,  pp.  23-26;  The  Genius  of  Universal 
Emancipation,  6.  83. 

140 


Anti-Slavery  Societies:    Details  of  Work  in  the  North    141 

learning  about  slavery  and  the  efforts  for  its  abolition,  and  has 
every  right  to  the  name  of  an  anti-slavery  society,  although  it  was 
not  in  a  position  to  do  much  aggressive  work.  Most  of  the  students 
in  the  college  belonged  to  it,  and  they  arranged  not  only  for  the 
investigation  of  slavery,  but  for  anti-slavery  addresses  on  the  Fourth 
of  July  and  on  other  occasions.  The  words  against  slavery  in  the 
single  communication  from  this  society  are  much  stronger  than 
those  from  Andover,  although  no  belief  in  the  wisdom  of  immediate 
emancipation  is  expressed.1 

The  only  society  in  Connecticut  of  which  we  have  even  the 
briefest  account  is  that  in  New  Haven  founded  by  Leonard  Bacon 
in  1825.  It  exerted  its  efforts  for  religious  worship  and  instruction, 
secular  schools,  a  library  and  saving  society,  and  for  personal 
work  in  elevating  the  masses.  Nothing  seems  to  have  been  done 
for  the  emancipation  of  slaves,  if  we  except  a  certain  amount  of 
patronage  of  the  American  Colonization  Society,  which  many  sup 
posed  to  have  that  end  in  view.2 

A  society  in  Rhode  Island  appointed  delegates  in  1821  to  the 
American  Convention.  Of  these  only  Thomas  Hazard  was  present. 
The  address  sent  with  the  delegate  was  of  no  importance  as  showing 
the  attitude  of  the  society,  and'nothing  more  is  known  of  it.3 

The  three  central  Atlantic  states,  New  York,  New  Jersey  and 
Pennsylvania,  had  each  a  state  society,  although  that  in  New  Jersey 
was  disbanded  in  1817.  This  society  was  organized  early  in  the 
previous  period,  and  secured  the  liberation  of  some  negroes  who 
had  been  illegally  enslaved.4  In  1812  the  branch  society  in  Trenton 
lamented  the  falling  off  of  interest  in  the  state,  which  caused  a 
failure  to  hold  any  meeting,  so  that  no  delegates  could  be  appointed 
to  the  American  Convention  of  that  year.  The  hope  that  the 
society  might  be  reanimated  was  fulfilled  for  a  brief  time,  but 
five  years  later  it  disbanded  and  no  other  New  Jersey  society  is 
afterward  mentioned.  The  Trenton  society  seems  to  have  been 
the  most  active  of  its  branches,  but  the  only  detail  recorded  of  its 
work  is  a  petition  sent  shortly  before  the  report  in  1812  to  the 

1  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1826,  p.  19. 

2  Address   of   Leonard  W.  Bacon   before   the    Boston   (Mass.)  Ministers'  Meeting, 
in  1900  (not  printed);   also  "Liberia,"  for  Nov.  1899,  and  Feb.  1900.    The  last  two  are 
reprinted  in  a  separate  pamphlet  entitled  "The  Services  of  Leonard  Bacon  to  African 
Colonization." 

3  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1821,  pp.  38,  39. 

4  Ibid,  for  1809,  p.  13. 


142     Anti-Slavery  Societies:    Details  of  Work  in  the  North 

Legislature  of  the  state,  in  favor  of  increasing  the  penalty  for  sell 
ing  blacks  out  of  the  state.1 

The  state  body  in  New  York,  the  New  York  Abolition  Society, 
was  founded  in  1785,  and  remained  among  the  most  prominent  in 
the  American  Convention  throughout  the  entire  history  of  that 
body.  From  the  published  addresses  of  this  society  quotations 
might  be  multiplied  which  would  show  an  equal  strength  of  anti- 
slavery  sentiment,  and  equal  vigor  of  expression  and  in  many  cases 
much  the  same  wording  as  those  already  quoted  from  the  Southern 
societies.2  To  the  exertions  of  this  society  was  due,  in  large  measure, 
the  New  York  law  which  completely  abolished  slavery  in  1827; 3 
other  laws  to  improve  the  condition  of  the  negroes,  and  to  give  a 
stronger  penalty  for  kidnapping,  were  also  passed  under  its  in- 
fluence.4  It  supported  two  schools,5  one  of  which  certainly  is 
spoken  of  by  many  travelers  as  of  superior  quality.6  It  also  lib 
erated  many  negroes  unjustly  held  as  slaves;7  between  1808  and 
1812  those  freed  numbered  one  hundred  and  sixty-five,  and  at  the 
latter  date  the  society  had  forty-five  cases  on  hand  for  investiga 
tion.  By  1821  the  members  felt  that  they  had  accomplished 
practically  all  that  was  necessary  in  their  own  state,  but  retained 
their  organization  for  the  express  purpose  of  doing  all  they  could 
to  cooperate  with  the  societies  in  all  the  other  states.8  After  the 
final  freedom  act  was  passed  they  arranged  for  house  to  house 
visitation  of  colored  families  in  New  York,  and  a  Dorcas  society 
of  colored  women  to  sew  for  the  needy,  and  they  were  planning 
a  house  of  refuge  for  the  children  of  dissolute  colored  parents.9 
They  also  sent  petitions  to  Congress  and  to  the  New  York  Legis 
lature  in  favor  of  abolition  in  the  District  of  Columbia.10 

The  fullest  reports  from  any  state  society  come  from  the  Penn- 

1  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1812,  p.  12. 

2  Ibid,  for  1809, pp.  6,  n;   for  1812,  p.  6;  for  1821,  p.  6;   for  1823,  pp.  5,  6;  for  1825, 
pp.  6,  8. 

3  Ibid,  for  1817,  p.  6;    for  1827,  p.  32. 

4  Ibid,  for  1809,  p.  9;  for  1812,  p.  8;  for  1817,  p.  6;  for  1818,  pp.  7-15;  and  for  1821, 
p.  6. 

5  Ibid,  for  1809,  p.  10;   for  1812,  p.  7;   for  1817,  p.  7;   for  1818,  pp.  7-15;   for  1821, 
p.  6;   for  1823,  p.  6;   for  1825,  p.  8;   for  1827,  p.  34;   for  1828,  pp.  36-40;    for  1829, 
p.  49. 

6  See  above,  pp.  73,  74  and  note. 

7  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1812,  p.  9;   for  1818,  pp.  7-15;   for  1823, 
p.  6;    for  1825,  p.  9;   for  1826,  p.  13. 

8  Ibid,  for  1821,  p.  6;    for  1827,  p.  32. 
»  Ibid,  for  1828,  p.  39. 

10  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  8.  68. 


Anti-Slavery  Societies:    Details  of  Work  in  the  North     143 

sylvania  Abolition  Society,  one  of  the  first  founded,  always  aggres 
sive  and  in  the  foremost  ranks  of  the  workers.  In  1809  it  reported 
it  less  easy  to  work  in  favor  of  the  slaves,  owing  to  the  fact  that  its 
success  in  its  own  state  had  been  so  great  that  hundreds  of  slaves 
from  the  neighboring  slave  states  went  to  Pennsylvania  to  secure 
their  freedom.  Many  of  these  were  honest  and  industrious,  but 
too  many  served  only  to  swell  the  list  of  paupers  and  criminals. 
By  the  majority  of  the  people  the  resulting  evils  were  laid  to  their 
society,  who  as  a  consequence  determined  to  devote  themselves 
entirely  to  the  education  of  the  blacks  within  its  borders.  Little 
money  was  spent  for  literature,  but  the  society  supported  several 
large  schools  in  Philadelphia  under  the  charge  of  various  reli 
gious  denominations.1  In  1812  it  was  decided  to  erect  a  building 
for  a  colored  school,  which  was  completed  in  1813  at  a  cost  of  over 
$30oo.2  Their  main  work  in  1820  was  an  attempt  to  secure  some 
of  the  public  school  money  to  be  applied  to  the  education  of  the 
negroes.3  The  labor  for  the  education  of  the  colored  children  was 
a  source  of  gratification  to  the  workers,  for  even  as  early  as  1821 
the  report  of  their  society  says  that  notwithstanding  their  degraded 
origin,  and  low  rank  in  society,  there  was  a  smaller  proportion  of 
the  colored  people  than  of  the  white  chargeable  as  paupers  to  the 
community.4 

After  1813  the  society  was  comparatively  less  aggressive  for  a  few 
years,  owing  to  the  death  of  many  of  the  older  members,  and  the 
belief  of  others  that  their  work  was  virtually  accomplished  in  the 
passage  of  the  gradual  emancipation  law  and  the  arrangements 
for  the  education  of  the  colored  children.5  Still  at  all  times  they 
were  quick  to  see  and  defeat  any  pro-slavery  measure,  as,  for  ex 
ample,  an  attempt  in  the  State  Legislature,  in  February,  1813,  to 
form  a  separate  Black  Code  for  the  state.6  Before  1820,  however, 
activity  seems  to  have  been  renewed,  for  in  that  year  a  memorial 
was  presented  to  the  State  Legislature,  asking  for  immediate  and 
total  abolition  in  Pennsylvania.  This  now  seemed  feasible,  as 

1  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1809,  pp.  14-17. 

2  Edward  Needles:   "History  of  the  Pennsylvania  Abolition  Society,"  p.  58. 

3  Ibid.  p.  69;    Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1821,  p.  12.     Their  address 
to  the  American  Convention  says  that  this  effort  had  failed,  although  they  had  good  hope 
for  the  future.    Needles  says  that  the  effort  was  successful.    If  successful  at  all,  it  must 
have  been  later. 

4  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1821,  p.  13. 

5  Ibid,  for  1817,  p.  9;   Needles:   "History  of  the  Pennsylvania  Society,"  p.  64. 
8  Needles:  "  History  of  the  Pennsylvania  Abolition  Society,"  pp.  60,  61. 


144    Anti-Slavery  Societies:    Details  of  Work  in  the  North 

through  the  working  of  the  gradual  emancipation  act  the  num 
ber  of  slaves  had  decreased.1  In  1821  complaint  was  made  2  that 
a  claim  of  some  masters  to  a  limited  service  from  children  of  in 
dented  servants  was  upheld  by  some  of  the  courts ;  the  complainants 
expected,  however,  that  the  Supreme  Court  would  reverse  the  de 
cision,  or,  if  not,  that  the  Legislature  would  apply  a  prompt  and 
efficient  remedy.  The  address  to  the  American  Convention  in 
1827  gives  a  good  account  of  the  schools  under  the  care  of  the 
society,  and  of  a  "shelter"  in  Philadelphia,  for  colored  orphans, 
which  was  "  unknown  except  to  its  philanthropic  female  sup 
porters,  and  a  few  of  their  friends."  3 

In  1811  the  society  sent  a  memorial  to  the  State  Legislature 
asking  for  a  law  effectually  to  prevent  kidnapping.4  Again  in  1818 
another  complaint  was  made  of  the  insufficiency  of  these  laws,  with 
the  result  in  1820  of  procuring  more  stringent  regulations.5  A 
memorial  was  presented  to  Congress  in  February,  1813,  against 
the  slave  trade,6  and  in  December,  1818,  another  on  the  same  sub 
ject  received  eight  hundred  signatures.7  The  failure  to  accom 
plish  the  desired  object  did  not  discourage  the  society,  for  in  1822 
yet  another  memorial  was  sent  to  the  same  body,  complaining  of 
the  continuance  of  the  traffic.8  The  utterances  of  the  Pennsyl 
vania  Society  in  1825  are  especially  strong  against  the  domestic 
slave  trade,  which  they  declare  should  be  put  under  the  same  ban 
as  the  foreign  trade.  "Can  it  be  supposed,"  they  ask,  "that  the 
same  nation  who  punished  her  citizens  with  death  for"  the 
African  slave  trade,  "would  yet  still  permit  a  trade  in  the  de 
scendants  of  Africa  born  on  her  own  soil  ?  .  .  .  When  we  pro 
nounced  the  slave  trade  to  be  piracy,  did  we  not  forever  extin 
guish  our  title  to  a  slave?  for  is  he  not  the  product  of  that 
traffic?"  In  1827  the  words  are  still  stronger;  the  domestic 
slave  trade  is  characterized  as  "a  cruelty  scarcely  equalled  by 
the  enormities  of  the  African  slave  trade  and  for  which  our  land 
cries  aloud  to  heaven  for  judgment."  "It  is,"  the  writers  con- 

1  Needles:  "History  of  the  Pennsylvania  Abolition  Society,"    p.  70. 

2  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1821,  p.  n.    Indented  females  were  chil 
dren  of  registered  slaves,  freed  by  the  gradual  emancipation  act  at  the  close  of  their  in 
denture.    For  some  court  decisions  on  this  point  see  chapter  xx. 

3  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1827,  pp.  35-39. 

4  Needles:    "  History  of  the  Pennsylvania  Abolition  Society,"  p.  59. 

5  Ibid.  p.  68.  6  ffa'd.  p.  59.  7  ibid.  pp.  66,   67. 

8  Annals  of  Congress,  i7th  Congress,  ist  Session,  747. 

9  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1825,  p.  u. 


Anti-Slavery  Societies:  Details  of  Work  in  the  North     145 

tinue,  "the  very  parent  of  kidnapping.  That  such  a  barbarous 
violation  of  Christianity,  and  even  the  common  decencies  of  life, 
should  have  been  practiced  in  this  age,  will  be  looked  at  by  our 
posterity,  with  as  much  surprise,  as  we  now  feel  that  your  ances 
tors  could  have  tolerated  the  African  trade."  x 

Negroes  claimed  as  fugitive  slaves  were  at  all  times  able  to 
secure  the  most  earnest  aid  of  the  Pennsylvania  society,  either  from 
the  organization  or  from  individual  members.  In  1817  fifty-three 
cases  of  fugitives  came  under  their  care ;  thirty  of  these  were  rescued 
from  slavery,  and  others  were  unsettled  at  the  time  of  their  report.2 
In  this  year  they  sent  a  memorial  to  Congress  in  regard  to  the 
fugitive  slave  law.3  Their  labors  in  behalf  of  these  negroes 
resulted  in  1821  in  the  passage  of  a  law  by  the  Pennsylvania 
Legislature  which  was  the  germ  of  the  personal  liberty  laws  of  the 
later  period.4  It  gave  a  more  formal  trial  to  negroes  claimed  as 
fugitives,  and  prohibited  justices  of  the  peace  and  aldermen  from 
officiating  in  such  cases.  Yet  in  1827  they  still  complain  of  the 
insufficient  trial  required  to  prove  a  negro  a  slave.5 

The  work  of  the  society  for  those  parts  of  the  country  less  favored 
than  their  own  in  regard  to  the  freedom  of  the  negro  was  no  less 
active  than  for  the  negro  within  their  borders.  In  1821  the  especial 
attention  of  the  American  Convention  is  called  6  to  the  question  of 
abolition  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  the  writers  being  convinced 
that  Congress  would  be  ready  to  consider  it  favorably,  as,  since 
that  body  had  exclusive  jurisdiction  in  that  District,  the  continu 
ance  of  slavery  there  was  a  reproach  to  the  whole  republic.  The 
society  felt  that  the  time  was  ripe  for  successful  agitation  of  the 
subject ;  the  American  people  had  the  power,  and  surely  they  could 
not  want  the  will  "to  wipe  off  the  stain  upon  their  reputation,  of 
suffering  slavery  to  remain  in  the  capital  of  a  country  justly  boast 
ing  of  its  liberty."  In  1823  attention  is  again  called  to  this  sub 
ject,7  and  in  1824  a  memorial  was  sent  by  the  Pennsylvania  society, 
praying  for  the  total  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District.8 

1  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1827,  p.  38. 

2  Ibid,  for  1817,  p.  9. 

3  Ibid.  p.  ii ;    Needles:    "History  of  the  Pennsylvania  Society,"  p.  65;    Annals  of 
Congress,  i4th  Congress,  and  Session,  96. 

4  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1821,  pp.  n,  12. 

5  Ibid,  for  1827,  p.  37.  6  Ibid,  for  1821,  p.  15.  7  Ibid,  for  1823,  p.  13. 

8  Annals  of  Congress,  i8th  Congress,  ist  Session,  1756.  It  was  read  and  referred, 
and  a  week  later  laid  on  the  table  (Ibid.  1792). 

10 


146     Anti-Slavery  Societies:  Details  of  Work  in  the  North 

The  address  *  of  the  society  to  the  American  Convention  in 
1821  is  of  interest,  because  it  comes  immediately  after  the  close 
of  the  great  Missouri  struggle.  The  writers  felt  it  a  matter  for 
congratulation  that  although  success  had  not  attended  all  their 
efforts,  yet  "much  benefit  had  resulted  from  their  exertions." 
Limits  had  been  set  to  the  extension  of  the  evil  in  our  western 
territory,  and  if  the  same  spirit  which  dictated  the  late  resistance 
to  slavery  should  continue  to  be  exerted,  "ihe  shores  of  the  Pacific 
and  a  large  extent  of  territory  on  the  Missouri  and  Mississippi" 
would  be  "saved  from  this  scourge  of  humanity."  It  is  well  to 
compare  with  this  optimistic  view  of  that  contest  that  of  the  New 
York  Abolition  Society,  expressed  in  ir%  address 2  of  the  same  year, 
where  it  bemoans  the  "failure  in  Congress  of  the  attempt  to  fix 
limits  to  the  further  extension  of  slavery  in  our  Southern  and 
Western  borders."  By  1825  the  feeling  of  the  Pennsylvania  society 
with  regard  to  affairs  in  the  West  seems  somewhat  changed ; 3  for 
they  express  their  feeling  that  events  in  that  section  of  the  coun 
try  show  a  "most  deplorable  ignorance  respecting  the  baneful 
effects  of  slavery";  and  claim  that  "perhaps  at  no  period  were 
the  effects  of  Philanthropists  more  necessary  to  enlighten  the 
public  mind  than  the  present,"  though  in  regard  to  the  struggle  in 
Illinois  in  particular,  they  "'  are  well  assured  that  it  will  be  opposed 
by  the  United  efforts  of  the  Wise  and  Good."  In  1825  the  tone 
is  more  encouraging,  as  the  society  speaks  very  hopefully  of  the 
prospect  of  two  more  states  "erasing  the  stain  of  slavery  from 
their  escutcheon." 

The  first  mention  of  slavery  h^-Florida  is  made  in  1827,  when  the 
hope  is  expressed  4  that  so  fine  a  country  might  be  saved  from  the 
curse  of  an, enslaved  population,  or,  at  least,  such  measures  adopted 
as  would  prevent  its  increase  and  promote  its  abolition.  The 
question  of  colonization  was  brought  up  in  1818,  when  the  Penn 
sylvania  society  requested  5  the  American  Convention  of  that  year 
to  investigate  the  plan,  to  see  if  it  "would  subserve  the  interests  of 
humanity"  or  would  have  the  effect  of  perpetuating  slavery  in 
the  United  States. 

1  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1821,  p.  10. 

2  Ibid.  p.  8.  3  Ibid,  for  1823,  p.  n. 

4  Ibid,  for  1827,  p.  37. 

5  Ibid,  for  1818,  pp.  18,  47,  69;    Needles:   "History  of  the  Pennsylvania  Society," 
p.  66. 


Anti-Slavery  Societies:  Details  of  Work  in  the  North     147 

Several  other  societies  were  in  existence  in  Pennsylvania  during 
this  period.  One  in  Centerville  was  probably  organized  in  1818, 
that  being  the  date  when  it  is  first  mentioned.1  Nothing  is  known 
of  its  work,  however,  except  a  preamble  and  resolutions  adopted 
in  1826:  "Whereas  slavery  is  an  evil  of  great  magnitude  threat 
ening  to  involve  our  country  in  the  horrors  of  insurrection,  and 
this  fact  is  acknowledged  by  all,  Resolved,  that  it  is  the  duty  of  all 
to  unite  to  help  to  abolish  it;  that  we  would  approve  of  Congress 
laying  off  a  tract  for  settlement  by  those  not  wishing  to  emigrate; 
and  highly  approve  of  Congress  appropriating  one  million  dollars 
annually  to  aid  the  states  to  remove  their  slaves,  providing  the 
states  would  pass  laws  for  the  gradual  abolition  of  slavery."  2 

The  society  in  Chester  County,  Pennsylvania,  was  formed  in 
1820,  and  originated  in  a  desire  to  assist  those  illegally  held  in 
slavery  and  also  to  raise  the  standard  of  the  free  negro.  Within 
a  year  they  were  instrumental  in  rescuing  from  slavery  a  free  black 
confined  in  a  jail  in  Belle  Air,  Maryland.3  In  1823  they  went  one 
step  farther  in  advocating  gradual  emancipation,  but  they  hesitated 
at  immediate  emancipation  where  blacks  were  numerous.  Never 
theless  they  advocated  in  Delaware,  Maryland  and  the  District  of 
Columbia,  "absolute  and  immediate  emancipation"  as  not  only 
safe  but  wise.4  From  this  society  came  some  of  the  most  active 
members  of  the  American  Convention :  —  Lea  Pusey,  Abraham 
Marshall  and  Benjamin  Pennock. 

The  society  in  West  Middletown,  Pennsylvania,  was  said  in 
1826  »to  consist  "of  a  very  respectable  number  of  citizens,"  and 
to  be  "cheerfully  disposed  to  receive  other  respectable  citizens  who 
may  wish  to  lend  their  names  and  influence  for  abolishing  (so  far 
as  is  legally  practicable)  that  unjust  and  wicked  practice  of  man 
enslaving  his  fellowman."  5 

The  Franklin  (Penn.)  Manumission  Society  in  February,  1827, 
found  the  friends  of  emancipation  and  colonization  increasing  in 
numbers  and  in  their  exertions.  The  society  was  organized  on 

1  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1818,  p.  29;    The  Genius  of  Universal 
Emancipation,  vol.  4,  supplement  III. 

2  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  6.  131.     The  resolutions  are  signed  by 
Lewis  Morris. 

3  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1821,  p.  37. 

4  Ibid,  for  1823,  p.  21.     The  society  was  represented  by  delegates  at  each  of  these 
conventions. 

5  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  5.  364. 


148    Anti-Slavery  Societies:  Details  of  Work  in  the  North 

January  i,  1827,  and  at  once  sent  two  petitions  to  the  Legislature 
and  to  Congress,  praying  for  the  destruction  of  the  slave  markets, 
and  for  the  freedom  of  the  post  nati.  The  members  also  determined 
to  support  at  the  next  election  only  such  candidates  as  favored  the 
anti-slavery  cause.  This  is  one  of  the  earliest  suggestions  of  the 
political  organization  of  the  abolitionists.1 

At  a  "  convention  of  Delegates  from  Western  Pennsylvania," 
held  in  Washington,  Pennsylvania,  on  June  26,  1826,  delegates 
were  sent  to  the  American  Convention,  and  measures  were  taken 
looking  to  an  annual  assembly  at  the  same  place.2  For  two  years 
after  the  first  society  in  that  part  of  the  state  was  organized  all  the 
energies  of  the  friends  of  anti-slavery  were  exerted  in  attending  to 
individual  cases,  and  in  acquiring  information;  from  that  time  a 
more  lively  interest  manifested  itself,  and  committees  were  ap 
pointed  to  draw  the  attention  of  the  public  more  generally  to  the 
subject.  These  committees  delivered  lectures  at  many  places  on 
the  evil  of  slavery  from  the  moral,  religious  and  political  stand 
points,  urged  universal  emancipation,  and  met  all  objections.  As 
a  result,  in  the  few  counties  concerned,  the  societies  increased. 
In  1827  they  numbered  ten  or  twelve,  several  of  which  were  large 
and  prosperous,  with  more  constantly  forming.  Another  result 
was  a  great  increase  in  interest,  even  among  those  not  joining  the 
societies.  "We  view,"  say  the  representatives  of  this  Convention, 
"the  cause  of  emancipation  as  one  which  above  all  other  political 
considerations  is  worthy  the  serious  attention  of  the  American 
people.  One  which,  owing  to  the  deep  and  lasting  interest  this 
Union  would  derive  from  its  accomplishment,  deserves  our  hearty 
cooperation  and  support." 

The  fact  that  so  large  a  proportion  of  the  residents  of  the  North 
western  states  came  from  the  slave  states  for  the  express  purpose 
of  escaping  from  the  evils  of  slavery,  may  account  in  some  meas 
ure  for  the  number  and  radical  tone  of  the  anti-slavery  societies 
there,  as  compared  with  some  other  parts  of  the  Union.  The 
earliest  report  from  an  Ohio  society  was  that  of  the  "Female  As 
sociation  for  the  benefit  of  Africans  in  Cincinnati,  Ohio,"  in  1821, 

1  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  6.  145. 

2  For  the  reports  of  this  convention  see  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1827, 
pp.  58,  t;g.     Delegates  were  sent  to  this  latter  bodv  in  1826  and  1827,  and  in  1827  an 
address  was  prepared  by  a  special  committee,  which  gave  in  brief  the  history  of  the 
movement. 


Anti-Slavery  Societies:  Details  of  Work  in  the  North     149 

stating  that  it  had  established  Sunday  Schools,  and  made  earnest 
efforts  to  raise  the  money  necessary  for  their  support.1 

The  society  meeting  at  "Sunsbury  meeting  house,  Monroe 
County,  Ohio,"  in  1826  desired  to  do  all  that  was  possible  toward 
the  entire  abolition  of  slavery  by  refraining  from  slave  produce; 
by  publishing  essays,  original  or  selected,  in  order  "to  throw  light 
on  the  subject  and  to  show  that  slavery  is  incompatible  with  the 
principles  of  Christianity  and  contrary  to  sound  policy";  by 
doing  all  possible  for  the  relief  of  the  blacks  in  Ohio,  through  en 
deavors  to  remove  the  prejudice  against  them;  and  by  petitioning 
the  Legislature  for  the  repeal  of  all  laws  opposed  to  the  full  equal 
ity  of  blacks  with  whites.2  The  attitude  of  this  society,  both  in  its 
published  addresses  and  in  its  constitution,  is  extremely  radical. 
"We  believe,"  they  say,  "slavery  a  crime  of  the  deepest  dye  that 
ever  did,  or  ever  will  disgrace  any  people,  and  that  wherever  equal 
rights  and  equal  privileges  cease  there  slavery  begins;  and  we 
also  believe  that  the  conscious  receiver  is  as  bad  as  the  thief, 
and  therefore,  if  we  act  the  part  of  true  philanthropists  we  cannot 
partake  of  the  products  of  slavery."  By  their  constitution  "no 
person  shall  be  admitted  to  membership  unless  he  is  in  unison  with 
the  following  propositions,  ist.  I  am  opposed  to  every  species 
of  slavery.  2nd.  I  am  willing  to  do  all  I  can,  consistently,  towards 
the  abolition  of  slavery.  3rd.  When  any  of  this  class  shall  be 
come  free,  I  wish  them  to  partake  of  the  common  privileges  of  other 
free  citizens." 

A  society  newly  formed  in  New  Lisbon,  Ohio,  published  in 
1826  an  address  on  the  evils  of  slavery,  and  the  necessity  of  gradual 
emancipation  as  the  only  safe  course.3  A  little  later  the  society 
was  said  to  have  more  than  five  hundred  members.4  Members  of 
the  " Columbiana  Abolition  Society"  of  New  Lisbon,5  resolved 
in  July,  1827,  to  withhold  their  votes  from  all  persons  who  were 
not  decidedly  opposed  to  the  system  of  slavery,  and  who  would 
not  use  every  lawful  effort  to  remedy  the  evil.6 

1  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  i.  94. 

The  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1826  (p.  49)  contains  a  communica 
tion  from  this  society  which  sets  forth  clearly  its  aims  and  beliefs.  See  also  the  Genius  of 
Universal  Emancipation,  6.  122. 

3  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  6.  123. 

4  Ibid.  6.  !82. 

5  This  society  was  in  the  same  place  as  the  one  last  mentioned,  and  may  have  been  the 
same  society,  called  by  another  name. 

6  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  7.  29. 


150     Anti-Slavery  Societies:  Details  of  Work  in  the  Not," 

According  to  many  publications  of  the  time  there  were  numerous 
societies  in  Illinois ;  one  in  Edwardsville  exerted  an  influence  during 
the  struggle  in  that  State.  No  records  of  work  were  sent  to  the 
American  Convention,  however,  and  but  little  is  known  of  them. 
They  were  apparently  not  very  active  or  radical,  and  they  may 
have  been  disbanded  early  in  the  period. 

The  question  of  the  comparative  worth  of  free  and  slave  labor 
is  one  that  early  engaged  the  attention  of  controversialists,  and 
many  pamphlets  were  written  to  prove  the  dearness  of  slave  labor. 
During  the  latter  part  of  the  period  1808-1831  vigorous  attempts 
were  made  to  induce  the  friends  of  abolition  to  refuse  to  use  the 
products  of  slave  labor.  In  1826  the  American  Convention  in  its 
address  to  the  abolition  societies  in  the  United  States  advised  that 
all  friends  of  the  slave  should  give  a  preference  to  articles  produced 
by  the  labor  of  freemen,  for  the  purpose  of  creating  a  market  for 
such  produce  and  of  keeping  the  fundamental  principles  of  anti- 
slavery  before  the  minds  of  the  people.1  At  least  two  societies 
made  this  object  their  specific  purpose.  The  Delaware  Free  Labor 
Society,  which  wras  still  in  its  infancy  in  September,  1827,  believed 
that  the  slaveholders  would  substitute  free  labor  for  slave  if  they 
were  convinced  that  they  would  gain  by  the  change,  and  that  the 
end  sought  by  all  abolitionists,  universal  emancipation,  might  be 
reached  in  this  way.  The  aim  of  the  society  was  to  induce  the 
people  of  the  slaveholding  districts  to  try  the  experiment,  as  an 
object  lesson  to  the  opponents  of  abolition.  Some  felt  that  this 
discrimination  might  lead  to  resentment  rather  than  to  conviction, 
but  the  society  felt  that  this  would  be  avoided  if  no  premium  were 
placed  on  free  labor.  Many  of  the  officers  of  this  society  were 
also  active  in  the  American  Convention  and  in  the  Delaware 
Abolition  Society.2 

Another  like  organization  was  the ,  Free  Produce  Society  of 
Pennsylvania.  In  a  communication  3  to  the  American  Conven 
tion  in  October,  1827,  it  is  stated  that  the  members  of  this  society 
had  for  some  time  studied  the  progress  of  abolitionism,  and  having 
remarked  the  great  difference  of  results  in  the  different  parts  of 
the  country,  they  began  to  investigate  more  closely  to  discover  the 

1  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1826,  p.  44. 

2  Ibid,  for  1827,  p.  46. 

3  Ibid.  pp.  40-43.    The  address  is  signed  by  the  Vice-President,  who  is  also  a  delegate 
to  the  American  Convention  from  the  Pennsylvania  Abolition  Society,  Benjamin  Tucker. 


Anti-Slavery  Societies:   Details  of  Work  in  the  North     151 

cause.  They  had  come  to  the  conclusion  that  the  comparative 
value  of  slave  and  free  labor  was  a  great  factor  in  determining  this 
difference;  those  Northern  states  in  which  slave  labor  was  mani 
festly  less  profitable  had  already  freed  their  slaves;  the  Border 
states  would  have  done  the  same  had  it  not  been  for  the  impulse 
to  slave  breeding  through  the  demand  for  slaves  by  the  South.  If 
then  it  could  be  shown  that  in  this  last  group  of  states  also,  slave 
labor  was  less  profitable  than  free,  a  great  victory  for  freedom 
would  be  won.  The  first  object  of  their  association  was,  therefore, 
to  create  a  demand  for  free  produce,  which  would  of  itself  bring  a 
supply.  They  fear  that  the  growing  factory  system  of  the  North, 
dependent  on  the  raising  of  cotton  at  the  South,  would  deaden  the 
love  of  freedom  among  Northerners,  and  that  some  of  the  em 
ployers  of  slave  labor  would  be  more  incensed  than  convinced. 
Still,  since  the  familiar  method  of  attempting  to  convince  slave 
holders  of  the  injustice  of  slavery  had  not  yet  succeeded,  they  thought 
it  their  duty  to  bring  into  action  the  stronger  incentive  of  self- 
interest.  At  this  time  the  society  had  about  sixty-five  members, 
and  William  Rawle  was  its  President.1 

In  1829  the  establishment  is  reported  of  a  number  of  "female 
associations"  in  Pennsylvania  for  the  use  of  free  cotton.  In  Jan 
uary  of  that  year  there  were  but  thirteen  names,  in  November, 
over  one  hundred.2  In  1830  the  colored  men  of  Philadelphia 
formed  a  society  for  the  purpose  of  encouraging  free  labor.  Two 
hundred  and  thirty  names  were  signed  to  the  constitution  at  the 
first  meeting.3 

Very  early,  stores  were  opened  in  the  centers  of  anti-slavery 
interest,  where  one  could  be  sure  of  obtaining  whatever  free  prod 
uce  was  obtainable.  A  circular  dated  August  5,  1826,  and  signed 
by  Michael  Lamb  and  Benjamin  Lundy,  denounces  slavery  and 
claims  that  the  conviction  of  greater  profit  in  free  labor  would  be  a 
great  factor  in  causing  slavery  to  cease ;  they  then  announce  that 
they  have  opened  a  "mercantile  house"  in  Baltimore  for  the  pur 
chase  and  sale  on  commission  of  all  articles  of  free  produce,  partic 
ularly  groceries  (excepting  "spirituous  liquors").4  A  month  later 

1  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  7.  2,  n.    See  also  the  Minutes  of  the  Ameri 
can  Convention,  for  1829,  pp.  57,  58. 

2  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1829,  p.  57. 

3  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  n.  163. 
*  Ibid.  5.  388. 


152     Anti-Slavery  Societies:  Details  of  Work  in  the  North 

Lundy  withdrew  from  the  business,  not  because  of  doubt  of  its 
value  or  success,  but  because  it  would  interfere  too  much  with  his 
other  occupations.1 

The  Delaware  Free  Labor  Society  intended  to  keep  a  stock  of 
groceries,  but  was  not  able  to  procure  them  in  sufficient  quantities 
to  compete  with  slave  produce,  excepting  in  the  case  of  coffee.2 

In  1829  and  1830  many  free  produce  stores  are  mentioned:  a 
bakery3  in  Bordentown,  New  Jersey;  a  store4  in  Egypt,  New 
Jersey;  another5  in  New  York  City,  where  one  could  purchase 
free-grown  cotton,  rice,  sugar,  etc.  There  were  several  in  Phila 
delphia;  for  example,  a  bakery,6  a  grocery  store,7  a  store8  where 
cotton  and  a  number  of  other  things  might  be  found,  while  the  first 
store 9  of  this  sort  for  dry  goods  exclusively  was  in  Philadelphia. 

Two  institutions  for  the  purpose  of  educating  slaves  for  freedom 
are  mentioned  in  these  years.  An  advertisement 10  appeared  in 
October,  1825,  for  eight  or  ten  negro  slaves  of  steady  habits,  with 
their  families,  to  form  the  nucleus  of  an  institution  of  this  sort  under 
the  charge  of  the  "Emancipating  Labor  Society  of  Kentucky." 
In  the  same  year  Frances  Wright  suggested  the  same  principle,  ad 
vertising  in  the  "  Genius"  an  establishment  to  educate  freed  blacks, 
to  be  located  in  West  Tennessee.  This  was  supported  by  a  goodly 
number  of  persons,  among  whom  was  George  Flower,  and,  it  was 
claimed,  Lafayette.  A  letter  from  a  Presbyterian  clergyman  in 
South  Carolina,  written  early  in  1826,  says  that  the  first  company 
of  slaves  for  this  institution  went  from  York  District,  in  that  state. 
The  scheme  was  not  so  well  supported  as  had  been  hoped ;  many 
claimed  that  while  the  purpose  was  ostensibly  anti-slavery  it  was  in ' 
reality  a  fraud,  and  carried  on  entirely  for  the  benefit  of  the  pro 
prietor;  that  the  education  was  a  farce,  and  that  the  negroes  re 
mained  in  reality  slaves.  Others  defended  her;  and  for  nearly  a 
year  the  war  of  words  continued,  with  no  definite  result  at  the  last. 
At  this  late  day  it  seems  impossible  to  tell  whether  the  establish 
ment  was  a  fraud  or  merely  a  failure.11 

One  great  difference  between  the  societies  of  these  years  and 

1  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  6.  8. 

2  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1827,  p.  47. 

3  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  10.  84. 

4  Ibid.  5  Ibid.  10.  7.  6  Ibid.  10.  12. 
7  Ibid.  10.  103.                              8  Ibid.  10.  58.  9  Ibid.  11.  25. 

10  Ibid.  5.  56,  and  later. 

11  Ibid.  5.  117,  126,  164,  188,  275,  301,  324,  365;  6.  21,  140,  177. 


Anti-Slavery  Societies:  Details  of  Work  in  the  North     153 

those  after  1831  is  the  entire  lack  of  centralization.  With  the 
foundation  of  the  American  Anti-Slavery  Society  came  that  cen 
tralization  which  made  it  able  to  plan  and  execute,  through  its 
agents  and  auxiliaries.  To  a  very  slight  extent  the  early  societies 
in  each  state  were  "bound  together  by  a  central  organization. 
Usually  however,  this  union  was  no  mo  e  than  a  convention  of  de^e- 
gates  from  the  various  independent  societies.  The  national  organ 
ization,  the  American  Convention,  was,  as  its  full  name  signifies,  a 
"convention  of  delegates  from  abolition  societies,"  and  was  power 
less  to  execute,  although  able  in  some  degree  to  plan  and  recom 
mend.  Money  was  difficult  to  raise  in  sufficient  quantities,  since 
the  central  body  had  no  authority  to  demand  from  any  society  the 
quota  assigned  to  it. 


CHAPTER  XIV 
THE  AMERICAN   CONVENTION 

THE  first  meeting  of  a  national  anti-slavery  society  was  held  in 
Philadelphia,  January  i,  1794,  under  the  title  "American  Conven 
tion  of  Delegates  from  Abolition  Societies,"  or,  after  the  new  con 
stitution  of  1818,  'The  American  Convention  for  Promoting  the 
Abolition  of  Slavery,  and  improving  the  Condition  of  the  African 
Race."  1  In  the  same  constitution  which  gives  us  its  distinctive 
name  we  read  also  of  the  representation ;  it  was  to  be  from  societies 
associated  to  protect  the  free  blacks,  or  to  promote  the  abolition 
of  slavery  in  the  United  States.  From  the  first  it  was  practically 
representative,  composed  (in  1794)  of  delegates  from  societies  in 
Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania, 
Delaware  (2),  Maryland  (2),  and  Virginia.2  Until  1806  the  meet 
ings  were  annual,  although  none  were  held  in  1799  and  1802;  in 
1806  they  decided  to  meet  triennially,  and  met  in  accordance  with 
this  decision,  in  1809,  1812,  and  1815.  The  meeting  of  1815  was 
immediately  adjourned  to  1816;  after  this  date  they  held  biennial 
meetings  until  1829.  Many  of  these  were  adjourned  to  a  date  a 
year  later,  a  custom  which  gave  the  practical  effect  of  annual 
meetings  for  several  years.3  In  all,  twenty-four  conventions  were 
held  in  the  thirty-six  years  1794  to  1829,  inclusive.  From  1830  to 
1837  no  meeting  was  held,  although  calls  were  occasionally  issued ; 
in  1838  the  Pennsylvania  society  issued  a  call  to  those  societies 
known  to  have  been  represented  in  the  last  Convention,  to  meet  and 
make  arrangements  for  the  future;  delegates  from  New  York, 
Pennsylvania  and  Delaware  met,  and,  "after  mature  considera 
tion,"  it  was  there  determined  that  "as  the  great  object  for 

1  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  i.  155.     It  is  on  account  of  the  name  as 
here  given,  by  which  the  Convention  was  known  for  the  greater  part  of  the  period,   that 
the  writer  has  preferred  to  use  the  words  "American  Convention,"  rather  than   "Con 
vention  of  Delegates,"  used  by  some  writers. 

2  William   Birney:    "James  G.   Birney  and  His  Times,"  p.  408;    "William  Lloyd 
Garrison,  1805-1879,"  i.  89. 

3  Thus  the  regular  meetings  were  held  in  1815,  1817,  1819,  1821,  1823,  1825,  1827 
and  1829;   and  the  adjourned  meetings  in  1816,  1818,  1826  and  1828. 

154 


The  American  Convention  155 

which  that  body  was  originally  organized  did  not  appear  likely 
to  be  further  promoted  by  its  longer  continuance,  the  Conven 
tion  had  better  be  then  dissolved." 

Not  all  abolition  or  anti-slavery  societies  were  represented  in 
these  conventions.  According  to  the  Reports  the  only  societies 
invariably  represented  between  1808  and  1829  were  those  of  New 
York  and  Pennsylvania,  while  more  than  half  of  the  societies  rep 
resented  each  year  were  in  Pennsylvania  and  the  states  further 
north.  It  is  true  that  neither  in  the  extreme  North  nor  in  the 
extreme  South  was  there  a  decided  interest  shown  in  the  American 
Convention;  still  it  was  at  least  as  great  in  the  North  as  in  the 
South,  as  will  be  seen  by  an  examination  of  the  accompanying 
table  showing  the  location  of  the  societies  represented  during  the 
period.2  Next  to  New  York  and  Pennsylvania  was  Delaware, 
which  missed  but  five  of  the  thirteen  conventions,  and  to  one  of 
these  sent  an  address  on  the  work  of  the  year.  Maryland  was 
represented  in  six  conventions.  The  total  of  different  organiza 
tions3  represented  is  seventy-one;  of  this  number  thirty-nine 
were  Northern,  twenty  (nearly  two-thirds  of  the  remainder)  from 
the  two  Border  states  of  Delaware  and  Maryland;  while  only 
twelve,  or  about  one-sixth,  were  from  the  states  which  later  pre 
ferred  slavery  with  independence.  Eleven  other  societies  at  one 
time  or  another  sent  communications  without  delegates :  four  in  the 
North  (two  in  Massachusetts  and  two  in  Ohio),  three  in  Delaware 
and  Kentucky,  and  the  remaining  four  in  the  South.  The  con 
clusion  is  then  that  more  than  half  of  the  total  representation  came 
from  the  Northern  states,  two-sevenths  from  the  Border  states, 
and  only  a  trifle  under  one-fifth  from  the  lower  South. 

Each  society  was  entitled  to  ten  delegates,  and  all  usually  ap 
pointed  the  whole  number,  but  the  attendance  was  always  small, 
and  spectators  may  have  been  counted  among  the  delegates. 

One  of  the  most  interesting  as  well  as  one  of  the  most  important 

1  Edward   Needles:    "History  of   the    Pennsylvania    Society  for    ...  Abolition  of 
Slavery,"  pp.  96,  97.    These  statements,  save  the  two  credited,  are  based  on  the  published 
minutes  of  the  meetings,  and  differ  somewhat  from  the  estimates  of  Mr.  Birney  and  some 
others. 

2  The  table  is  compiled  from  the  minutes  of  the  Conventions ;  it  will  be  seen  to  dis 
prove  the  somewhat  prevalent  idea  that  the  Convention  was  a  strictly  Southern  organi 
zation. 

3  It  is  not  easy  to  be  sure  of  the  exact  number  of  societies  represented  at  the  meet 
ings,  although  the  names  of  those  naming  delegates  are  given,  and  often  others  sending 
communications;   for  these  were  in  many  cases  sent  from  a  convention  of  societies,  as  that 
in  Virginia,  or  by  a  state  association  with  many  local  branches,  like  the  one  in  Tennessee. 


156 


The  American  Convention 


THE   REPRESENTATION   IN 


1809 

1812 

1816 

1817 

1818 

1819 

1821 

New  York 

Pennsylvania 

New  Jersey 
Delaware 

New  York 
Pennsylvania 
(Kentucky  *) 

Trenton,  N.  J. 
(Delaware  *) 

N.  Y. 
Penn. 

Del. 

New  York 
Pennsylvania 
(Kentucky  *) 

Delaware 
[Kent  Co.,  Del.2] 
Easton,  Md. 

New  York 
Pennsylvania 
Columbia,  Penn. 

Delaware 
[Kent  Co.,  Del.2] 
[Easton,  Md.]2 

N.  Y. 
Penn. 

New  York 
Pennsylvania 
Chester  Co., 
Penn. 
Providence, 
R.  I. 
Delaware 

4 

5 

3 

6 

6 

5 

1  These  societies  sent  communications  but  appointed  no  delegates. 

2  These  societies  sent  communications  and  appointed  delegates,  but  none  were  present.     The  So- 
or  main  societies  with  many  branches.     Possibly  others  were  also.     Four  societies  are  distinctly  men- 

The  name  of  a  state  alone  in  the  above  tables  means  the  main  society  in  the  state,  having  that  name 
e.  g.t  Columbia,  Penn.,  are  placed  separately,  and,  in  general,  after  the  state  society.     They  are  never 

parts  of  the  work  of  these  conventions  was  the  hearing  of  reports 
from  the  societies,  and  from  the  committees  appointed  for  specific 
purposes.  Many  significant  extracts  from  the  reports  of  the  societies 
have  been  given  above.  The  reports  from  the  Acting  Committee 
of  each  Convention  are  exceedingly  instructive,  since  this  com 
mittee  was  appointed  at  one  session  to  hold  over  to  the  next,  and 
was  therefore  the  vital  part  of  the  Convention. 

The  report  of  1821  will  serve  as  an  example.1  In  December, 
1820,  the  committee  had  published  and  distributed  one  thou 
sand  copies  of  a  pamphlet  containing  the  speeches  of  Taylor  and 
TaLmadge  in  the  House,  and  Rufus  King  in  the  Senate;  the  report 
of  a  committee  from  the  Delaware  Society  respecting  the  consti 
tutionality  of  congressional  prohibition  of  slavery  in  new  states ; 


1  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1821,  pp.  24,  25. 


The  American  Convention 


157 


THE   AMERICAN    CONVENTIONS 


1 

1823 

1825 

1826 

1827 

1828 

1829 

New  York 

New  York 

New  York 

New  York 

New  York 

New  York 

Pennsylvania 

Pennsylvania 

Pennsylvania 

Pennsylvania 

Pennsylvania 

Pennsylvania 

Chester  Co., 

Western  Penn. 

Western  Penn. 

Penn. 

Providence 

Providence 

Providence 

Penn.  Free  Prod.;  Penn.  Free  Prod. 

[Penn.  Free 

R.  I. 

R.  I. 

R.  I. 

Prod.2J 

Delaware 

Delaware 

Delaware 

Nat.  Anti- 

Nat.  Anti- 

Slavery  Tract 

Slavery  Tract 

Tennessee 

Tennessee 

(W.)  Tenn. 

Wilmington 

Tennessee 

Free  Labor 

Maryland 

Maryland 

Maryland 

Maryland 

(Sunsbury, 

Salem,  O. 

Baltimore 

Ohio  i) 

Protection 

(Andover 

(Columbiana 

Sem.,  Mass.1) 

Soc.,  Ohio  !) 

(Williams  College, 

(Alexandria  *) 

Alexandria 

Mass.1) 

No.  Carolina 

(Greensboro 

(No.  Carolina  !) 

(No.  Carolina  J) 

N.  C.1) 

Loudon,  Va. 

Va.  Conven. 

Va.  Conven. 

Washington 

Washington 

Washington 

6 

5 

12 

13 

10 

7 

cieties  of  \Vestern  Penn.,  Tennessee,  Virginia  and  No.  Carolina,  were  either  "Conventions"  of  societies, 
tioned  by  name  as  those  in  Western  Penn.  in  1826;   how  many  were  unrepresented  we  cannot  tell, 
in  the  reports :   e.  g.,  the  New  York  Abolition  Society.     Societies  in  any  particular  parts  of  a  state,  as, 
placed  before,  but  sometimes  appear  in  the  same  line  when  the  main  society  was  not  represented. 

and  a  letter  from  John  Jay  on  the  subject.  They  also  printed  and 
distributed  seven  hundred  copies  of  the  minutes  of  the  preceding 
Convention.  They  prepared  a  memorial  setting  forth  the  neces 
sity  for  an  alteration  of  the  Missouri  Constitution  to  prevent  the 
introduction  of  slavery  and  to  guard  the  rights  of  the  free  colored 
man  there,  and  sent  it  to  John  Sergeant,  a  Representative  from 
Pennsylvania,  to  be  presented  if  he  thought  best.  Apparently  the 
right  time  never  came,  as  it  was  never  presented.  They  also 
speak  of  a  sub-committee  which  was  to  appeal  to  the  members  of 
the  Pennsylvania  Legislature  from  Philadelphia,  to  instruct  the 
Senators  from  Pennsylvania  to  oppose  the  admission  of  Missouri 
as  a  slave  state.  Correspondence  had  also  been  carried  on  during 
the  period  with  the  societies  in  Kentucky. 

An  important  work  of  this  committee  was  the  printing,  or  pur 
chase,  and  circulation  of  tracts,  essays,  etc.,  on  the   subject  of 


158  The  American  Convention 

slavery,  with  the  object  of  arousing  the  consciences  of  the  people 
by  giving  them  light  on  the  true  nature  of  the  institution.  Copies 
of  Clarkson's  History  of  the  Slave  Trade  were  in  this  way  given  1 
to  the  President  and  Vice-President  of  the  United  States,  to  the 
Secretary  of  State,  and  to  the  Congressional  Library,  in  1809. 
In  1817  this  publication  was  more  widely  circulated,  seven  hun 
dred  and  fifty  being  subscribed  for  by  the  New  York  Society,  and 
six  hundred  and  thirty-five  by  that  in  Pennsylvania,  besides  one 
hundred  purchased  by  the  Convention  itself,  for  circulation  in 
Kentucky  and  Tennessee,  and  others  sent  elsewhere  by  the  Acting 
Committee.2 

The  principal  business  of  the  sessions  of  the  Convention  was 
first  the  passing  of  resolutions,  nearly  all  of  which  called  for  the 
appointment  of  committees,  and  second,  the  hearing  of  the  reports 
of  these  committees  later  in  the  session.  A  committee  of  arrange 
ments  was  appointed  at  the  first  meeting  of  each  session,  to  which 
nearly  all  business  proposed  was  referred  without  discussion.  This 
committee,  after  deliberation,  presented  to  the  Convention  in  the 
form  of  Resolutions  such  matters  as  seemed  to  them  appropriate 
for  discussion  during  the  meetings. 

The  topics  discussed  were  many.  The  circular  address  to  the 
Abolition  Societies  was  always  an  important  item.  Addresses  to 
the  citizens  of  the  United  States,  or  to  the  clergy,  were  often  dis 
cussed,  and  sent  out  under  the  authority  of  the  Convention.  Me 
morials  to  Congress,  and  to  the  various  State  Legislatures,  were 
often  considered,  and  their  subject  matter,  if  not  their  exact  word 
ing,  adopted  by  the  vote  of  the  delegates.  It  may  be  interesting  to 
note  the  different  subjects  considered  in  these  meetings  in  addition 
to  their  routine  business.  In  1809  no  item  of  business  seems  to 
have  been  considered  apart  from  the  recommendations  to  the 
societies.  These  recommendations,  incorporated  in  the  address, 
were  with  reference  to  kidnapping,  the  education  of  the  blacks, 
the  publication  of  tracts  and  pamphlets,  and  the  importance  of 
an  increase  in  the  number  of  societies. 

In  1816  the  first  Convention  memorial  to  Congress  was  adopted, 
and  the  question  of  colonization  was  mooted.  In  1817  colonization 
was  further  discussed,  and  publications  against  slavery  were  sub- 

1  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1809,  p.  32. 

2  Ibid,  for  1817,  pp.  20,  32. 


The  American  Convention  159 

scribed  for.  In  1818  came  still  another  discussion  of  colonization, 
and  a  memorial  to  Congress.  In  1821  the  Convention  seemed  more 
wide  awake;  a  committee  was  appointed  to  collect  the  slave  laws 
of  the  different  states,  and  the  topics  under  discussion  were,  the 
oppression  of  the  free  blacks  in  the  slave  states,  kidnapping,  the 
interstate  slave  trade  as  affected  by  the  acquisition  of  Florida,  a 
plan  for  gradual  emancipation,  voluntary  emigration  to  Hayti,  and 
memorials  to  Congress  on  these  and  kindred  topics.  In  1823  the 
discussion  turned  upon  abolition  in  the  District  of  Columbia, 
another  plan  for  gradual  emancipation,  the  Colored  Seamen's  Act 
in  South  Carolina,  the  publication  of  a  periodical  paper,  and  upon 
memorials  on  the  interstate  slave  trade  and  slave  testimony  in  the 
courts. 

In  1825  a  larger  number  of  resolutions  than  usual  were  pre 
sented  by  individuals  on  abolition  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  the 
illegal  introduction  of  slaves  into  the  United  States,  universal  abo 
lition,  State  emancipation  acts,  education  of  the  blacks,  coloniza 
tion  of  the  blacks  on  the  public  lands,  and  the  promotion  of  free 
labor.  A  plan  for  general  emancipation,  with  a  sort  of  coloniza 
tion,  offered  l  by  W.  L.  Stone,  embracing  also  the  amelioration  of 
the  condition  of  the  slaves  while  yet  in  bondage,  in  the  direction  of 
legal  marriages,  prohibition  of  the  separation  of  families,  and  edu 
cation  of  the  children,  was  the  most  noteworthy  of  the  new  topics 
presented  in  1826.  The  topics  in  1827  were  in  general  the  same: 
abolition  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  right  of  slaves  to  trial  by  jury, 
education  of  free  black  children,  the  question  of  slavery  in  Florida, 
the  domestic  slave  trade  and  kidnapping,  free  labor,  a  plan  for 
gradual  emancipation,  slave  marriages  and  slave  testimony  in  the 
courts.2  In  1828  a  step  in  advance  was  the  appointing  of  special 
committees,  in  addition  to  the  Acting  Committee,  to  hold  over 
to  the  next  session.  These  were  to  investigate  .and  report  on, 
first,  the  African  slave  trade,  second,  the  domestic  slave  trade, 
third,  the  state  of  slavery  in  the  United  States,  fourth,  the  Black 
Codes  in  the  United  States,  and  fifth,  kidnapping. 

The  Convention  felt  that  one  of  the  most  important  means  of 

1  The  large  proportion  of  the  business  of  the  adjourned  session  of  1826  was  the  com 
pletion  of  the  unfinished  business  of  1825. 

2  In  the  session  of  1827  a  considerable  amount  of  business  was  discussed  which  re 
mained  from  1826,  either  because  the  time  had  been  too  short,  or  because  committees 
needed  more  time  for  their  investigations. 


160  The  American  Convention 

spreading  the  sentiment  for  abolition  was  the  banding  together  of 
those  already-  convinced  of  its  necessity,  to  form  a  nucleus  around 
which  others  might  gather,  as  they  became  converts.  Through 
these  gatherings  the  Acting  Committee  of  the  American  Conven 
tion  could  more  easily  reach  those  yet  uninterested,  while  the 
meetings  and  publications  of  the  local  societies  would  be  a  possible 
means  of  awakening  their  neighbors.  The  increase  of  the  societies 
was  thought  of  great  importance  in  1817,  1818,  1821,  and  especially 
in  1826,  and  circulars  were  sent  to  various  individuals  in  the  dif 
ferent  states  to  encourage  their  formation.1  In  1826  the  address 
incited  the  societies  to  do  all  they  could  to  stimulate  their  friends, 
neighbors  and  connections  in  different  localities  to  institute  manu 
mission  or  abolition  societies.2  In  1827  it  is  declared  that  there  are 
no  better  means  of  promoting  the  object  of  the  Convention  than 
the  forming  of  these  societies,  and  through  them  giving  informa 
tion  in  regard  to  the  evils  and  the  impolicy  of  slavery,  and  the 
advantages  to  be  gained  by  its  abolition.3 

The  earliest  method  of  arousing  public  sentiment  referred  to  in 
the  Minutes  seems  to  have  been  the  publication  of  essays,  and 
tracts,  to  serve  as  means  of  educating  the  people  as  to  the  true 
condition  of  affairs,  and  the  true  principle  under  discussion.  This 
topic  was  one  of  those  made  most  prominent 4  in  1809,  and  never 
seems  to  have  been  entirely  lost  sight  of,  although  little  or  nothing 
more  is  directly  heard  of  it  until  1825.  The  resolution  on  the  sub 
ject  adopted  by  this  Convention  (1825)  reads:  "Whereas  the  abo 
lition  of  slavery  in  the  United  States  must  emphatically  be  the  act 
of  the  people :  —  and  Whereas,  there  is  good  cause  to  believe  that 
this  practice  is  now  mainly  upheld  by  mistaken  self-interest,  preju 
dice,  and  an  incorrect  estimate  of  its  nature  and  tendency,  and  that 
much  good  would  result  from  convincing  the  public  mind  in  the 
slave-holding  states  of  the  impolicy  and  injustice  of  slavery,  there 
fore,  Resolved,  That  the  acting  committee  be  instructed  to  collect, 
digest  and  circulate  throughout  the  slave-holding  States,  such 
facts  and  other  information  as  is  calculated  to  prove  the  impolicy 
of  slavery  and  the  practicability,  safety  and  advantage  of  emanci 
pation."  5  There  is  nothing  in  the  discussions  of  1826  or  1827  on 

1  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1817,  p.  23;   for  1818,  p.  32;   for  1821, 
p.  49;   and  for  1826,  p.  10. 

2  Ibid,  for  1826,  p.  46.  3  Ibid,  for  1827,  p.  20. 
4  Ibid,  for  1809,  p.  32.  B  Ibid,  for  1825,  p.  21. 


The  American  Convention  161 

this  subject,  but  in  the  address  to  the  societies  which  was  adopted 
in  1827  the  circulation  of  such  material  through  the  abolition 
societies  is  given  as  one  of  the  most  important  means  to  success, 
and  a  list  of  publications  of  especial  value  is  given,  of  which  a 
large  proportion  were  written  by  Englishmen,  and  perhaps  reprinted 
in  this  country.1 

In  1828  one  resolution  took  the  form  of  a  vote  of  encouragement 
to  editors  of  periodicals  and  newspapers  who  would  show  their  de 
termination  to  assist  in  the  work  of  emancipation,  and  another 
presented  the  same  idea  in  a  more  concrete  form,  as  follows: 
"Resolved,  That  the  Convention  has  observed  with  great  satisfac 
tion  the  efforts  of  the  Editor  of  the  'Journal  of  the  Times'  a  Weekly 
Paper  published  in  Bennington,  Vermont,  to  aid  the  cause  of 
liberty ;  and  recommends  that  the  acting  committee  be  directed  to 
subscribe  for  five  copies  of  said  paper."  2  Another  resolution, 
carried  over  for  the  next  session,  provided  distinctly  for  the  ap 
propriation  of  money  to  print  and  circulate  books,  pamphlets,  and 
tracts;  and  in  the  next  session  it  was  voted  to  use  all  their  "sur 
plus  funds"  in  this  manner.3  A  third  resolution  adopted  in  1828 
merely  suggested  to  the  societies  the  propriety  of  inserting  in  the 
newspapers  from  time  to  time  extracts  on  the  subject  of  slavery.4 

These  were  not,  however,  the  only  efforts  to  circulate  pamphlets 
which  might  arouse  the  people  to  a  sense  of  the  need  of  abolition. 
The  Convention  attempted  a  compilation  of  the  history  of  slavery 
in  the  United  States;  but  in  1809  it  appeared  that  the  intending 
author  had  been  hampered  by  illness,  and  in  1812  it  was  stated 
that  he  was  dead.  In  the  mean  time  Clarkson's  History  of  the 
Abolition  of  the  Slave  Trade  was  issued,  and  further  action  on 
the  other  book  was  discontinued.  Copies  of  the  minutes  of  the 
Conventions,  including  the  resolutions  discussed  and  adopted,  and 
usually  the  addresses  of  the  various  societies  to  the  Convention, 
were  printed,  both  in  the  newspapers  and  in  pamphlet  form,  and 
widely  scattered.5  These,  and  other  examples  of  the  work  of  the 
American  Convention,  are  gleaned  from  its  printed  minutes,  and 
for  this  they  are  invaluable.  Unfortunately  they  never  give  any 

1  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1827,  p.  20. 

2  Ibid,  for  1828,  p.  9. 

3  Ibid.  p.  10;    for  1829,  p.  19. 

4  Offered  by  Francis  Burke,  Ibid,  for  1828,  p.  15. 

5  On  one  occasion  at  least  1000  copies  were  thus  distributed. 
II 


1 62  The  American  Convention 

details  of  the  discussions,  and  almost  never  the  number  voting  on 
either  side  of  a  question.  It  is  therefore  impossible  to  decide  upon 
the  grounds  for  the  rejection  of  any. given  resolution,  nor  can  we 
tell  the  attitude  of  any  of  the  delegates,  unless  they,  as  individuals, 
present  some  resolution  for  consideration.  We  cannot  learn, 
further,  how  far  the  sections  took  divergent  views. 

The  foreign  slave  trade  was  prohibited  in  1807  but  it  received 
some  discussion  during  these  meetings.  In  1809,  the  next  meeting 
after  the  passage  of  the  prohibition,  the  Convention  congratulated 
the  country  on  its  success,  but  pointed  out  that  there  was  still 
much  work  left  to  do  while  such  a  mass  of  slaves  remained  in  the 
country.1  At  the  next  session  of  the  Convention  (1812),  reports 
were  read  showing  that  citizens  of  the  United  States  were  still  en 
gaged  in  the  traffic.2  But  the  matter  is  one  of  the  lesser  topics,  and 
attention  is  given  almost  entirely  to  affairs  within  the  country,  for 
it  was  clear  that  the  prohibition  of  the  slave  trade  could  not  be 
absolutely  perfect  while  slavery  was  allowed  in  the  country,  and 
the  nature  of  men  remained  the  same.  In  1825  one  item  of  busi 
ness  was  the  appointment  of  a  committee  which  should  see  if  any 
and  what  further  measures  could  be  taken  to  prevent  the  illegal 
importation  of  slaves  into  the  country.3  In  1828  a  standing  Com 
mittee  on  the  African  Slave  Trade  was  appointed  to  hold  over  to 
the  next  session.4 

The  domestic  slave  trade  was  felt  to  be  a  most  important  point 
of  attack,  and  almost  always  came  up.  Memorials  on  this  subject 
were  drafted,  and  after  the  stirring  excitement  of  the  Missouri 
Contest,  in  1820,  during  the  more  vigorous  discussion  of  all  anti- 
slavery  topics,  it  was  not  allowed  to  drop.  In  1821  the  Convention 
noted  the  existence  of  "an  internal  commerce  that  ought  to  be 
checked"  and  a  committee  was  appointed  to  investigate  and  report 
measures  to  stop  both  the  foreign  and  the  domestic  trade.5  They 
reported  that  the  subject  was  too  large  for  such  a  committee  and 
advised  the  reference  of  it  to  the  Acting  Committee  for  action 
during  the  interim  of  the  Convention.6  Special  committees  on 
this  subject  were  appointed7  in  1823  and  1825,  and  the  topic  was 

1  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1809,  p.  29. 

2  Ibid,  for  1812,  pp.  18-20,  27. 

3  Ibid,  for  1825,  p.  18.  4  Ibid,  for  1828,  p.  14. 
5  Ibid,  for  1821,  pp.  22,  23.  6  Ibid.  p.  30. 

7  Ibid,  for  1823,  p.  43;   for  1825,  p.  28;   for  1826,  pp.  7,  42. 


The  American  Convention  163 

brought  up  in  1826.  In  1828  a  Committee  on  the  Internal  Slave 
Trade  was  made  one  of  the  regular  standing  committees,  and  it 
was  directed  to  "enquire  into  the  expediency  of  petitioning  Con 
gress  to  pass  a  law  prohibiting  the  transportation  of  slaves  for 
sale,  from  or  to  the  several  States  of  the  United  States  by  sea."  l 
The  interesting  report  of  this  committee  will  be  more  fully  con 
sidered  in  a  later  chapter,  since  it  gives  in  some  detail  the  con 
ditions  of  the  traffic,  and  some  of  the  reasons  why  it  was  so 
prosperous.2  They  "consider  the  subject  as  one  of  the  greatest 
magnitude  and  importance  that  can  gain  the  attention  of  the 
Convention."  These  standing  committees  were  again  appointed 
in  1829,  and  embodied  their  ideas  in  a  memorial  for  abolition  in 
the  District  of  Columbia,  which  was  adopted.3 

Kidnapping  was  closely  allied  to  the  domestic  slave  trade,  and 
was  clearly  illegal,  hence  it  was  often  discussed,  and  denounced 
with  vehemence.  As  early  as  1809  the  societies  were  urged  to  use 
the  most  efficient  measures  to  prevent  the  "inhuman  practice  of 
kidnapping,"  by  "men  so  lost  to  all  honourable  feelings,  so  deeply 
depraved  as  to  violate  those  laws  of  their  country  which  were  in 
tended  to  protect  the  rights  of  free  people  of  colour."  4  All  vigi 
lance  is  desired,  especially  by  the  abolitionists  of  the  Border  states, 
for  the  detection  and  suppression  of  the  crime.  The  enslaving  of 
free  blacks  is  deplored  in  the  report  for  1812,  and  the  general  sub 
ject  considered  in  1816  and  1817.  In  1821  attention  was  called  to 
the  evil  which  was  abating  in  New  York,  but  still  all  too  prevalent 
in  Pennsylvania.5  A  special  committee  reported  that  no  subject 
required  more  attention  than  kidnapping,  in  the  suppression  of 
which  they  expected  the  "approbation  and  cordial  support  of 
every  respectable  class  of  society."  They  recommended  a  uniform 
system  of  laws  in  the  different  states,  that  would  encourage  pros 
ecutions  and  provide  severer  penalties.  They  believed  also  that 
measures  should  be  taken  to  inform  those  who  might  be  in 
danger,  of  the  various  means  of  seduction  that  were  used.6 

In  1827  this  subject  was  combined  with  the  domestic  slave  trade, 
and  a  committee  appointed  to  consider  the  allied  topics.7  In  1828 

1  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1828,  p.  14. 

2  Ibid.  pp.  21-24;  see  below,  p.  198.  3  Ibid,  for  1829,  pp.  13,  15,  23. 

4  Ibid,  for  1809,  pp.  24,  26-28. 

5  Ibid,  for  1812,  pp.  21,  27;   for  1816,  pp.  24,  31;   for  1817,  p.  24;   for  1821,  p.  22. 

6  Ibid,  for  1821,  pp.  29,  30.  7  ibid,  for  1827,  pp.  7,  24. 


Z64  The  American  Convention 

a  standing  committee  was  appointed  to  consider  this  question,  sep 
arating  it  from  both  the  foreign  and  the  domestic  slave  trade.1 
Resolutions  of  appreciation  were  passed  at  this  meeting  for  the 
"  unwearied  efforts  of  Joseph  Watson,  Mayor  of  Philadelphia,  and 
Samuel  P.  Garrignes,  one  of  the  chief  police,  in  restoring  to  liberty 
several  kidnapped  persons,  and  in  bringing  the  offenders  to  pun 
ishment."  According  to  the  report  of  the  standing  committee  of 
1828  the  kidnappers  were  in  many  instances  known,  but  as  the 
only  witnesses  were  persons  of  color,  whose  testimony  was  inad 
missible  in  the  courts,  they  were  rarely  brought  to  trial.2  The 
committee  personally  investigated  the  question,  and  saw  numbers 
of  slave  gangs.  "The  shrieks  and  groans  of  the  wretched  victims 
would  have  melted  any  heart  but  that  of  the  slave  trader,  steeled 
by  avarice,  or  petrified  by  cruelty." 

The  question  of  the  compilation  of  the  various  State  laws  in 
regard  to  the  colored  people  came  up  several  times  in  the  Conven 
tions.  In  1821  a  committee  was  proposed  to  have  this  work  in 
charge.3  It  was  appointed,  but  was  not  ready  to  report 4  in  1823, 
and  in  1826  and  1827  the  Convention  agreed  to  subscribe  for 
Stroud's  work.5  In  1828  it  was  resolved  to  examine  the  State 
Black  Codes,  and  to  determine  just  what  the  Convention  would 
better  undertake  with  reference  to  them ; 6  especially  with  reference 
to  the  oppression  of  the  free  blacks  in  the  slave  states,  the  District 
of  Columbia7  and  Ohio;8  the  sympathy  of  the  slaveholders  with 
the  Colored  Seamen's  Act  in  South  Carolina;9  and  the  need  of 
state  and  national  legislation  in  behalf  of  the  blacks.  Laws  were 
needed  to  preserve  the  sanctity  of  marriage,10  to  allow  blacks  to 
testify  in  the  courts,11  and  to  give  them  the  privilege  of  trial  by 
jury  when  claimed  as  runaway  slaves.12 

1  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1828,  pp.  13,  14. 

2  Ibid.    pp.  21-24. 

3  Ibid,  for  1821,  p.  5.  4  Ibid,  for  1823,  p.  23. 

5  Ibid,  for  1826,  p.  12;   for  1827,  p.  13.    In  1827  the  name  of  Stroud  is  given,  and  it  is 
probable  that  the  same  one  is  referred  to  in  1826,  as  it  was  also  a  collection  of  slave  laws 
to  be  published  in  Philadelphia. 

6  Ibid,  for  1828,  p.  7.  7  See  Ibid,  for  1821,  p.  22. 

8  See  Ibid,  for  1829,  p.  8.  9  See  Ibid,  for  1823,  pp.  25,  36. 

10  Ibid,  for  1823,  p.  25;   for  1826,  pp.  7,  10,  475   for  l827»  P-  I2- 

11  Ibid,  for  1823,  p.  25;  for  1826,  p.  42;  for  1827,  p.  10. 

12  Ibid,  for  1827,  p.  7. 


CHAPTER    XV 
REMEDIES   PROPOSED   BY   THE   AMERICAN   CONVENTION 

THE  advocates  of  slavery  wished  to  have  the  slaves  and  also 
the  free  blacks  kept  in  subjection  and  governed  by  different  laws 
from  the  whites,  but  the  most  enlightened  and  conscientious  could 
not  openly  advocate  the  points  against  which  the  convention  set 
itself  the  most  decidedly,  and  few  pro-slavery  men  really  favored 
either  kidnapping  or  the  slave  trade,  whether  domestic  or  foreign. 
With  one  exception  the  American  Convention  kept  itself  within 
these  moderate  limits  until  1821,  not  overstepping  the  boundary 
which  separated  the  permissible  from  the  doubtful  questions.  The 
one  notable  exception  was  the  advocacy  of  the  education  of  the 
colored  race,  both  free  and  slave;  this  was  opposed  in  all  periods 
by  the  pro-slavery  men,  and  led  in  later  years  even  to  violence. 
The  American  Convention  in  every  session  advocated  the  educa 
tion  of  at  least  the  free  negro;  in  the  session  of  1809  it  declared 
that  especial  attention  should  be  paid  to  the  "religious,  moral  and 
intellectual  improvement"  of  the  blacks,  and  observed  with  sat 
isfaction  the  work  done  in  that  direction.  "  Although  liberty  be  a 
blessing,"  they  say  in  their  address  to  the  societies,  "when  we 
obtain  the  freedom  of  the  slave  our  work  is  not  completed."  They 
recommended,  as  the  least  that  should  be  done,  instruction  in  read 
ing  so  that  the  blacks  might  be  able  to  read  the  Bible,  and  training 
in  the  elementary  branches  of  arithmetic.1  In  1821  the  Conven 
tion  was  of  opinion  that  abolition  without  education  would  lose  all 
its  value,  and  gratification  was  expressed  at  the  educational  work 
of  the  New  York  Abolition  Society,  expressing  the  hope  that  their 
example  might  be  followed  elsewhere.  "Let  us  not  forget,"  they 
say,  "how  much  depends  on  the  careful  instruction  of  all  who 
are  free."  2 

1  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1809,  pp.  24,  28,  29.    The  address  to  the 
societies  was  quite  radical  on  this  point. 

2  Ibid,  for  1812,  pp.  20,  21,  26,  27.    A  special  address  was  sent  to  the  societies  in  1818 
(Minutes,  p.  36)  on  this  subject.  ^. 

i65\ 


1 66          Remedies  Proposed  by  the  American  Convention 

The  Convention  of  1821  first  advocated  the  education  of  slaves 
as  a  necessary  part  of  any  system  of  emancipation.1  In  other 
questions,  also,  this  year  1821  was  a  turning  point  toward  more 
radical  measures,  even  beyond  such  measures  as  would  be  ac 
cepted  by  the  better  class  of  the  slaveholders.  In  1823  education 
was  held  to  be  one  of  the  great  means  for  promoting  emancipation, 
so  that  the  condition  of  the  free  blacks  should  no  longer  be  an 
argument  for  the  continuance  of  slavery.2  In  1825,  in  furtherance 
of  their  aim,  a  committee  was  appointed  to  propose  such  meas 
ures  as  might  be  "best  calculated  to  extend  education  among  the 
colored  population."  3 

In  1826  the  Convention  recommended  to  the  support  of  the 
societies  the  substance  of  some  radical  resolutions  offered  by  W. 
L.  Stone.  Whereas,  in  the  opinion  of  the  Convention,  "ignorance 
and  vice  are  inseparable  companions  .  .  .  and  Whereas,  it  is 
admitted,  on  all  hands,  that,  sooner  or  later,  the  work  of  emancipa 
tion  must  be  undertaken,  and  prosecuted  to  its  completion ;  There 
fore,  and  in  order  that  the  slaves  may  be  better  fitted  to  appre 
ciate  and  enjoy  the  blessings  of  freedom"  —Resolved,  to  recom 
mend  to  the  Legislatures  of  the  several  states  the  repeal  of  all  anti- 
educational  laws,  and  also  that  all  proprietors  of  slaves  be  re 
quested  to  encourage  by  all  possible  means  the  giving  of  their 
slaves  the  rudiments  of  English  and  religious  education.4  The 
Convention  also  speaks  of  "another  subject  fraught  with  impor 
tance  to  the  speedy  success  of  our  cause,"  the  character  of  the 
free  blacks,  which  was  urged  by  proslavery  advocates  as  a  strong 
argument.  "Hence  the  importance,"  they  urge,  "of  improving  the 
circumstances  of  the  people  of  color  by  every  means  in  the  power 
of  the  benevolent.  For  this  purpose  the  first  in  magnitude 
is  Education."  They  instance  the  cases  where  African  schools 
have  already  been  established  in  various  parts  of  the  country,  and 
the  proof  of  good  attainment  by  the  scholars,  which  they  gave  in 
the  specimens  of  their  work  shown  to  the  Convention.  Indus 
trial  education  is  also  suggested  as  a  valuable  mode  of  improving 
the  condition  of  the  free  blacks.5 

1  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1821,  pp.  52,  53. 

2  Ibid,  for  1823,  pp.  40,  41. 

3  Ibid,  for  1825,  p.  18.    They  were  not  ready  to  report  during  the  session,  and  though 
the  matter  was  left  over  they  did  not  report  as  a  committee  (Minutes  for  1825,  p.  27;   for 
1826,  p.  42).  4  Ibid,  for  1826,  pp.  7,  10,  47.  5  Ibid.  pp.  45,  46. 


Remedies  Proposed  by  the  American  Convention          167 

In  1827  the  Convention  took  a  step  in  advance  by  preparing 
an  address  to  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  on  the  education  of 
free  colored  children,  with  a  strong  recommendation  to  the  friends 
of  emancipation  to  provide  Sunday  Schools,  and  any  other  means 
they  considered  wise,  for  the  education  of  indigent  colored  chil 
dren.1  In  1828  the  American  Convention  sent  an  address  on  this 
subject  to  the  colored  people  themselves,  in  order  to  rouse  them  to 
a  sense  of  the  need  of  education  for  their  children,  and  the  free 
schools  established  in  New  York  and  Philadelphia  were  discussed 
in  detail.2  The  Convention  felt  that  the  colored  people  claimed 
more  than  freedom  in  return  for  the  injuries  they  had  suffered, 
and  for  that  reason  especial  attention  was  recommended  to  both 
the  literary  and  industrial  education  of  the  children.  Some  schools 
had  obtained  the  most  satisfactory  results,  and  the  same  could 
probably  be  obtained  in  other  places;  while  it  was  certain  that 
facts  like  these  would  do  more  to  "obliterate  idle  prejudices  than 
all  abstract  reasoning  on  the  subject."  3  In  1829  the  Convention 
was  glad  to  find  that  opportunities  for  the  instruction  of  colored 
children  were  increasing,  and  recommended  that  the  societies  con 
tinue  their  efforts  to  procure  the  repeal  of  all  anti-education  laws.4 

The  protection  of  the  free  blacks  and  the  general  improvement  j 
of  the  slaves  did  not   necessarily  involve   the   idea  of   abolition, 
although    that    subject    often    comes    in    as    a    collateral    topic., 
The  radical  action  of  the  Convention  was  the  expression  of  the 
need  of  those  already  in  bondage,  and  the  possibility  of  freeing 
them,  either  by  legal  enactment  or  individual  action.     Many  of 
the  earlier  books,  pamphlets,  and  tracts  issued  by  the  Conven 
tion  before  1820  were  intended  to  arouse  public  sentiment  to  the 
point  of  freeing  the  slaves,  but  it  did  no  more  than  to  recommend 
to  the  societies  the  use  of  these  publications,  the  remaining  work 
being  done  entirely  by  the  societies  themselves.    With  the  era  of  * 
the  Missouri  Compromise  came  a  period  of  more  radical  work,/ 
and  the  frequent  comparisons  between  slave  and  free  labor  after/ 
1823  were  intended  to  bring  about  legal  emancipation  by  proving) 
that  it  was  to  the  interest  of  the  slaveholders. 

1  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1827,  pp.  7,  17-20,  28. 

2  Ibid,  for  1828,  p.  31.    Reports  of  the  schools  had  been  sent  and  referred  to  in  dis 
cussion  at  the  other  meetings  of  the  Convention.    It  is  almost  entirely  from  the  communi 
cations  of  the  New  York  Society  to  the  American  Convention  that  we  learn  the  details  of 
their  educational  work. 

3  Minutes  for  1828,  p.  29.  4  Ibid,  for  1829,  pp.  8,  35. 


1 68         Remedies  Proposed  by  the  American  Convention 

In  1823  the  Convention  purchased  and  circulated  one  hundred 
copies  of  a  pamphlet  on  this  subject  by  Adam  Hodgdon,  or 
Hodgson,  published  by  the  New  York  Abolition  Society.1  In  1825 
Isaac  Barton  offered  a  series  of  resolutions,  the  substance  of 
which  was  that  in  the  opinion  of  the  Convention,  it  was  incum 
bent  upon  the  friends  of  the  abolition  of  slavery  to  give  a  de 
cided  preference  to  free  labor;  that  therefore  it  was  expedient  to 
give  a  moderate  premium  on  sugar,  cotton,  rice  and  tobacco  when 
raised  by  free  labor.2  The  first  of  these  resolutions  was  greatly 
modified  in  1826,  and  passed  as  a  recommendation  to  abolition 
ists.3  In  1825  a  committee  appointed  to  enquire  into  the  best 
means  for  the  abolition  of  slavery  reported  4  in  favor  of  a  state 
ment  of  facts  and  information  to  prove  the  impolicy  of  slavery; 
an  address  to  the  religious  and  intellectual  leaders  in  the  coun 
try,  to  rouse  them  to  action  in  this  direction ;  and  an  ad 
dress  regarding  free  labor.  With  regard  to  this  last  point  they 
recommended  that  a  premium  should  be  paid  to  the  one  who 
should  best  prove,  by  the  actual  labor  of  the  same  persons  as 
slaves  and  as  freemen,  the  comparative  value  of  the  two.  The  first 
two  recommendations  were  at  once  adopted,  but  the  third  provoked 
considerable  discussion,  and  was  at  last  indefinitely  postponed.5 

The  subject  was  considered  in  1828  in  great  detail,  beginning 
with  the  minute  report 6  of  a  committee  appointed  to  investigate 
the  relative  advantages  between  free  and  slave  labor.  This  com 
mittee  was  not  able  to  find  such  details  as  would  conclusively 
prove  a  greater  pecuniary  profit  in  free  labor,  but  merely  some 
general  information  on  the  subject.  Sugar  and  coffee  could  be 
procured  at  New  York,  Philadelphia,  and  Wilmington,  Delaware, 
unstained  by  slave  labor.  Some  companies  were  trying  the  ex 
periment  in  Florida  and  Louisiana,  with  what  success  they  did  not 
know,  save  that  the  Florida  sugar  was  good.  There  were  several 
cotton  planters  in  North  Carolina  and  Alabama  who  used  only 
free  labor,  and  were  well  satisfied  to  continue  thus.  While  the 
committee  knew  of  some  who  had  used  their  cotton  they  could  not 
ascertain  what  degree  of  encouragement  was  held  out  to  the  plant- 

1  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1823,  p.  24. 

2  Ibid,  for  1825,  p.  17.  3  Ibid.  p.  28;  for  1826,  pp.  9,  42. 

4  Ibid,  for  1825,  p.  18. 

5  Ibid.  pp.  18,  21,  22,  24,  27.    For  the  discussion  of  the  matter  in  1826  and  1827  see 
report  for  1826,  p.  44;  for  1827,  pp.  7,  17.  6  Ibid,  for  1828,  pp.  7,  25-27. 


Remedies  Proposed  by  the  American  Convention          169 

ers,  as  it  was  not  to  any  considerable  extent  kept  separate  from 
other  cotton  by  the  users.  Tobacco  was  successfully  cultivated  in 
Ohio,  and  sold  in  Baltimore  at  a  lower  price  than  slave-grown 
Maryland  tobacco ;  and  even  the  colored  colony  in  Upper  Canada 
could  compete  in  this  product  in  some  Atlantic  seaports;  an  indi 
cation  that  it  was  a  pecuniary  advantage  to  use  free  labor.  The 
report  and  resolutions  in  the  Conventions  in  regard  to  free  labor 
are  far  from  radical,  and  we  should  feel  that  there  was  little 
real  anti-slavery  sentiment  among  those  participating,  were  it  not 
that  many  of  the  most  active  abolitionists  thought  the  empha 
sizing  of  such  competition  would  not  be  helpful  to  the  slave. 
Many  thought  it  impossible  to  prevent  the  exchange  of  slave 
products,  while  others  believed  that  a  successful  discrimination, 
and  the  resulting  failure  of  markets,  would  rouse  ill  feeling,  and 
would  antagonize  rather  than  lead  to  other  methods  of  cultiva 
tion.  Hence,  while  no  one  opposed  an  investigation,  few  were 
willing  to  risk  antagonizing  the  slaveholders. 

The  most  moderate  form  of  abolition,  by  manumission,  was  not 
often  discussed  in  the  Convention.  In  1828  the  following  resolution, 
offered  by  Lundy,  was  adopted.1  "Whereas,  This  Convention, 
having  been  informed  that  the  disposition  appears  to  be  increasing 
among  the  holders  of  Slaves  in  some  parts  of  the  United  States, 
(where  public  opinion  and  the  Laws  will  not  as  yet  sanction  gen 
eral  emancipation,)  to  emancipate  their  Slaves,  by  removing  them 
with  their  own  consent  to  other  lands  where  they  may  enjoy  the 
rights  and  privileges  of  freemen,  Therefore,  Resolved,  That  this 
Convention  views  with  pleasure  these  indications  of  a  reformation 
in  public  sentiment,  and  a  desire  to  promote  the  cause  of  justice 
in  those  sections  of  the  country  to  which  we  have  just  alluded; 
and  we  recommend  to  the  Anti-slavery  Societies  in  the  different 
states  to  aid  such  humane  and  benevolent  individuals  in  carrying 
into  effect  their  wishes  upon  the  principles  of  Equity  without  in 
fringing  the  Laws."  In  1829  a  committee  reported  that  the  best 
method  of  emancipation  was  to  repeal  the  anti-manumission  laws, 
and  allow  the  practice  freely  to  masters;  and  the  Convention 
recommended  that  all  friends  of  the  slave  use  their  exertions  for 
such  repeal.2 

1  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1828,  pp.  29,  30. 

2  Ibid,  for  1829,  pp.  31,  35. 


1 70          Remedies  Proposed  by  the  American  Convention 

After  1823  the  question  of  abolition  in  the  District  of  Columbia, 
as  the  common  property  of  both  the  slave  and  the  free  states,  and 
as  a  portion  of  the  country  over  which  Congress  had  entire  control, 
was  continually  and  with  increasing  emphasis  kept  before  the 
minds  of  the  people  by  the  American  Convention.  A  favorite 
method  was  the  preparing  and  sending  of  memorials  to  Congress, 
asking  for  such  a  law,  none  of  which  had  any  real  effect.  Similar 
to  this  was  the  urging  of  societies  and  friends  of  abolition  generally 
to  send  memorials'  and  petitions  to  Congress,  or  to  petition  their 
State  Legislatures  to  instruct  their  Senators  to  vote  for  such  a 
measure.  These  methods,  with  the  addition  of  .circulating  in 
papers  and  pamphlets  arguments  to  show  why  it  was  not  only  best 
but  necessary,  were  in  reality  the  only  ways  in  which  the  Conven 
tion  could  act. 

Some  attempt  was  made  to  induce  the  abolition  of  slavery  in 
other  parts  of  the  Union  besides  the  District  of  Columbia.  In 
1821  the  Acting  Committee  was  authorized  to  correspond  with 
"humane  and  intelligent  individuals"  in  those  states  where  slav 
ery  was  permitted,  on  the  subject  of  abolition  in  their  own  states, 
a  method  thought  especially  desirable.1  A  resolution  of  much  the 
same  tenor  was  presented  2  by  Daniel  Raymond  in  1825.  "Re 
solved,  That  in  the  opinion  of  this  Convention,  the  only  effectual 
means  of  abolishing  slavery  in  the  U.  States  is  by  the  passage  of 
laws  in  th?  several  states,  fixing  a  day,  after  which,  all  persons  born 
in  the  respective  states  shall  be  free  at  a  certain  age.  Resolved, 
That  this  Convention  recommend  to  the  different  abolition  socie 
ties  in  the  U.  States,  and  to  all  individuals  who  are  friendly  to  the 
extirpation  of  slavery  from  the  U.  States,  to  use  their  endeavors  to 
procure  the  passage  of  such  a  law  in  the  states  in  which  they  re 
side."  These  resolutions  were  passed  with  slight  changes  in 
wording.3 

The  question  of  abolishing  slavery  throughout  the  country  was 
more  clearly  mentioned  in  the  session  of  1825.  The  Acting  Com 
mittee  "deem  the  speedy  and  entire  emancipation  of  the  slaves  in 
the  country  a  subject  of  the  greatest  importance,  embracing  the 

1  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1821,  pp.  32,  57. 

2  Ibid,  for  1825,  p.  16. 

3  Ibid.  pp.  20,  22,  23.    The  phrase  "the  only  effectual  means  of  abolishing  slavery" 
was  changed  to  "the  most  practicable  means  of  effecting  the  complete  extinction  of 
slavery." 


Remedies  Proposed  by  the  American  Convention         171 

primary  objects  of  the  Convention  and  involving  conclusions  con 
nected  with  the  essential  interest  and  the  honor  and  happiness  of 
the  nation.  They  see  that  philanthropists  in  every  section  of  our 
country  and  elsewhere,  do  not  cease  to  give  it  their  earnest  atten 
tion,  and  that  new  light  is  daily  elicited  and  new  views  are  daily 
unfolded,  and  they  cannot  but  hope  that  the  time  is  not  very  distant 
when  we  shall  better  understand  the  subject,  invested  at  present 
with  difficulties,  either  essentially  connected  with  it,  or  out  of  the 
peculiar  construction  of  government  and  society  in  the  United 
States.  They  do  not  fear  that  the  Convention  will  ever  lose  sight 
of  this  primary  object,  but  they  would  express  the  hope  that  the 
general  subject  be  re-examined  at  no  very  distant  period.  They 
have  not  entire  confidence  in  any  plan  hitherto  proposed,  but  as 
the  subject  has  lately  become  much  more  extensively  interesting, 
we  may  anticipate  more  enlightened  and  feasible  expedients  for 
removing  from  our  country  one  of  her  greatest  enemies,  and  from 
her  national  escutcheon  its  foulest  blot."  l  Plans  for  abolition  by 
the  general  government  were  proposed  to  the  Convention  by 
W.  L.  Stone  in  1826,  and  all  the  friends  of  emancipation  in  gen 
eral,  and  the  societies  represented  in  the  meeting  in  particular, 
were  recommended  to  prepare  and  forward  petitions  to  Congress 
asking  for  immediate  and  effectual  action  tending  to  the  aboli 
tion  of  slavery  in  the  United  States.2 

Not  only  the  advantages  but  the  methods  of  abolition  were 
discussed  in  the  American  Convention.  It  nowhere  asks  for  imme 
diate  emancipation,  and  declared  at  times  that  sudden  freedom 
would  be  no  less  bad  for  the  slave  than  for  the  master.  It  appar 
ently  had  a  clear  judgment  as  to  what  measures  would  be  likely 
to  be  accepted  by  the  people  after  persuasion  and  instruction,  and 
what  measures  could  never  be  accepted  under  any  circumstances. 
It  believed  in  going  slowly  in  whatever  direction  the  way  opened, 
in  attacking  whatever  point  seemed  to  have  little  defence.  The 
methods  of  emancipation  proposed  and  discussed  in  the  Conven 
tions  were  quite  variant,  but  all  agreed  that  the  progress  must  be 
gradual,  and  that  the  slave  must  be  educated  for  his  position  as  a 
free  man,  before  that  freedom  actually  became  his.  Nearly  all  of 


1  A  plan  of  emancipation  had  been  referred  to  the  Acting  Committee,  which  they  were 
not  yet  prepared  to  report  upon  favorably.     See  Minutes  for  1825,  pp.  30,  31. 

2  Ibid,  for  1826,  pp.  6,  47. 


172         Remedies  Proposed  by  the  American  Convention 

them  conceded  to  the  thickly  settled  slave  states  that  the  freedmen 
should  be  removed  to  some  place  in  which  they  could  exercise  their 
freedom  without  danger  to  themselves  or  embarrassment  to  the 
whites  to  whom  they  had  paid  service.  The  Colonization  Society 
was  never  really  favored  by  the  Convention,  yet  as  early  as  1816 
the  Convention  adopted  a  resolution  to  correspond  with  the  Afri 
can  Institution  of  London,  England,  with  the  purpose  of  finding 
some  refuge  for  the  freedmen,  and  the  chief  objection  to  the  Col 
onization  Society  seemed  to  be  the  impracticability  of  its  plans,  and 
their  entire  separation  from  emancipation.1 

In  the  American  Convention  the  first  discussion  of  any  definite 
plan  of  emancipation  was  in  1821,  the  date  of  the  more  radical  and 
aggressive  movement  in  all  directions.2  After  quoting  from  the 
Declaration  of  Independence  the  phrases  about  the  equality  of 
man,  the  plan  thus  continues:  "These  self  evident  truths,  thus 
solemnly  promulgated,  and  always  admitted  in  theory;  at  least  in 
relation  to  ourselves ;  are  well  known  to  be  partially  denied  or  dis 
regarded,  in  most  sections  of  the  union,  in  relation  to  the  descend 
ants  of  the  African  race."  The  writers  inveigh  against  the  incon 
sistency  of  a  people  professing  equal  rights,  and  boasting  of  justice 
and  freedom,  and  yet  holding  one-seventh  of  its  population  as 
slaves.  "It  must  be  admitted,"  they  say,  "that  it  would  neither 
be  politic  nor  safe,  for  the  present  system  of  slavery  in  the  United 
States  to  be  long  continued,  without  providing  some  wise  and  cer 
tain  means  for  eventual  emancipation."  They  fearlessly  mention 
the  possibility  of  a  slave  insurrection,  and  quote  the  words  of 
Jefferson,  "the  Almighty  has  no  attribute  which  can  take  part 
with  us  in  such  a  contest."  They  feel  it  unnecessary  to  condemn 
where  few  defend,  and  claim  that  "it  is  a  truth  generally  acknowl 
edged,  that  Slavery  is  an  evil,  not  only  by  those  whom  principle, 
or  education  have  taught  to  proscribe  the  practice,  but  by  men  of 
reflection,  even  in  the  very  vortex  of  slavery."  The  necessity 
before  them  is  not  reproaches  but  a  practical  plan.  "What  are  the 
means  by  which  this  evil  is  to  be  removed  consistently  with  the 
safety  of  the  master  and  the  happiness  of  the  slave?  Perhaps  to 

1  See  below,  pp.  199-207. 

2  In  this  session  they  decided  to  consider  in  the  Committee  of  the  Whole  the  expedi 
ency  and  practicability  of  devising  a  plan  of  general  emancipation,  and  after  a  discussion 
of  several  days  at  the  regular  and  adjourned  sessions,  they  adopted  and  presented  to  the 
Convention  the  plan  outlined  in  the  text.    See  the  Minutes,  'for  1821,  pp.  26,  27,  40,  43,  45, 
49-54,  57,  58. 


Remedies  Proposed  by  the  American  Convention          173 

some,  this  question,  considered. on  the  ground  of  absolute  justice, 
may  appear  of  easy  solution:  Immediate,  universal  emancipation. 
But  however  pleasing  the  prospect  may  be  to  the  philanthropist, 
of  getting  clear  of  one  of  the  evils  of  slavery,  yet  a  full  examination 
of  local  circumstances,  must  convince  us  that  this  would  be,  to  cut, 
rather  than  to  untie  the  Gordian  knot.  Reformation  on  a  large 
scale  is  commonly  slow.  Habits  long  established  are  not  easily 
changed."  If  it  were  possible  to  obtain  the  consent  of  the  slave 
holders  to  immediate  emancipation,  there  was  grave  question 
whether  it  would  not  produce  as  much  evil  as  it  would  cure.  The 
nation  owed  more  to  the  negro  than  the  liberation  of  their  bodies 
could  liquidate ;  the  policy  of  slavery  had  been  to  reduce  him  to  a 
machine,  to  remove  all  education  and  incentive  to  independent 
action.  To  throw  an  untutored  man  into  society  without  any  pre-< 
vious  education  would  be  like  expecting  "an  infant  to  run  before 
it  had  learned  the  use  of  its  limbs."  Hence  any  plan  of  emanci 
pation,  to  be  productive  of  real  good  to  the  slave,  must  educate  him 
for  liberty,  and  must,  therefore,  be  gradual. 

A  plan  which  seemed  feasible  and  likely  to  meet  all  the  diffi 
culties  proposed  was  then  detailed  in  the  Convention.  "Let  the 
slaves  be  attached  to  the  soil,  —  give  them  an  interest  in  the  land 
they  cultivate."  Place  them  in  the  position  of  the  serfs  of  Russia. 
Then  let  "wise  and  salutary  laws  be  enacted,"  which  should  pro 
vide  the  means  of  education  for  every  colored  child.  The  practice 
of  arbitrary  punishments  for  trivial  offences  should  be  abolished; 
the  migration  or  transportation  of  slaves  from  one  state  to  another 
should  be  prohibited  by  law;  and  no  slave  should  be  sold  out  of 
the  county  or  town  in  which  his  master  resided  without  his  own 
consent.  Each  slave  with  a  family  should  have  a  hut  and  a  piece 
of  land  for  himself;  he  should  work  for  stipulated  wages,  with  a 
reduction  for  maintenance,  if  supported  by  his  master,  and  should 
pay  rent  for  his  land.  Thd  time  given  him  to  cultivate  his  own 
land  should  be  deducted  from  his  annual  hire.  Provision  should 
be  made  for  regular  instruction  on  each  farm  or  plantation,  and  a 
wise  and  equitable  system  of  laws  should  be  established.  No  one 
need,  however,  wait  for  legislative  action  before  trying  this  plan, 
which  had  been  successfully  applied  in  Barbadoes  by  Joshua 
Steele. 

This  plan  for  emancipation  apparently  did  not  meet  with  general 


174          Remedies  Proposed  by  the  American  Convention 

favor,  for  it  was  reconsidered  *  in  1823  in  the  committee  of  the 
whole,  and  two  resolutions  passed:  that  it  was  not  expedient  to 
consider  the  subject  at  that  time,  and  that  the  whole  matter  be 
recommended  to  the  Acting  Committee  for  future  report.  In  1825 
the  question  was  again  raised,  but  in  a  different  form,  by  Thomas 
Earle,  who  presented  a  resolution  approving  the  plan  of  using,  the 
profits  of  the  public  lands  for  "the  abolition  of  slavery  and  the 
transportation  of  persons  of  color  to  such  country  as  they  may 
choose  for  their  residence."  2  In  1826  a  modified  form  of  this 
resolution  was  adopted,3  by  a  vote  of  12  to  7.  No  other  plan  was 
proposed  in  1825  save  that  of  Daniel  Raymond,  urging  the  matter 
upon  the  individual  states. 

The  resolutions  offered  by  W.  L.  Stone  in  1826  were  as  follows: 
"Whereas,  it  is  represented  by  the  great  body  of  the  owners  of 
slaves  that  slavery  is  a  great  evil,  and  its  continuance  and  increase 
fraught  with  many  and  appalling  dangers:  and  Whereas,  the 
friends  of  emancipation  are  frequently  called  upon  by  the  pro 
prietors  of  slaves  to  devise  some  adequate  means  to  rid  the  country, 
by  a  safe  and  gradual  process,  of  a  population  whose  continuance 
among  us  is  so  unnatural;  .  .  .  and  Whereas,  in  the  opinion  of 
this  Convention,  it  is  expedient  for  the  Nation  to  put  forth  its 
strength  in  a  concentrated,  effort  to  free  itself  from  so  great  a  curse, 
without  a  forcible  interference  with  the  rights  of  property  sanc 
tioned  by  the  constitution:  —  Therefore"  nine  resolutions  were 
presented.  The  first,  that  it  be  recommended  to  the  Congress  of 
the  United  States  to  provide  without  delay  for  the  gradual  but 
certain  extinction  of  slavery,  and  the  transportation  of  the  whole 
colored  population  to  the  coast  of  Africa,  or  the  island  of  San 
Domingo,  if  such  an  arrangement  could  be  made.  The  second,  that 
Congress  be  asked  to  create  a  fund  of  $3,000,000  per  annum,  to 

1  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1823,  p.  43. 

2  This  resolution,  and  a  supplementary  one  calling  for  the  appointment  of  a  com 
mittee  to  draw  up  a  memorial  for  presentation  to  Congress,  were  referred  to  the  next 
session,  and  practically  embodied  in  another  series  offered  at  that  time.     Being  referred 
to  the  Committee  of  Arrangements  the  original  resolutions  of  Earle  were  reported.    See 
Minutes,  for  1825,  pp.  16,  28;  for  1826,  pp.  5,  6,  8. 

3  Minutes,  for  1826,  p.  42.    The  modification  radically  altered  the  resolution;  it  now 
read:    "Resolved,  that  the  Convention  would  highly  approve  of  the  appropriation  of  an 
adequate  portion  of  the  revenue  of  the  United  States"  for  this  purpose,  no  mention  being 
made  of  the  source  of  such  revenue.     The  committee  appointed  to  draft  the  memorial 
which  was  provided  for  by  the  resolution,  were  to  report  in  1827.    The  matter  was  brought 
up  as  the  first  item  of  unfinished  business  in  that  Convention;  the  resolution  was  again 
adopted  in  its  amended  form,  and  the  appointment  of  a  committee  discussed,  and  then 
indefinitely  postponed.    See  the  Minutes,  for  1827,  pp.  6,  7,  10. 


Remedies  Proposed  by  the  American  Convention          175 

buy  slaves  of  an  equal  number  of  both  sexes,  between  sixteen  and 
forty-five,  and  to  transport  them  till  all  are  gone;  the  third,  that  the 
Convention  approve  of  the  proposition  to  use  the  public  lands  for 
the  purpose ;  the  fourth,  that  Congress  be  asked  to  begin  by  imme 
diate  abolition  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  followed  by  deportation. 
Resolutions  five  and  six  were  recommendations  for  the  amelioration 
of  the  condition  of  the  slaves  who  remained ;  seven,  for  the  draft 
ing  of  memorials  to  Congress  and  the  State  Legislatures  on  the 
subject;  and  eight  and  nine  recommended  the  free  education  of 
the  slaves.  This  was  not  such  a  plan  as  could  meet  the  approbation 
of  the  slaveholders  as  a  whole,  and  the  committee  of  arrangements 
did  not  report  it  for  discussion  in  the  form  presented.1 

In  1829  a  committee  reported  several  schemes  for  emancipation.2 
The  first  was  that  of  fixing  the  slave  to  the  soil;  the  committee 
questioned  its  real  value  as  a  means  of  emancipation,  and  felt  also 
that  there  was  no  hope  of  its  speedy  adoption.  The  second  scheme, 
immediate  emancipation  by  legislative  enactment,  would  meet  with 
universal  reprobation  by  the  slaveholding  states,  and  was  certain 
not  to  be  adopted.  A  third  scheme  was  abstinence  from  the  prod 
ucts  of  slave  labor ;  it  was,  however,  easier  to  pass  laws  for  aboli 
tion  than  to  break  off  this  commercial  communication,  although 
the  example  of  individuals  might  do  some  good.  The  emancipa 
tion  of  the  post  nati  by  the  individual  states  had  been  sanctioned 
by  the  Convention,  but  it  was  unlikely  that  states  where  the  slaves 
were  numerous  would  pass  such  a  measure.  Appeals  to  convince 
individuals,  and  thus  to  produce  voluntary  manumissions  was  the 
means  most  used  in  Europe,  but  unfortunately  the  slave  states  had 
passed  laws  restricting  manumissions,  which  must  be  repealed 
before  anything  could  be  done.  Colonization  might  be  useful  if 
it  were  practicable. 

After  due  consideration  the  committee  recommended  the  fol- 


1  The  items  in  regard  to  the  amelioration  of  the  condition  of  the  slaves,  and  their  edu 
cation,  were  reported,  as  was  also  that  of  abolition  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  without  the 
word  "immediate."     As  the  reason  for  the  change  is  given  the  fact  that  the  same  subjects 
were  already  before  the  Convention  but  the  details  of  Stone's  plan  were  different,  and  the 
plan  already  before  the  Convention  had  no  real  result.    See  the  Minutes,  for  1826,  p.  10. 
In  1827  it  was  recommended  that  a  plan  for  gradual  emancipation  be  considered  in  the 
Committee  of  the  Whole,  but  it  was  referred  to  the  next  session.    Accordingly  it  was  re 
ported  in  1828  as  an  item  of  unfinished  business,  and  adopted.     After  some  consideration 
in  which  nd  result  was  obtained,  the  Committee  rose,  and  asked  to  be  discharged.     See 
the  Minutes,  for  1827,  pp.  7,  17;   for  1828,  pp.  7,  16. 

2  Minutes,  for  1829,  pp.  28-35. 


176      .   Remedies  Proposed  by  the  American  Convention 

lowing:1  that  all  friends  of  emancipation  (i)  try  to  convince  the 
whole  community  of  the  pernicious  effects  of  slavery  on  the  morals, 
the  enterprise  and  the  happiness  of  a  people;  (2)  continue  "in 
temperate  and  conciliatory  language  to  illustrate  the  inconsistency 
of  slavery  and  sound  policies  ";  (3)  endeavor  to  procure  the  repeal 
of  laws  against  education  and  emancipation;  (4)  exert  them 
selves  to  procure  a  speedy  passage  of  laws  for  gradual  abolition ; 
(5)  endeavor  to  procure  from  the  national  government  appropri 
ations  to  aid  voluntary  methods  and  (6)  cordially  to  aid  all  meth 
ods  whenever  they  were  brought  to  their  notice.  Nothing  definite 
was  done  with  this  report,  and  after  a  statement  of  the  common 
expectation  that  American  slavery  would  cease,  and  an  acknowl 
edgement  of  the  problem  as  to  the  method  of  abolition,  the  last 
session  of  the  American  Convention  adjourned  sine  die. 

1  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1^29,  p.  35. 


CHAPTER    XVI 
INFLUENCE   OF   THE   AMERICAN   CONVENTION:    ADDRESSES 

To  the  historian  of  anti-slavery  a  fundamental  question  is  how 
far  the  American  Convention  was  an  actual  force  in  molding  public 
opinion,  and  in  preparing  the  way  for  the  later  slavery  contest. 
Such  influence  as  it  had  was  exerted  in  four  ways :  by  its  meetings, 
addresses,  memorials,  and  out-of-doors  appeals.  The  action  of 
the  American  Convention  during  the  few  days  when  the  delegates 
were  together  in  actual  session  was  the  smaller  part  of  its  activity. 
The  Acting  Committee,  which  held  over  during  the  year,  was  an 
important  part  of  the  organization ;  and  the  addresses  sent  out  by 
that  committee  at  the  request  of  the  Convention  were  perhaps  the 
most  efficient  means  of  spreading  anti-slavery  influence.  This 
committee,  or  a  special  committee  authorized  by  the  Convention, 
sent,  during  the  course  of  the  year,  memorials  to  Congress  or  to 
the  Legislatures  of  the  States. 

The  addresses  put  in  form  by  the  Acting  Committee  give  an 
excellent  idea  of  the  attitude  of  the  Convention,  since  the  subject 
matter,  and  sometimes  even  the  text,  were  approved  by  the  dele 
gates  in  session.  The  purport  of  these  addresses  appears  in  the 
preceding  chapter.  They  abounded  in  vigorous  expression;  for 
example,  the  address  of  1809  to  the  Societies  declares  that  the  reluc 
tance  of  the  slave  owners  to  free  their  slaves  was  not  surprising  to 
one  who  knew  the  nature  of  man,  but  it  was  astonishing  that  kid 
napping  was  allowed.  "Domestic  slavery  is  a  national  crime;  a 
crime  which  is  calculated  to  excite  in  the  man  of  upright  senti 
ments,  serious  and  awful  apprehensions  of  the  final  consequences 
of  its  continuance."  *  The  "circular  address"  sent  to  the  societies 
in  1812  differs  little  in  general  tenor  from  that  of  1809.  They  ex 
press  disappointment  that  the  passage  of  the  Slave  Trade  Act  has 
not  done  all  they  fondly  hoped,  they  speak  of  the  "twelve  hundred 
thousand  of  our  fellow  beings  ....  in  a  state  of  abject  bondage 

1  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1809,  pp.  27-29. 
12  177 


\) 


178         Influence  of  the  American  Convention:  Addresses 

in  our  deluded  country,"  and  add,  "Let  us  not  forget  how  much 
depends  on  the  careful  instruction  of  all  who  are  free."  They  again 
denounce  kidnappers  and  recommend  great  vigilance  in  their  de 
tection  and  punishment ;  and  they  state  as  their  firm  opinion  that 
if  the  laws  were  faithfully  executed  the  slave  trade  would  cease.1 

In  this  same  year  (1812)  a  special  address  was  sent  to  the  Ken 
tucky  Abolition  Society,  which  had  but  recently  expressed  its  desire 
to  be  counted  with  the  other  societies  represented  in  the  Conven 
tion  among  the  workers  for  the  slave.  It  is  a  hearty  greeting  and 
welcome  for  the  new  society,  with  earnest  wishes  for  its  prosperity 
and  long  continuance.2 

In  later  years  the  addresses  became  more  significant.  In  1821 
the  Convention  congratulated 3  the  abolition  societies  on  what  had 
already  been  accomplished.  It  seemed  to  think  the  Missouri  Com 
promise  at  least  a  partial  victory  for  the  Liberty  party.  The  Con 
vention  also  expressed  a  conviction  that  the  cause  had  regularly 
advanced,  and  that  nothing  but  perseverance  was  necessary  to 
ensure  the  final  triumph.  "To  the  perseverance  of  its  advocates 
alone,  may  be  imputed  the  great  change  in  public  opinion,  in  favor 
of  the  Abolition  of  Slavery,  that  has  already  been  effected  in  the 
Northern,  Middle,  and  some  of  the  Western  States;  and  we  con 
fidently  hope,  that  this  will  ultimately  produce  a  similar  change  in 
the  South.  We  therefore  trust,  that  you  will  never  relax  your 
efforts  to  promote  the  emancipation  of  slaves,  till  every  human 
being  in  the  United  States,  shall  equally  enjoy  all  the  blessings  of 
our  free  constitution."  They  felt,  however,  that  the  best  mode  of 
emancipation  was  still  a  matter  of  great  question;  "however 
desirable  a  total  emancipation  might  be  to  the  philanthropist,  we 
cannot  expect  the  speedy  accomplishment  of  that  event."  One 
important  section  of  this  address  (1821)  definitely  decided  com 
pulsory  colonization  to  be  "incompatible  with  the  principles  of  our 
government  and  with  the  temporal  and  spiritual  interests  of  the 
blacks" ;  nevertheless  they  consider  voluntary  emigration  to  Hayti 
still  open  to  question.  The  Convention  was  extremely  doubtful 
of  the  wisdom  of  any  measure  which  should  draw  off  "the  most 
industrious,  moral  and  respectable  of  its  colored  population,"  thus 
depriving  others,  less  improved,  of  the  benefit  of  their  example 

1  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1812,  pp.  26,  27. 

2  Ibid,  pp.  28,  29.  3  Ibid,  for  1821,  pp.  56,  57. 


Influence  of  the  American  Convention:  Addresses         179 

and  advice.  After  the  long  years  of  servitude  some  "  retributive 
justice"  is  due  them;  to  compensate  them  for  their  wrongs  they 
should  be  improved  intellectually  and  morally,  and  brought  to  a 
true  knowledge  of  God;  and  this  can,  they  think,  best  be  done 
in  a  Christian  country.  The  committee  recommend  the  plan  of 
emancipation  which  had  been  adopted  for  that  purpose  by  the 
Convention,  and  call  especial  attention  to  the  advisability  of  urg 
ing  in  each  state  the  passage  of  laws  freeing  the  post  nail. 

The  address  1  of  1823  seems  intended  to  check  in  some  measure 
the  too  jubilant  congratulations  aroused  by  the  address  of  the  pre 
vious  session,  although  the  difference  may  lie  entirely  in  the  attitude 
of  the  men  composing  the  committee  each  year.  They  warn  their 
readers  against  the  hope  for  great  and  sudden  success,  although 
the  cause  is  steadily  progressing. 

Of  especial  interest  is  the  address2  to  the  societies  in  1825,  be 
cause  it  is  a  formal  argument  for  the  abolition  of  slavery,  a  simple 
and  urgent  appeal  to  the  reason  of  those  who  might  read  it,  and 
an  earnest  invitation  to  all  to  join  them  in  their  labors  for  the  slave. 
The  Convention  thinks  it  almost  unnecessary  to  dwell  upon  reasons 
why  all  should  cooperate  in  the  great  cause.  "It  would  be  an 
insult  to  their  feelings  and  understanding,  to  suppose  them  un 
mindful  of  the  rights  of  their  fellowmen,  or  indifferent  to  the  honor 
of  their  country ;  yet  it  may  be  well  to  direct  their  attention  to  some 
of  the  calamities  inseparably  connected  with  slavery,  and  to  strive 
to  awaken  the  exertions  requisite  to  effect  its  abolition.  By  the 
Law  of  Nature  all  men  are  entitled  to  equal  privileges,  .  .  . 
although  the  artificial  distinctions  of  society  may  have  abrogated 
it  in  practice.  .  .  .  The  barbarous  policy  which  has  sanctified  the 
introduction  of  slaves  into  this  country,  sacrificed  the  injunctions 
of  Revelation  to  a  mercenary  ambition,  and  for  temporary  interest 
bestowed  a  lasting  disgrace  upon  posterity.  Time  and  persever 
ance  may  eradicate  the  evil,  which  is  increasing  in  importance, 
and  which  not  only  has  brought"  obloquy  upon  our  national  char 
acter,  but  threatens  to  involve  us  in  all  the  disastrous  results  of 
civil  discord.  There  is  nothing  in  our  Republic  so  deeply  calcu 
lated  to  promote  sectional  jealousy  as  the  existence  of  slavery.  The 

1  Minutes  of   the  American  Convention,  for  1823,  pp.  39-41.    Thomas  Shipley  was 
the  only  man  on  both  committees. 

2  Ibid,  for  1825,  pp.  33-35. 


180        Influence  of  the  American  Convention:  Addresses 

conflicting  policy  of  slaveholding  and  non-slaveholding  states  will 
increase  with  its  unhappy  cause."  This  address,  written  four  and 
one  half  years  before  the  publication  of  the  first  number  of  the 
"  Liberator,"  and  more  than  three  years  before  Garrison's  first 
avowal  of  immediate  emancipation  in  Lundy's  "  Genius,"  is  an 
irresistible  proof  that  the  sectional  jealousy  which  manifested  itself 
in  constantly  growing  intensity  was  not  due  wholly  or  even  largely 
to  Garrison  alone. 

A  greater  danger  than  sectional  jealousy  loomed  up  before  the 
eyes  of  these  fathers  of  the  abolition  movement.  "Much  is  to  be 
feared  in  many  States,  from  the  physical  superiority  of  the  Black 
population,"  is  their  note  of  warning.  The  innate  desire  for  lib 
erty  is  in  many  instances  enough  to  rouse  the  energies  of  the  slave, 
\\  and  where  numerical  superiority  is  added  nothing  but  the  influ 
ence  of  example  is  needed  to  arouse  an  insurrection.  The  strong 
est  argument  against  slavery  in  the  mind  of  the  Convention  was 
the  "indelible  disgrace"  it  brought  upon  the  country,  the  "glaring 
.  inconsistency"  which  in  part  justified  the  sneers  of  the  advocates 
of  monarchy.  The  people  of  the  United  States  were  trying  the  ex 
periment  of  liberal,  popular  government,  and  the  abject  servitude 
of  one  part  of  the  population  was  an  argument  for  the  opposite  side, 
and  lessened  the  force  of  our  example.  The  cruelty  so  often  con 
nected  with  slavery  is  mentioned,  with  the  general  conclusion  that 
"the  voice  of  humanity  is  loud  in  its  appeal  for  the  emancipation 
of  the  human  race." 

The  closing  words  of  the  argument  are  very  like  an  editorial  of 
Garrison,  or  a  speech  of  Wendell  Phillips.  "Is  the  participation 
of  natural  right  to  be  graduated  by  shades  of  complexion?  Shall 
one  man  lead  a  life  of  thraldom,  because  his  skin  has  darkened 
under  a  hotter  sun  ?  Shall  he  be  the  perpetual  servant  of  his  fel- 
lowman,  because  deficiency  of  intellectual  power,  naturally  arising 
from  a  want  of  education  and  opportunity,  have  given  him  less 
keenness  of  perception,  disqualified  him  to  stand  forth  the  vin 
dicator  of  the  oppressed,  to  assert  his  rights,  and  demand  redress 
for  his  injuries  ?  No !  We  trust  that  there  is  a  redeeming  virtue 
in  our  fellow-citizens,  which  will  urge  them  to  unite  with  us  in 
abolishing  Domestic  Slavery.  We  invite  them,  because  we  believe 
it  to  be  contradictory  to  the  Law  of  Nature  —  in  violation  of  the 
commands  of  Christianity  —  hostile  to  our  political  union  —  dan- 


Influence  of  the  American  Convention:  Addresses         181 

gerous  to  a  portion  of  our  white  population  —  inconsistent  with  our 
professed  love  of  liberty  —  degrading  to  our  national  character  — 
and  in  opposition  to  the  feelings  of  humanity.  Then  let  not  this  ap 
palling  injustice  bring  down  the  wrath  of  offended  heaven  on  our 
country  —  join  with  us  in  the  endeavor  to  benefit  mankind,  and  be 
determined  that  your  zeal  shall  not  waver,  nor  your  exertions 
diminish,  while  a  single  spot  in  our  land  is  polluted  by  a  slave." 

In  the  address l  of  1826  the  Convention  stimulates  petitions  for 
abolition  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  and  in  some  detail  urges  the 
education  of  the  free  colored  people.  It  especially  "recommends 
to  the  friends  of  the  Abolition  of  Slavery  throughout  the  United 
States,  in  the  purchase  of  articles,  the  product  of  our  common 
country,  to  give  a  preference  to  those  produced  by  the  labor  of 
Freemen"  Their  reasons  for  this  recommendation  are,  first,  to 
create  a  market  for  free  produce,  and  second,  to  keep  the  funda 
mental  principles  of  anti-slavery  alive  in  the  minds  of  the  people 
at  large,  and  give  opportunity  to  spread  and  defend  their  views. 
With  all  earnestness,  however,  they  denounce  all  methods  which 
might  arouse  the  ill  feelings  of  their  opponents,  since  they  believe 
that  the  cause  of  personal  freedom  has  always  kept  pace  with  the 
progress  of  conviction.  They  believe  that  calm  and  dispassionate 
appeals  to  the  reason  and  understanding  of  the  advocates  of  slav 
ery  would  be  the  most  successful  means  of  "  attaining  the  glorious 
object  of  universal  emancipation" 

Three  distinct  addresses  were  sent  in  1827.  One,  to  the  aboli 
tion  societies,  recommended,2  first,  the  education  of  public  opinion 
by  the  distribution  of  tracts  and  other  publications;  second,  an 
application  to  the  several  State  Legislatures  for  laws  to  prohibit 
the  sale  of  negroes  out  of  the  state;  and  third,  the  education  of 
the  colored  children  both  free  and  slave.  "The  Convention  fer 
vently  desires,"  the  writers  say  in  closing,  "that  all  who  have  put 
their  hands  to  this  great  work  may  really  deserve  the  epithet  of 
'saints'  which  in  irony  has  been  reproachfully  cast  upon  them." 

The  second  address  of  this  year,  also  to  the  societies,  discussed  3 
abolition  in  the  District  of  Columbia.  Since  the  whole  people 
must  share  honor  or  opprobrium  from  the  conduct  of  the  govern- 

1  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1826,  pp.  44-46. 

2  Ibid,  for  1827,  pp.  20-22. 

3  Ibid.  pp.  22-24.     Italics  as  in  the  original. 


1 82         Influence  of  the  American  Convention:  Addresses 

ment  of  the  District,  the  writers  address  the  friends  of  humanity 
in  all  sections,  urging  them  to  use  all  the  lawful  and  just  means 
within  their  reach  "to  limit,  and  finally  to  eradicate  the  demoral 
izing  and  corrupting  influence  of  slavery"  in  the  District  of  Co 
lumbia.  They  do  not  take  time  or  space  to  detail  the  advantages 
which  would  arise  from  abolition  there,  but  they  declare  that  in 
their  opinion  the  effect  upon  other  parts  of  the  country  would  be 
most  salutary  and  the  influence  incalculable.  At  present  the  Dis 
trict  was  practically  a  large  slave  market,  and  if  the  same  con 
dition  of  affairs  should  continue,  it  must,  they  feel  sure,  by  its 
demoralizing  effects  on  the  residents  and  the  odium  aroused  in  the 
minds  of  the  enlightened  foreigners,  "inevitably  sap  the  founda 
tions  of  our  free  institutions,  and  degrade  our  national  character 
in  the  eyes  of  the  world."  This  would  in  itself,  they  are  persuaded, 
be  a  sufficient  inducement  to  labor  for  the  cause  of  emancipation. 
It  had  been  asserted,  even  on  the  floor  of  Congress,  that  all  legis 
lation  on  the  subject  should  wait  until  the  people  of  the  District 
themselves  demanded  the  abolition  of  slavery.  That  doctrine  the 
Convention  believed  to  be  fallacious.  "  The  people  there  are  not 
exclusively  responsible  for  the  national  disgrace,  and  the  criminality 
attending  it"  The  whole  people  must  bear  the  odium,  and  may 
demand  abolition. 

The  third  address  1  of  1827  was  to  the  citizens  of  the  United 
States  on  the  subject  of  the  education  of  indigent  free  colored 
children.  It  declared  that  the  time  had  come  when  the  abolitionist 
and  the  philanthropist  ought  to  renew  and  redouble  their  efforts 
to  remove  the  "unpleasant  contrast"  between  white  and  blacks  of 
the  same  degree  of  poverty.  It  claimed  that  colored  children  were 
capable  of  instruction,  and  that  it  was  only  the  means  that  were 
wanting. 

The  addresses  of  1828  are  the  last  of  which  detailed  reports 
exist,  and  doubtless  show,  more  than  do  any  of  the  others,  just 
what  was  the  legacy  left  to  the  new  anti-slavery  organization  by 
the  old  society  which  had  borne  the  burden  and  heat  of  the  earlier 
conflict.  The  committee  felt 2  that  in  reviewing  the  work  of  the 
societies  there  was  much  to  cheer  and  gratify  them.  The  cause  of 
truth  and  humanity  had  slowly  but  steadily  advanced,  and  noth- 

1  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1827,  pp.  18,  19. 

2  Ibid,  for  1828,  pp.  28-30;  address  to  the  societies. 


Influence  of  the  American  Convention:  Addresses         183 

ing  but  perseverance  was  needed  to  ensure  success.  They  thought 
they  saw  a  change  of  opinion  in  the  Northern,  Western  and  Middle 
States,  due  to  the  perseverance  of  anti-slavery  advocates,  and 
there  was  hope  for  the  South.  They  wonder  how  any  can  feel 
apathy  when  they  see  the  horrors  of  the  domestic  slave  trade 
almost  before  their  own  windows.  They  denounce  slavery  in  these 
vigorous  terms:  "Slavery  in  whatever  point  of  light  considered, 
is  a  revolting  subject,  repugnant  to  the  best  feelings  of  our  nature, 
and  inconsistent  with  the  rights  and  happiness  of  man."  The 
slaves  claim  from  the  people  of  the  United  States  more  than  mere 
freedom,  they  should  be  educated  to  take  their  place  with  the 
whites.  The  foundation  of  schools  for  their  education,  both  liter 
ary  and  industrial,  is  therefore  not  only  recommended,  but  urged 
upon  all  workers  for  the  slave,  and  examples  are  given  of  the  good 
results  obtained  from  the  schools  already  in  existence. 

The  address  of  1828  to  the  citizens  1  of  the  United  States  bears 
entirely  upon  the  question  of  abolition  in  the  District  of  Columbia, 
the  object  especially  desired  by  the  abolitionists  of  the  period.    It 
claimed  that  the  District  was  the  property  of  the  nation,  and  drew 
the  conclusion  that  all  citizens  of  the  nation  had  a  right  to  express 
an  opinion  as  to  its  government,  and  to  urge  such  methods  as  they 
deemed  best.     It  then  continued  in  the  argument  for  abolition: 
"We  are  weU  aware  that  some  will  contend  for  the  legality  of 
Slavery,  as  tolerated  in  some  parts  of  the  United  States,  and  in 
sist  that  the  question  of  its  abolition  should  be  left  to  the  decision 
of  the  people  of  the  District,  themselves.    When  we  consider  that 
slaves  are,  generally,  viewed  as  property  this  kind  of  reasoning 
assumes  a  specious  appearance;  yet  it  must  be  borne  in  mind,  that 
the  inhabitants  of  the  District  of  Columbia  are  not  represented  in 
any  legislative  body;   but  that  the  sovereignty  over  that  particular 
section  of  the  country  is  vested  in  the  people  of  the  States.  —  And 
when  we  reflect  that  the  question  has  long  since  been  settled 
whether  a  legislative  body  possesses  the  right  to  enact  laws  for  the 
prohibition   or  extinction  of   slavery  —  that  it   has  indeed   been 
acted  on,  by  several  of  the  State  Legislatures  and  also  by  Con 
gress  —  we  think  that  no  reasonable  doubt  can  be  entertained  as 
to  the  expediency  of  the  measure  in  the  present  case.     It  is  well 
known  that  a  very  large  proportion  of  the  citizens  of  the  United 

1  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1828,  pp.  17-20. 


OF   THE 


f  OF     T  Ht 

(UNIVERSITY! 
v 

X.      r*  *  .  _.,»*.    ^ 


184        Influence  of  the  American  Convention:  Addresses 

States  are  inimical  to  the  system  of  Slavery ;  and  it  is  believed  by 
many  intelligent  persons  who  are  themselves  residents  of  the  Dis 
trict  of  Columbia,  that  a  great  many  of  the  inhabitants  thereof  are 
desirous  for  its  total  abolition.  Viewing  the  subject  in  this  light  we 
cannot  for  a  moment  hesitate  in  urging  your  attention  to  it." 

This  address  refers  to  a  number  of  memorials  on  the  District 
of  Columbia  from  friends  of  abolition  in  the  slave  states  of  North 
Carolina,  Tennessee,  and  Maryland;  and  especially  to  the  peti 
tion  presented  at  the  last  session  of  Congress,  signed  by  over  one 
thousand  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  District.  If  there  had  been 
ground  for  doubt,  those  doubts  should  have  been  forever  set  at 
rest  by  the  fact  that  so  many  of  the  residents  of  the  District  had 
themselves  raised  their  voice  in  its  favor.  The  writers  did  not 
expect  to  accomplish  their  work  without  real  opposition,  for  they 
declared  that  the  discussion  of  the  question  would  produce  "lively 
interest"  and  "violent  opposition."  "Not  only  the  opponents  of 
emancipation  in  the  South  may  be  expected,"  they  say,  "to  throw 
impediments  in  our  way,  but  the  prejudice  against  the  unfortu 
nate  and  degraded  Africans,  and  the  self-interest  of  many  others 
will  also  be  arrayed  against  us."  They,  however,  appealed  calmly 
and  dispassionately  to  the  good  sense  of  the  people  of  the  nation, 
and  to  the  men  in  authority  especially,  to  give  the  matter  full  and 
serious  consideration,  and  to  weigh  well  the  consequences  of  tolerat 
ing  within  the  District  of  Columbia  a  "system  that  has  proved 
uniformly  destructive  to  every  nation  that  long  permitted  its  con 
tinuance."  They  appeal  principally,  however,  to  the  benevolent 
and  philanthropic  feelings  of  their  readers,  against  slavery  as  a 
great  moral  and  political  evil.  Not  only  do  they  consider  the  honor 
of  the  nation  at  stake,  but  the  example  has  a  pernicious  influence 
even  upon  the  opposers  of  slavery,  when  they  come  under  its  in 
fluence.  As  proof  they  mention  the  fact  that  several  members  of 
Congress  from  free  states  had  voted  on  the  pro-slavery  side  after 
a  period  of  residence  in  the  capital.  "Let,  then,"  they  say  in 
closing,  "all  who  are  sincerely  desirous  to  wipe  from  our  moral 
escutcheon  this  crimson  stain,  come  forward  at  this  interesting 
crisis,  and  raise  their  voice  in  favor  of  the  great  principle  of  uni 
versal  liberty,  and  the  inalienable  rights  of  man." 


CHAPTER    XVII 

INFLUENCE   OF  THE  AMERICAN  CONVENTION:  MEMORIALS 

MEMORIALS  were  frequently  presented  to  the  various  legislative 
bodies  of  the  nation,  under  the  distinct  authority  of  the  Conven 
tion.  The  larger  number  urged  abolition  in  the  District  of  Colum 
bia,  but  other  matters  were  occasionally  treated.  A  memorial 
which  referred  to  "the  promotion  of  the  interests"  of  slaves  was 
presented  to  Congress1  in  1816.  Another  on  the  sale  of  forfeited 
negroes  (and  also  on  abolition  in  the  District  of  Columbia)  was 
sent  in  1818  to  the  national  Congress; 2  and  yet  another,  received 
by  both  houses  of  Congress  in  December,  1819,  declared  against 
the  further  admission  of  slave  states  into  the  Union.3  The  rest  of 
the  Convention  memorials  4  bear  upon  the  abolition  of  slavery  in 
the  District,  and  in  1821  5  and  1827  6  the  prohibition  of  its  further 
increase  in  Florida.  Memorials  for  abolition  in  the  District  of 
Columbia  were  sent  in  i8i8,2  in  i82i,7  in  i825,8  in  i826,9  in 
i827,10  and  in  i828.n 

The  text  of  many  of  these  memorials  is  extant,  and  while  couched 
in  respectful  language,  they  express  in  unmistakable  terms  a  de 
testation  of  slavery,  and  a  sympathy  with  radical  measures.  A  few 
extracts  will  represent  their  character. 

"MEMORIAL.12   To  the  honourable  the  Senate  and  House  of  Rep- 

1  Annals  of  Congress,  i4th  Congress,  ist  Session,  147.    Several  subjects  for  memo 
rials  were  presented  at  this  session,  and  it  is  very  probable  that  they  were  combined  in  this 
single  memorial.     These  subjects  were :    the  prevention  of  smuggling,  the  restriction  of 
the  domestic  slave  trade,  and  of  kidnapping,  and  the  repeal  of  state  restrictions  on  eman 
cipation. 

2  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1818,  pp.  56-59;  Annals  of  Congress,  i5th 
Congress,  and  Session,  430. 

3  Annals  of  Congress,  i6th  Congress,  ist  Session,  24,  736;    American  State  Papers, 
Misc.  Vol.  2,  No.  470,  p.  547. 

4  So  far  as  distinctly  recorded. 

5  Annals  of  Congress,  i7th  Congress,  ist  Session,  910;  Minutes  of  the  American  Con 
vention,  for  1821,  pp.  46,  47. 

6  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1827,  pp.  30,  31. 

7  Ibid,  for  1821,  pp.  41,  42.  8  Ibid,  for  1825,  pp.  31,  32. 
9  Ibid,  for  1826,  pp.  39,  40.                                       10  Ibid,  for  1827,  pp.  29,  30. 
11  Ibid,  for  1828,  pp.  33,  34.                                     12  Ibid,  for  1821,  pp.  41,  42. 

I8S 


1 86        Influence  of  the  American  Convention:  Memorials 

resentatives  of  the  United  States  of  America,  in  Congress  assembled, 
The  Memorial  of  the  American  Convention  for  promoting  the 
Abolition  of  Slavery,  and  improving  the  condition  of  the  African 
Race,  Respectfully  sheweth, 

11  That  in  the  pursuit  of  the  object  of  their  association,  your 
memorialists  feel  it  their  duty  to  call  your  attention  to  the  territory 
over  which  Congress  holds  exclusive  legislation.  The  patriot,  the 
philosopher  and  the  statesman,  look  to  this  spot,  where  the  legis 
lative  authority  of  the  Republic  has  an  uncontrolled  operation, 
for  that  perfect  system  of  laws,  which  shall  at  once  develope  the 
wisdom  of  the  government,  and  display  the  justice  and  benevo 
lence  of  its  policy. 

"  Is  it  not  an  incongruous  exhibition  to  ourselves  as  well  as  to 
foreigners  who  may  visit  the  seat  of  the  government  of  the  nation, 
whose  distinguishing  characteristic  is  its  devotion  to  freedom, 
whose  constitution  proclaims  that  all  men  are  born  equally  free, 
to  behold,  on  the  one  hand,  the  representatives  of  the  people,  as 
serting,  with  impassioned  eloquence,  the  un alienable  rights  of  man ; 
and,  on  the  other,  to  see  our  fellow  men,  children  of  the  same  Al 
mighty  Father,  heirs,  like  ourselves  of  immortality,  doomed,  for  a 
difference  of  complexion,  themselves  and  their  posterity,  to  hope 
less  bondage? 

"  Deeply  impressed  with  this  sentiment,  your  memorialists  do 
earnestly,  but  respectfully,  request  your  honourable  body  to  take 
into  your  serious  consideration  the  situation  of  Slavery  in  the  Dis 
trict  of  Columbia;  to  devise  a  plan  for  its  gradual  but  certain 
abolition,  within  the  limits  of  your  exclusive  legislation;  and  to 
provide  that  all  children  born  of  slaves,  after  a  determinate 
period,  shall  be  free." 

The  memorial 1  of  1825,  .to  the  State  Legislatures,  speaks  of 
the  fact  that  the  existence  of  slavery  in  the  District  had  "long 
been  a  source  of  deep  regret  to  a  large  portion  of  the  citizens  of  the 
United  States,  as  well  as  to  the  friends  of  human  rights  and  liberty 
throughout  the  world."  The  memorialists  are  convinced  that  "a 
strong  and  simultaneous  effort"  by  all  interested  in  its  abolition 
would  "imperiously  engage  the  attention  of  Congress,"  especially 
if  such  effort  were  sanctioned  by  the  State  Legislatures.  There 
fore  the  Convention  appeals  to  the  Legislatures  of  the  several 

1  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1825,  pp.  31,  32. 


Influence  of  the  American  Convention:  Memorials        187 

states  to  do  what  is  in  their  power  to  bring  the  matter  vigor 
ously  before  Congress.  A  strong  plea  is  based  upon  the  con 
viction  that  every  state  shares  in  the  opprobrium,  however 
abhorring  the  guilt.  "We  entreat  you,  therefore,  by  your  regard 
for  justice  and  the  rights  of  man  —  by  your  religion,  and  the  wel 
fare  of  our  common  country  —  by  your  respect  for  yourselves,  and 
for  the  honour  of  your  constituents,  not  to  suffer  the  present  ses 
sion  to  elapse,  without  a  recorded  vote,  which  shall  be  your  witness 
to  posterity  that,  if  the  exclusive  territory  of  the  national  govern 
ment  remains  to  be  polluted  by  the  footsteps  of  a  slave,  it  is  be 
cause  your  exertions  in  the  cause  of  liberty  have  been  unavailing." 

The  memorial 1  presented,  to  Congress  in  1826,  praying  for 
abolition  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  is  very  similar  to  that  of 
1821,  yet  perhaps  a  shade  stronger  in  some  at  least  of  its  expres 
sions.  In  place  of  mentioning  the  incongruity  of  slavery  and  free 
dom,  and  giving  utterance  to  somewhat  sentimental  phrases  about 
the  "children  of  the  same  Almighty  Father  .  .  .  doomed  ...  to 
hopeless  bondage,"  they  say  that  after  a  half-century's  existence  as 
a  free  nation  they  still  behold,  even  in  the  national  capital,  "an 
odious -system  of  oppression  —  they  find  the  natural  repository  of 
Freedom,  a  depot  for  Slaves."  Other  nations  were  making  rapid 
progress  toward  the  extirpation  of  negro  slavery  from  the  earth, 
and  the  United  States  should  not  be  the  last  to  cooperate  in  this 
glorious  cause.  "  We  entreat  you,  by  the  respect  you  owe  to  your 
selves,  and  to  the  opinions  of  mankind  —  by  the  honor  of  our 
common  country  —  and  finally  by  all  that  is  held  dear  to  the  states 
man,  the  patriot  and  the  Christian,  to  wipe  away  this  foul  reproach 
from  the  Nation."  The  method  proposed  was  the  same  in  both 
instances :  gradual  abolition  by  the  emancipation  of  the  post  nati. 

The  memorial2  on  the  same  subject  in  1827  has  a  stirring  close. 
"We  respectfully  submit  that  the  honor  of  our  common  country, 
a  decent  respect  for  the  opinions  of  mankind,  and  the  strong  in 
junctions  of  Christianity,  alike  call  for  your  interference  upon  this 
momentous  subject." 

The  memorial 3  presented  in  1828  differs  in  some  important 
particulars  from  its  predecessors.  "  To  the  Senate  and  House  of 
Representatives  of  the  United  States,  in  Congress  assembled.  —  the 

1  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1826,  pp.  39,  40. 

2  Ibid,  for  1827,  pp.  29,  30.  3  Ibid,  for  1828,  pp.  33,  34. 


1 88        Influence  of  the  American  Convention:  Memorials 

Memorial  of  the  American  Convention,  etc.,  RESPECTFULLY  REP 
RESENTS,  That  your  memorialists  being  citizens  of  this  free  republic 
and  feeling  in  a  high  degree  thankful  for  the  favours  and  protec 
tion  of  its  benign  government,  are  solicitous,  in  common  with  all 
the  advocates  of  true  liberty,  that  its  benefits  should  be  extended 
to  the  whole  human  family  —  that  all  mankind  might  be  permitted 
to  enjoy  peaceably,  the  full  fruition  of  natural  rights,  and  the  great 
blessings  of  heaven,  while  here  on  earth,  the  right  to  'life,  liberty, 
and  the  pursuit  of  happiness.'  Your  memorialists,  without  presum 
ing  to  question  the  dignity,  superior  wisdom,  and  qualifications  of 
your  honourable  body,  would  ask  leave  most  respectfully  to  urge, 
as  a  sentiment,  every  day  gaining  a  wider  spread,  and  a  deeper 
root,  in  the  best  feelings  of  freemen,  that  slavery  is  alike  derogatory 
to  the  present  enlightened  condition  of  man,  and  a  solecism  in  the 
institutions  of  our  country ;  without  in  any  degree,  wishing  to  ap 
peal  to  the  prejudices,  either  sectarian  or  geographical,  of  any  por 
tion  of  your  honourable  body,  your  memorialists  cannot  consent  to 
withhold  themselves  from  the  influence  of  the  irresistible  current, 
manifest  in  the  march  of  mind,  towards  perfection,  and  are  there 
fore  free  to  acknowledge  that  they  cannot,  as  consistent  Republi 
cans,  omit  to  raise  their  voices,  in  a  respectful  petition  to  their 
government  in  behalf  of  the  sufferings,  the  privations,  and  the  un 
merited  degradation  of  their  fellow-men,  —  the  colored  people  of 
America." 

After  a  few  words  in  regard  to  the  rights  and  privileges  of  the 
separate  states,  the  memorial  continues:  "With  these  preliminary 
remarks  your  memorialists  will  ask  your  paternal  and  special  at 
tention  to  the  subject  of  Slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia.''1  The 
usual  assertion  is  repeated  of  the  right  of  Congress  to  legislate  for 
the  District,  even  on  such  subjects  as  this.  The  government  of 
the  District  should  be  conducted  in  the  manner  that  the  majority 
of  the  people  demand,  and  now  "the  clearly  expressed  public 
opinion  is  against  the  continuance  of  slavery  —  and  by  every  rule 
of  right,  slavery  should  cease,  as  soon  as  practicable,  within  the 
national  domain.  Under  a  full  conviction  of  the  truth  of  this  doc 
trine,  and  the  justice  of  their  cause,  your  memorialists  ask  of  your 
honorable  body,  the  immediate  enactment  of  such  laws  as  will 
ensure  the  abolition  of  slavery  within  the  District  of  Columbia,  at 
the  earliest  period  that  may  be  deemed  safe  and  expedient,  accord- 


Influence  of  the  American  Convention:  Memorials        189 

ing  to  the  wisdom  of  Congress.  They  ask  this,  conscientiously  be 
lieving  that  this  is  the  sentiment  and  expectation  of  the  nation,  and 
believing  that  the  example  will  be  gradually  followed  by  many  of 
the  Southern  States,  as  the  evils,  impolicy  and  injustice  of  slavery 
are  more  and  more  developed." 

The  three  main  fields  for  the  exercise  of  national  authority  over 
slavery  were  the  slavejrade,  the  DistncjjDfjColumbia,  and  the  tei> 
ritories.  The  Convention  saw  clearly  the  fighting  material  in  each 
of  these  questions.  Of  the  two  memorials  on  the  prohibition  of 
slavery  in  the  newly  acquired  territory  of  Florida,  the  first,  sent  to 
Congress  *  in  1821,  is  introduced  by  these  words:  "The  American 
Convention  for  promoting  the  Abolition  of  Slavery,  and  improving 
the  condition  of  the  African  Race,  being  deeply  impressed  with  the 
magnitude  of  the  evil  of  involuntary  servitude,  beg  leave  to  call  the 
attention  of  Congress  to  the  devising  of  such  means  as  may  be 
practicable  for  preventing  its  extension."  It  expresses  a  hope  that 
the  United  States  will  follow  the  example  of  the  South  American 
Republics  in  this  matter,  thus  hastening  the  period  when  our 
country  will  no  longer  furnish  an  exemplication  of  the  truth  that 
those  who  are  most  zealous  in  asserting  political  and  religious 
liberty  for  themselves  are  too  prone  to  trample  on  the  claims  of 
others  to  these  blessings. 

The  memorialists  considered  the  evils  of  slavery  so  uniformly 
admitted  that  it  was  not  worth  while  to  discuss  them  in  the  memo 
rial  ;  the  only  need  was  to  call  attention  to  the  especially  favorable 
occasion  for  "  circumscribing  these  evils  and  discountenancing  this 
injustice,"  which  they  believed  to  be  offered  to  Congress  in  the 
power  and  opportunity  of  legislating  for  Florida.  They  cite,  as 
arguments  for  the  wisdom  of  their  demand,  the  action  of  the  first 
Congress  in  prohibiting  slavery  in  the  Northwest  Territory,  and  the 
fact  that  the  previous  Congress  had  restricted  slavery  north  of  Mis 
souri,  thus  proving  that  Congress  had  the  right  to  make  such  re 
strictions.  "Such  being  the  case,  we  beseech  you,  by  your  duty  to 
your  fellow-creatures  and  to  posterity,  and  by  your  duty  to  that 
Almighty  Being  who  controls  the  destinies  of  nations,  to  strive  to 
mitigate  and  limit  an  evil,  so  universally  acknowledged  and  de 
plored."  They  then  ask  for  a  law  prohibiting  the  further  introduc 
tion  of  slaves  into  Florida.  While  they  think  a  sufficient  number  of 

1  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1821,  pp.  46-48. 


i go        Influence  of  the  American  Convention:  Memorials 

good  arguments  for  such  a  law  have  already  been  given,  they  bring 
forward  a  few  more,  especially  applicable  to  the  territory  in  ques- 
I  tion.  They  declare  that  the  vacant  lands  of  the  new  states  and 
territories  have  always  been  looked  upon  as  the  common  property 
of  the  people  of  the  nation,  and  therefore  as  open  to  settlement  to 
all,  from  whatever  section  they  might  come.  "  Introduction  of 
many  slaves  into  a  territory,  will  totally  prevent  the  settlement  of 
free  labourers  within  it.  All  the  States  adapted  to  the  cultivation 
of  the  valuable  staples,  cotton,  sugar  and  tobacco,  having  been 
hitherto  open  to  the  migration  of  slaves,  it  appears  but  equitable 
now  to  reserve  a  district  for  the  free  labourer  to  occupy  in  the 
culture  of  these  articles."  They  feel  it  only  just  that  the  citizens 
of  the  free  states  should  have  a  chance  at  the  new  lands  and  the 
most  lucrative  business  without  the  surrender  of  their  principles. 

The  memorial  *  on  Florida  in  1827  calls  the  time  an  opportunity 
to  display  and  enforce  the  principles  of  liberty  without  encroaching 
upon  private  rights,  or  state  sovereignty.  After  a  few  words  of 
eulogy  of  the  United  States  as  a  nation,  mention  is  made  of  the  one 
cause  of  reproach  by  their  enemies,  the  existence  of  slavery  in 
their  midst.  Why,  it  asks,  is  slavery  allowed  among  a  free  people  ? 
The  best  answer,  in  the  opinion  of  the  writers,  is  that  the  founders 
of  our  nation  thought,  at  its  beginning,  that  emancipation  would 
be  dangerous,  in  the  then  existing  state  of  the  South.  They  de 
clare  that  the  slaveholders  of  that  period  would  gladly  have  ex 
changed  their  slaves  for  other  property.  They  mention  the 
numerous  efforts  of  the  societies  to  diminish  the  quantity  of  the 
evil,  averring  that,  conscious  of  the  limited  power  of  Congress, 
they  have  presented  no  petitions  for  action  outside  the  constitu 
tional  power  of  that  body.  Of  late  the  -question  of  the  acquisition 
jbf  Florida  gives  a  chance  for  trial  whether  a  southern  latitude 
•"necessarily  requires  the  establishment  of  domestic  slavery,  or 
whether  the  district  in  question  would  not  be  better  off  with  free 
labor.  It  was  an  unsettled  question,  and  this  time  would  be  a 
favorable  one  for  forever  settling  it.  Another  consideration  pre 
sented  itself ;  the  long,  unsettled  coast  of  Florida,  and  its  nearness 
to  the  West  Indies,  made  evasions  of  the  slave  trade  laws  extremely 
easy.  If  the  country  were  settled  by  free  yeomanry,  it  would  be  a 
strong  protection  against  slave  smugglers.  "  Our  most  respectful 

1  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1827,  pp.  30,  31. 


Influence  of  the  American  Convention:  Memorials        191 

request  is  that  Congress  will  be  pleased  to  prohibit,  by  law,  the 
further  introduction  of  slaves  into  the  Territory  of  Florida." 

None  of  the  memorials  drawn  up  by  the  American  Convention 
seemed  to  produce  any  effect  upon  the  legislation  of  Congress,  or 
even  upon  the  attitude  of  any  individual  member.  Many  of  them 
were  not  presented,  and  the  others  were  simply  referred  to  some 
committee,  and  there  buried. 

The  influence  of  the  American  Convention  upon  the  public  is 
hard  to  estimate ;  some  authors  look  on  it  as  a  minor  factor,  if  a 
factor  at  all  in  the  anti-slavery  history  of  our  country.  Sometimes 
it  is  sneered  at,  as  a  mere  "convention,"  a  meeting  of  delegates  to 
talk  but  not  to  do.  From  the  earliest  period  to  the  present  day,  a 
feature  of  our  national  life  is  the  convention,  where  representatives 
of  various  bodies  meet  as  accredited  delegates,  to  consult,  debate, 
and  perhaps  to  decide  points  of  the  greatest  importance  to  the 
nation.  One  author,  in  speaking  of  the  last  meeting  of  the  Ameri 
can  Convention,  said  that  the  delegate  system  was  dead.1  That  is 
not  true.  Though  "The  American  Convention  of  delegates  from 
Abolition  Societies"  had  ceased  to  meet,  its  principles  and  methods 
lived  on  in  the  new  society,  which  in  a  great  degree  adopted  the 
delegate  system,  and  often  called  its  meetings  conventions.  The 
change  was  not  so  much  one  of  leaders  or  the  organization  of  an 
opposition  society,  as  a  change  of  policy.  Many  of  the  leaders  in 
the  earlier  period  worked  no  less  vigorously  in  the  later  and  some 
became  as  prominent  under  the  new  regime  as  they  had  been  under 
the  old. 

The  American  Convention  has  many  points  of  resemblance  with 
the  Confederation,  and  its  successor,  the  American  Anti-slavery 
Society,  with  the  United  States  under  the  Constitution.  The  later 
society  had  many  branches  and  auxiliaries,  only  partially  inde 
pendent.  Its  executive  committee,  or  the  representatives  in  its 
annual  meetings,  like  Congress,  could  decide  upon  plans  of  work, 
levy  assessments  to  carry  them  out,  and  collect  the  money  due. 
The  earlier  society  had  no  central  organization  other  than  the 
Congress,  or  Convention,  save,  perhaps,  the  Acting  Committee, 
which  was  supposed  in  the  intervals  of  the  Convention  to  work 
along  the  lines  laid  out  for  it  at  the  meetings.  It  was  a  confedera 
tion  of  many  independent  societies,  with  differing  constitutions  and 

1  William  Birney:  "James  G.  Birney  and  His  Times,"  p.  411. 


\l 


1 92        Influence  of  the  American  Convention:  Memorials 

often  differing  aims.  It  could  and  did  make  plans  and  recommend 
them  to  the  societies,  and  announce  the  proportionate  sum  needed 
from  each  in  order  to  carry  them  out.  But  it  had  no  power  to  force 
compliance,  in  any  sense  of  the  term,  and  its  directors  often  com 
plained  of  an  empty  treasury. 

Before  1808  the  leadership  of  the  Convention  was  strong,  and 
the  earlier  meetings  especially  were  enthusiastic  and  well  attended. 
The  work  planned  by  the  Convention  was  vigorously  carried  out  by 
the  societies,  which  acted  largely  as  agents  in  the  different  states. 
Later,  however,  its  addresses  to  the  societies  lost  what  little  au 
thority  they  had,  and  became  mere  recommendations.  It  also 
became  more  difficult  to  raise  the  money  necessary  for  the  general 
work.  Mr.  Birney  says  that  the  "primacy"  of  the  American  Con 
vention  was  not  acknowledged  by  the  societies  formed  between 
1820  and  1830.  This  is  certainly  true,  but  rather  misleading.  So 
far  as  can  be  found  in  the  reports  of  the  Convention  for  1809  to 
1829  inclusive,  which  include  the  addresses  from  all  the  societies 
Represented,  and  often  from  many  others,  that  primacy  was  not 
it  any  time  acknowledged  by  any  society  whatever,  nor  claimed 
by  the  Convention.  £tpretended  only  to  the  position  of  an  advi 
sory  council,  and  as  such  its  pretensions  were  acknowledged  by 
all  societies,  later  as  well  as  earlierj  If  it  in  any  sense  assumed 
the  first  position,  it  was  only  because  it  was  open  to  delegates  from 
all  societies,  and  was  composed  of  the  most  prominent  members  of 
each.  For  nearly  the  whole  period  after  1809  the  Convention 
served  principally  as  a  meeting  place  for  those  most  interested  in 
the  cause,  where,  as  in  our  modern  religious  conventions,  they 
might  discuss  plans  for  work,  and  receive  encouragement  and  an 
access  of  enthusiasm ;  but  whose  acts  were  only  binding  upon  the 
individual  societies  so  far  as  they  decided  to  make  the  action  of 
their  delegate  their  own.  Still  it  served  a  good  end  during  its 
existence,  especially  as  it  held  the  societies  together  during  the 
transition  period,  before  the  introduction  of  the  more  centralized 
methods  of  work.  The  addresses  sent  out  served  the  purpose  of 
keeping  alive  in  the  minds  of  the  people  the  fact  that  there  was  an 
evil  which  it  was  their  duty  to  combat  and  that  there  was  a  society 
through  which  they  could  work.  It  scattered  anti-slavery  litera 
ture  broadcast  over  the  country,  and  rendered  it  possible  for  every 
one  to  possess  ample  knowledge  of  the  needs  of  the  cause,  and 
of  what  was  being  done  by  the  leaders. 


Influence  of  the  American  Convention:  Memorials        193 

The  Convention  is  often  criticised  as  not  aggressive,  and  as  too 
ready  Jo  use  mild  terms_anc[j)le^sant  phra^es^  rather  than  to  set 
itseli_decidedly  on  the  side  of  trutjiy,  whatever  the  consequences. 
The  quotations  already  made  from  the  published  reports  of  the 
Convention  show,  however,  that  the  members  both  could  and  did 
denounce  slavery  as  an  unmitigated  evil;  and  possibly  more  fiery 
words  came  from  many  of  the  delegates,  in  the  debates  of  the  Con 
vention,  which  have  not  been  preserved  to  us.  The  actual  reports 
of  the  Convention,  intended  as  they  were  for  circulation  among 
abolitionisls  and  slaveholders  alike,  are  rather  conciliatory  and 
persuasive  than  fiery  and  aggressive.  But  a  reading  of  the  discus 
sion  of  the  various  plans  of  emancipation  shows  that  they  had  a 
clear  judgmen^  as  to  how  far  and  in  what  direction  they  could^go_ 
x/  without  arousing  the  opposition  of  the  slavocracy.  They  judged 
accurately  what  measures  might  be  accepted  by  tEe  different  states, 
and  considered  it  the  part  of  wisdom  to  work  in  those  directions. 
They  did  not,  like  the  abolitionists  of  the  later  period,  batter  at 
any  wall  which  they  especially  wished  to  attack,  no  matter  if  it  hap 
pened  to  be  the  most  strongly  guarded.  They  preferred  to  effect 
an  opening  into  the  citadel  wherever  they  could,  hoping  that  when 
entrance  was  once  made,  they  might,  through  hard  fighting,  reach 
their  goal.  It  does  not  seem  just  to  accuse  these  men  of  luke- 
warmness  or  half-heartedness. 

There  are,  in  fact,  two  sides  to  the  argument  on  the  method  of 
abolition.  It  is  a  question  whether  the  slower,  more  circuitous  / 
route,  if  persevered  in,  might  not  have  resulted  in  as  much  good 
to  the  slaves  and  the  nation  at  large  as  the  vehement  battering  a£  \- 
the  defences.  It  is  an  indisputable  fact  that  after  thirty  years  of 
aggressive  fighting,  with  the  war  cry  of  "immediate  and  uncondi 
tional  emancipation"  resounding  continually  in  the  ears  of  the 
slaveholders,  the  slave  states  were  in  1860  no  nearer  to  freedom; 
while  the  area  devoted  to  slavery  was  decidedly  increased,  and  sec 
tional  jealousy  grew  instead  of  waning.  And  at  last  slavery  was 
abolished,  not  by  the  concerted  action  of  all  the  people  of  the  states, 
or  even  of  the  majority,  but  first  as  an  arbitrary  war  measure,  and 
then  by  the  vote  of  a  Congress  representing  none  of  the  radical 
slavocracy  and  accepted  by  them  only  because  in  no  other  way 
could  they  regain  their  place  in  the  Union. 

Forty  years  have  passed  since  the  struggle,  and  already  the  grave 
13 


ip4        Influence  of  the  American  Convention:  Memorials 

question  is  making  itself  heard  in  some  parts  of  the  land,  whether 
the  wholesale  freeing  of  the  slaves,  with  no  better  provision  for  their 
education  and  uplifting,  was  not  a  mistake;  and  whether  the 
South  is  not,  in  her  new  laws,  evading  the  Fifteenth  Amendment, 
forced  upon  her  in  the  days  of  her  weakness.  There  is  no  question 
as  to  the  wisdom  of  the  abolition;  few,  even  of  the  most  violent 
Southerners,  would  willingly  reestablish  slavery;  but  the  negro 
problem  is  one  which  will  tax  the  wisdom  of  our  legislators  for  many 
years  to  come.  If  it  had  been  possible  to  ieach  the  end  by  education 
and  persuasion,  without  the  bloody  war  and  humiliating  condi 
tions,  some,  at  least,  of  its  difficulties  would  have  been  eliminated. 
The  census  tables  give  some  countenance  to  the  claim  that  many 
of  the  states  were,  in  1830,  approaching  freedom.  Whether  they 
would  ever  have  reached  it  without  the  war  is  a  question  which 
can  never  be  satisfactorily  settled. 

The  real  influence  of  the  American  Convention  during  this 
struggle  was,  it  seems  just  to  say,  in  holding  the  ground  already 
won  till  the  new  recruits  should  be  in  the  field,  and  in  bringing  for 
ward  men  who  were  to  take  their  places  among  these  new  fighters, 
some  to  become  their  leaders. 


CHAPTER    XVIII 
MOVEMENT   OF   SLAVES,   AND   COLONIZATION 

THE  whole  slavery  question  was  much  affected  by  the  steady 
growth  of  the  negro  population,  through  natural  increase  and 
through  importations,  despite  slight  diminutions  through  escapes 
and  through  the  removal  of  the  free  blacks.  To  understand  the 
purposes  of  the  anti-slavery  people  we  must  understand  somewhat 
of  the  slave  trade,  foreign  and  domestic,  of  fugitive  slaves,  and  of 
colonization.  The  African  slave  trade  presented  a  very  different 
aspect  to  the  anti-slavery  workers  after  1808.  It  was  illegal,  yet 
desired  by  many  citizens  of  the  North  as  well  as  of  the  South. 
Accordingly,  smuggling  was  frequent  and  convictions  few.  The 
American  Convention  of  1812  published  a  list  of  thirteen  slavers 
brought  before  the  English  admiralty  courts  at  Tortola,  Sierra 
Leone,  the  Bahamas  and  London,  between  April,  1810,  and  May, 
1811.  Although  the  papers  of  these  vessels  were  Spanish,  Ameri 
cans  were  found  on  board  as  officers,  supercargoes,  or  members  of 
the  crew,  and  from  other  circumstances  it  seemed  as  if  the  vessels 
belonged  to  the  Americans.  The  trade  was  opposed  to  the  moral 
sentiment  of  many  Northerners,  and  to  many  in  the  Border  states, 
and  it  was  not  hard  to  get  from  Congress  several  amendatory  pro 
visions.  Thus  in  1818  the  burden  of  proof  was  thrown  on  the 
defendant;  the  President  was  authorized  in  1819  to  station  vessels 
on  the  coast  of  Africa  to  intercept  the  slavers;  in  1820  the  slave 
trade  was  declared  to  be  piracy;  and  in  1824  a  treaty  was  nego 
tiated  with  Great  Britain  for  a  joint  suppression  of  the  traffic. 

The  Legislatures  of  several  Southern  states  passed  severe  laws 
in  1816-1817  against  the  introduction  of  slaves  from  any  *  foreign 
ports.  The  slave  trade  was  denounced  publicly  by  newspapers  of 
Baltimore  2  in  1821 ;  and  memorials  from  the  people  of  many  dif 
ferent  states  were  received  3  by  Congress  in  1822.  Nothing  was 

1  Niles'  Weekly  Register,  n.  399. 

2  Ibid.  20.  323;  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  i.  5. 

3  These  were  from  the  Pennsylvania  Abolition  Society,  Jan.  21,  1822  (Annals  of  Con 
gress,  1 7th  Congress,  ist  Session,  747);   from  Virginia,  Jan.  29  (Ibid.  824);    from  the 

195 


y 


196  Movement  of  Slaves,  and  Colonization 

done,  although  the  question  was  discussed  a  few  times.1  It  was 
one  thing  to  declare  the  slave  trade  piracy,  and  another  to  secure 
the  conviction  and  punishment  of  a  slave  trader.  One  such  was 
pardoned  by  President  Monroe  in  1822,  and  the  inference  drawn 
by  Niles  is  that  the  President  would  not  be  likely  to  execute  the 
more  severe  law  that  had  just  been  passed.2 

The  domestic  slave  trade  was  an  evil  the  extent  of  which  was 
apparently  not  anticipated  by  those  who  prohibited  the  African 
slave  trade,  leaving  that  in  American-born  negroes  to  continue 
unchecked.  It  was  a  constantly  growing  evil,  beginning  with  the 
comparatively  innocent  buying  and  selling  of  slaves  by  the  indi 
vidual  owners  to  satisfy  their  individual  needs  or  desires.  By 
degrees,  as  the  importance  of  slavery  increased  in  the  South,  the 
trade  increased;  men  took  up  slave  trading  as  a  business,  and 
slaveowners  in  the  Border  states  began  to  breed  slaves  for  the 
Southern  markets.  The  domestic  slave  trade  was  never  illegal, 
ut  for  two  reasons  it  was  often  opposed :  first,  because  of  the  cru 
elty  too  often  accompanying  it  ^  and  second,  the  conviction  that 
without  its  prohibition  slavery  would  never  be  abolished.  It  was 
the  first  of  these  reasons  which  made  such  men  as  John  Randolph 
denounce  3  it  as  "an  infamous  traffic";  and  converted  Lundy  into 
an  abolitionist.4  The  slave  markets  at  the  South  were  often  de 
nounced;  Birney  tried  to  abolish  them  by  law.5  Neither  slave 
markets  nor  slave  auctions  were  approved  by  the  best  citizens,6 
and  such  advertisements  were  often  excluded  from  even  Southern 
newspapers,  because  against  the  sentiment  of  both  the  editor  and 
the  public.7  As  early  as  1821  a  strong  denunciation  of  both  the 
domestic  and  the  foreign  trade  appeared  in  the  Baltimore  Chron 
icle.8  The  memorial  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  District  of  Columbia, 
presented  in  1828,  describes  the  horrors  of  the  internal  slave  trade 
in  the  District,  and  gives  that  as  a  great  reason  for  abolition.9  It 

American  Colonization  Society,  Feb.  6  (Ibid.  922);  from  North  Carolina,  Feb.  21  (Ibid. 
1113);  and  from  the  inhabitants  of  New  York,  Feb.  28  (Ibid.  1150). 

1  See  the  Annals  of  Congress,  i6th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  1064;    lyth  Congress,  ist 
Session,  1535;    r;th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  332;    i8th  Congress,  ist  Session,  2397,  3001; 
Register  of  Debates,  i8th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  App.  33,  73. 

2  Niles'  Weekly  Register,  22-.  114. 

3  Annals  of  Congress,  i4th  Congress,  ist  Session,  1115;  see  above,  p.  21. 

4  Earl:    "Life  of  Lundy,"  pp.  14,  15. 

5  See  above,  p.  20. 

6  Basil  Hall:   "Travels  in  North  America,"  3.  34-41;   see  above,  p.  38. 

7  Niles'  Weekly  Register,  30.  323. 

8  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  i.  5.  9  Pamphlet  copy. 


Movement  of  Slaves,  and  Colonization  197 

was  even  proposed  in  1823  or  1824,  in  the  Presbyterian  General 
Assembly,  to  deny  the  communion  to  slave  traders,1  and  in  1829 
the  Chillicothe  Presbytery  actually  passed  such  a  recommendation.2 

While  the  larger  number  of  the  state  non-importation  laws  can 
not  be  proved  to  refer  to  importation  from  other  states,  as  well  as 
from  Africa,  yet  some  seem  to  include  both,  while  others  definitely 
mention  the  prohibition  of  the  interstate  trade.3  / 

The  absolute  and  immediate  prohibition  of  the  interstate  slave  j 
trade,  at  least,  is  usually  found  among  the  provisions  of  the  plans 
for  gradual  emancipation  during  this  period.  Lundy  advocated  4 
it  in  his  plan  printed  in  1821 ;  another,  in  1825,  primarily  for  North 
Carolina,  prohibited  the  importation  of  slaves  from  any  place 
whatever; 5  and  a  part  of  that  formulated  in  North  Carolina  by 
Swaim  in  1830  was  a  similar  provision.6  Another  plan  in  1821  rec 
ommended  its  abolition  after  ten  or  twenty  years.  7 

Opposition  to  the  domestic  slave  trade  was  a  regular  part  of 
the  work  of  the  anti-slavery  societies.  The  Anti-slavery  Tract 
Society  denounced8  it  in  1828;  and  the  Pennsylvania  Abolition 
Society  in  1825  and  1827  remonstrated  against  it  very  strongly, 
placing  it  in  the  same  class  as  the  foreign  slave  trade,  which  no  one 
openly  defended.9  There  were  also  memorials  from  the  societies 
against  the  domestic  slave  trade,  usually  including  it  with  the 
foreign  trade.  The  Tennessee  Manumission  Society  sent  such  a 
memorial 10  in  1823 ;  a  committee  was  appointed  by  the  Maryland 
Abolition  Society  in  1825,  and  again  in  1827,  to  draft  memorials  on 
this  subject;  n  and  the  North  Carolina  Manumission  Society  advo 
cated  in  1826  a  law  in  that  State  to  prevent  either  exportation  or 
importation  of  slaves.12 

The  beginning  of  the  real  opposition  to  the  trade  in  the  Ameri 
can  Convention  was  in  1821,  although  the  matter  was  mentioned 
in  1816;  and  the  plan  of  emancipation  adopted  in  1821  included 

1  Candler:   "A  Summary  View  of  America,"  p.  323;   see  above,  p.  98. 

2  Pamphlet  copy  of  address,  p.  10;  see  above,  p.  100. 

3  See  above,  pp.  50,  53. 

4  See  above,  p.  26. 

5  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  4.  187;  see  above,  p.  40. 

6  See  above,  pp.  123,  124. 

7  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  i.  43;  see  above,  p.  79. 

8  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1828,  pp.  44-52;  see  above,  p.  136. 
*  Ibid,  for  1825,  p.  ii ;    for  1827,  p.  38;   see  above,  pp.  144,  145. 

10  Annals  of  Congress,  i7th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  642;   see  above,  p.  132. 

11  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  5.  20;    7.  13;  see  above,  p.  135. 

12  See  above,  p.  138. 


198  Movement  of  Slaves,  and  Colonization 

the  prohibition  of  the  domestic  slave  trade. *  In  that  year,  and  also 
in  1823  and  1825,  a  standing  committee  was  appointed  to  consider 
both  the  foreign  and  the  domestic  trade.2  In  1828  it  was  made 
much  more  prominent  by  the  appointment  of  a  special  committee 
to  consider  it,  no  longer  combining  it  with  either  the  foreign  slave 
trade  or  kidnapping.3 

The  report  of  the  committee  in  1828  was  interesting.4  The 
principal  slave  markets  were  the  territories  of  Florida  and  Ar 
kansas,  and  the  states  of  Georgia,  Alabama,  Mississippi  and 
Louisiana;  while  the  breeding  states  were  Delaware,  Maryland, 
the  District  of  Columbia,  parts  of  Virginia,  Kentucky  and  Ten 
nessee.  The  principal  evils  growing  out  of  the  trade  they  con 
sidered  to  be  the  kidnapping  and  decoying  away  of  free  colored 
persons,  and  the  selling  of  time-servants  into  irredeemable  slavery. 
The  business  of  the  slave  trader  was  perfectly  open  and  freely 
advertised,  the  number  transported  by  sea  from  Baltimore  by  one 
trader  alone  amounting  to  several  hundreds  per  annum. 

Notwithstanding  all  the  opposition,  however,  nothing  was  ac 
complished,  and  the  domestic  slave  trade  continued  to  grow  un 
checked,  save  by  the  ordinary  laws  of  supply  and  demand,  until 
the  final  abolition  of  slavery  in  1863. 

The  question  of  the  losses  of  slaves  through  escapes  to  free 
states  or  to  foreign  countries  has  been  treated  in  two  able  mono 
graphs,  and  it  is  established  that  the  Underground  Railroad,  whose 
work  for  the  fugitive  slaves  was  so  great  and  so  important  in  later 
times,  made  a  beginning  even  before  the  year  1808,  perhaps  as 
early  5  as  1786;  while  stations  in  Ohio  were  definitely  noticed  as 
early  as  1816  or  18,17.  The  question  of  escapes  to  Canada  was 
referred  to  in  the  debates  in  Congress  in  January,  1821,  and  a  reso 
lution  was  attempted,  advising  an  arrangement  with  Great  Britain 
for  their  return.6  In  the  negotiations  of  1826-1828  the  subject 
was  mentioned,  but  no  provision  was  made  for  the  return  of  the 
fugitives. 

Canada  and  Mexico  were  both  too  distant  to  offer  refuge  to 

1  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1821,  p.  53;  see  above,  p.  159. 

2  Ibid,  for  1821,  pp.  22,  23,  30;   for  1823,  p.  43;  for  1825,  p.  28;  for  1826,  pp.  7,  42; 
see  above,  pp.  159,  160,  162,  163. 

3  Ibid,  for  1828,  p.  14;   see  above,  p.  159. 

4  Ibid,  for  1828,  pp.  22-24. 

5  Siebert:  "Light  on  the  Underground  Railroad,"  in  the  American  Historical  Review 
for  April,  1896. 

6  Annals  of  Congress,  i6th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  941. 


Movement  of  Slaves,  and  Colonization  199 

many  slaves,  and  since  slavery  still  existed  in  some  degree  in  the 
most  of  the  Northern  states  up  to  1830,  the  fugitive  slave  question 
was  not  the  ex-parte  matter  that  it  became  later,  and  it  entered 
very  little  into  the  anti-slavery  agitation. 

The  only  question  of  slave  population  which  took  hold  of  the 
popular  mind  was  the  project  of  removing  free  negroes,  or^all 
classes  of  negroes,  out  of  the  borders  of  the  United  States  altogether. 
The  question  aroused  from  1808  to  1831  more  debate  than  any 
other  phase  of  the  anti-slavery  contest.  Was  colonization  anti- 
slavery  in  its  aim  ?  Was  it  a  scheme  of  the  pro-slavery  advocates, 
meant  to  throw  dust  in  the  eyes  of  the  great  mass  of  the  anti- 
slavery  supporters,  and  lead  them  away  from  really  effective  work 
against  the  system  ?  If  anti-slavery  in  aim,  was  it  able  to  accomplish 
the  work  it  wished  to  do  ?  These  questions  and  many  others  have 
often  been  asked  since  the  foundation  of  the  American  Coloniza 
tion  Society  in  1816;  and  the  question  is  still  unsettled.  In  the 
period  of  active  partizanship  the  evidence  was  little  definite,  but 
it  is  worth  while  to  examine  briefly  the  opinions  of  those  who  lived 
during  the  period  which  is  under  discussion. 

Among  the  most  ardent  advocates  of  colonization  were  many 
active  anti-slavery  workers,  and  many  of  the  more  moderate  friends 
of  anti-slavery.  The  plan  was  applauded  by  Jefferson  1  in  i8n,who 
considered  it  "  the  most  desirable  measure  which  could  be  adopted 
for  gradually  drawing  off  this  part  of  our  population ;  most  advan 
tageous  for  themselves  as  well  as  for  us";  and  by  Edward  Coles, 
the  vigorous  opposer  of  slavery  in  Illinois.  It  was  recommended  2 
by  the  Presbyterian  General  Assembly  in  1818,  in  an  address  to 
the  churches  denouncing  slavery.  The  Methodists  of  the  Cam 
bridge  Circuit,  Maryland,  cordially  approved  of  the  scheme,  and 
expressed  in  1826  their  approbation  in  the  same  address  in  which 
they  denounced  slaveholding  Christians.3  William  Maxwell,  who 
published  essays  against  slavery  in  the  Norfolk  (Va.)  Herald,  in 
1826,  advocated  the  Colonization  Society  as  a  means  of  removing 
the  evil.4  Paxton,  whose  letters  against  slavery  aroused  such  oppo 
sition  that  he  himself  was  made  to  suffer  for  them,  approved  of  the 

1  Niles'  Weekly  Register,  12.  122. 

2  Niles'  Weekly  Register,  16.    supplement,  p.  153;  see  S.  J.  May:  "Some  Recol 
lections  of  our  Anti-Slavery  Conflict,"  p.  u. 

3  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  5.  252. 
«  Ibid.  5.  369. 


2oo  Movement  of  Slaves,  and  Colonization 

plan,  and  gave  practical  proof  of  it  in  the  colonizing  of  his  own 
slaves.1  Gerrit  Smith  said2  in  January,  1831:  "The  Colonization 
Society  may  exert  an  important  influence  on  the  question  of  slav 
ery  —  an  influence  which  may  yet  compass  the  abolition  of  slavery 
in  our  land."  A  writer  in  the  Kentucky  Western  Luminary,  in 
1830,  after  declaring  that  something  must  be  done  quickly  to  relieve 
that  state  from  her  burden  of  slaves,  advises  gradual  emancipation 
by  law,  and  exportation  to  Liberia.3  Two  other  writers,  "Marcus" 
in  1819,  and  a  writer  in  the  Russelville  (Ky.)  Messenger  in  1827, 
considered  the  aim  of  the  society  to  be  the  good  of  the  blacks,  but 
claimed  that  it  was  entirely  inadequate  to  produce  the  good  effects 
desired.4 

Some  strong  pro-slavery  men  also  considered  this  society  aboli 
tionist  in  its  tendencies.  " Brutus,"  in  "The  Crisis"  (1827),  said : 5 
"As  long  as  the  Colonization  Society  openly  professed  to  no  other 
object  than  the  removal  of  free  negroes,  it  had  but  little  support, 
and  was  confined  in  its  operations  to  a  few  States  ...  no  emanci 
pation  was  held  out,  and  the  abolitionists  were  of  course  indiffer 
ent  to  its  success,"  then  the  leading  members,  "to  make  their 
scheme  more  palatable,"  avowed  its  great  object  to  be  emancipa 
tion,  and  zeal  in  its  favor  increased.  The  "  Southern  Review  "  in 
1828,  in  discussing  the  report  of  the  American  Colonization  Society 
for  1827,  said6  that  the  members  regarded  slavery  as  an  enormous 
evil,  and  were  anxious  to  keep  alive  excitement  on  the  subject; 
that  the  tendency  of  the  society  was  to  cause  ultimate  emancipa 
tion.  An  article  by  "Caius  Gracchus"  in  the  Richmond  (Va.) 
Enquirer  for  October  n,  1825,  opposed  the  Colonization  Society 
on  the  ground  that  it  was  abolitionist.7  Senator  Hayne  of  South 
Carolina,  in  discussing  in  Congress,  in  1827,  the  making  of  an  ap 
propriation  for  the  American  Colonization  Society,  said:8  "Are 
not  the  members  and  agents  of  this  Society  everywhere  (even  while 
disclaiming  all  such  intentions)  making  proclamations  that  the  end 
of  their  scheme  is  universal  emancipation?  .  .  .  Does  not  every 

1  Paxton :    "Letters  on  Slavery,"  pp.  2-4. 

2  Report  of  the  American  Colonization  Society  for  1831,  p.  xii. 

3  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  n.  63. 

*  Ibid.  6.  194;    Pamphlet  by  "Marcus,"  pp.  13,  14. 
6  "Brutus:    The  Crisis,"  p.  137. 

6  Southern  Review,  Charleston,  S.  C.  i.  226. 

7  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  5.  96. 

8  Register  of  Debates,  igth  Congress,  2nd  Session,  328. 


Movement  of  Slaves,  and  Colonization  201     r 

Southern  man  know  that,  wherever  the  Colonization  Society  has    ' 
invaded  our  country,  a  spirit  of  hostility  to  our  institutions  has  im 
mediately  sprung  up?  " 

These  expressions,  from  men  of  every  shade  of  opinion  on  slav 
ery,  may  be  matched  by  equally  strong  quotations  on  the  other 
side.  The  committee  of  the  American  Convention  in  1818  re 
ported  that  the  Colonization  Society  did  not  appear  to  further  the 
ends  the  Convention  had  in  view,  and  recommended  that  it  have 
nothing  to  do  with  it.1  At  later  meetings  of  the  Convention  the 
matter  was  occasionally  brought  up,  but  no  real  support  was  ever 
given  to  the  society.  The  American  Convention  declared  that  the 
investigation  which  their  committee  had  made  of  the  question  had 
settled  the  matter,  so  far  as  they  were  concerned.  Little  was  ever 
said  in  those  meetings  in  favor  of  compulsory  colonization ;  but  the 
question  of  voluntary  emigration  to  Hayti  was  never  settled. 
Meetings  in  Boston  in  1822  and  Ohio  in  1826,  discussed  the  rela 
tion  of  the  Colonization  Society  to  anti-slavery,  with  no  distinct 
decision.2  Webster,  when'  appointed  in  1822  to  draft  a  constitu 
tion  for  a  Massachusetts  Colonization  Society,  announced  after  a 
brief  period  of  investigation  that  he  would  have  nothing  to  do 
with  it,  because  it  was  merely  a  scheme  to  get  rid  of  the  free  blacks.3 

Two  English  travelers,  of  especial  acuteness  of  perception, 
agreed  from  their  observations  that  colonization  was  not  an  anti- 
slavery  measure,  and  one  even  called  it  pro-slavery.4  Daniel  Ray 
mond  of  Baltimore  also  argued  against  it.5  A  free-state  man, 
writing  in  the  Christian  Examiner  of  1832,  said  of  the  Coloniz 
ation  Society:6  "It  does  not  oppose,  but  rather  encourages  the 
curse  and  scandal  of  our  country:  viz.  negro  slavery.  ...  It 
encourages  the  domestic  slave  trade.  ...  It  exercises  a  wither 
ing  influence  on  the  free  blacks;  vilifying  them  on  all  occasions, 
and  repressing  their  energies ;  thereby  fostering  that  unholy  preju 
dice  on  the  part  of  the  whites  which  has  made  the  free  colored 
people  a  degraded  caste.  ...  It  induces  the  North  and  the  South 

1  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1818,  pp.  30,  38,  47-54,  65-68. 

2  Niles'  Weekly  Register,  23.  39;  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  6.  62. 

3  Pamphlet,    "Hancock";     Jay:     "Miscellaneous    Writings    on    Slavery,"    p.    584; 
Bowen  :  "Arthur  and  Lewis  Tappan,"  p.  3.    It  is  said,  however,  (Liberty  Almanac,  1851, 
p.  21),  that  he  turned  completely  round  in  1851. 

4  Blane  .   "Travels  through  the  United  States  and  Canada,"  pp.  227,  228;   Candler 
"A  Summary  View  of  America,"  pp.  305,  306,  317. 

5  Raymond:  "The  Missouri  Question,"  pp.  5-8. 
8  The  Christian  Examiner,  14.  204-220. 


2O2  Movement  of  Slaves,  and  Colonization 

to  contribute  to  its  funds  by  arguments  diametrically  opposed  to 
each  other."  The  article  then  gives  many  of  these  arguments. 

The  free  colored  people  of  Philadelphia  were  unanimously  op 
posed  to  the  scheme.  In  three  successive  years  they  held  meetings 
denouncing  it  and  entreating  the  workers  for  the  slave  not  to 
countenance  it  in  any  way.  In  1817  over  three  thousand  of  them 
assembled  and  unanimously  answered  in  the  negative  the  ques 
tion  "Are  you  willing  to  accept  its  offers?"  and  with  "painful 
solicitude  and  sorrowing  regret"  addressed  the  "humane  and 
benevolent  inhabitants  of  the  city  of  Philadelphia,"  beseeching 
their  disapprobation  of  the  scheme  of  the  American  Colonization 
Society.  "Let  not  a  purpose,"  they  said,  "be  assisted  which  will 
stay  the  cause  of  the  entire  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  United 
States  and  which  may  defeat  it  altogether ;  which  proffers  to  those 
who  do  not  ask  for  them,  benefits,  but  which  they  consider  injuries, 
and  which  must  insure  to  the  multitudes  whose  prayers  can  only 
reach  you  through  us,  misery,  sufferings  and  perpetual  slavery.11  l 

When  we  find  such  widely  contradictory  opinions  from  those 
who  should  know  something  of  the  aims  and  tendencies  of  the  col 
onization  scheme,  it  seems  wise  to  turn  directly  to  the  statements 
of  the  society  itself,  its  constitution,  reports  and  addresses ;  and  to 
the  words  of  its  most  prominent  members.  Even  here  we  find  the 
same  uncertainty,  the  same  contradictions.  Bushrod  Washing 
ton,  in  his  first  address2  as  President,  at  the  annual  meeting  in 

1818,  said:   "And  should  it  lead,  as  we  may  fairly  hope  it  will,  to 
the  slow  but  gradual  abolition  of  slavery,  it  will  wipe  from  our 
political  institutions  the  only  blot  which  stains  them ;  and  in  palli 
ation  of  which,  we  shall  not  be  at  liberty  to  plead  the  excuse  of  moral 
necessity,  until  we  shall  have  honestly  exerted  all  the  means  which 
we  possess  for  its  extinction."    Three  years  later  Bushrod  Wash 
ington  sold  a  large  number  of  slaves  from  Mount  Vernon.    The 
comments  of  the  press  are  interesting;   many  anti-slavery  men  see 
in  his  action  a  conclusive  proof  of  the  lack  of  anti-slavery  senti 
ment  in  the  society ;    some  pro-slavery  men  find  comfort  in  it  for 
the  same  reason;   while  many  members  of  the  American  Coloni- 

1  This  was  signed  by  James  Forten  as  President,  and  Russell  Parrott  as  Secretary 
(see  above,  p.  92;   Lewis  Tappan:   "Life  of  Arthur  Tappan,"  pp.  135,  136;   Minutes  of 
the  American  Convention,  for  1818,  App.  i-iv;   Needles:   "History  of  the  Pennsylvania 
Society  for  the  .  .  .  Abolition  of  Slavery,"  p.  66).     Another  meeting  on  November  16, 

1819,  also  passed  resolutions  protesting  against  the  plan  (Niles' Weekly  Register  17.  201). 

2  First  Annual  Report  of  the  American  Colonization  Society,  p.  2. 


Movement  of  Slaves,  and  Colonization  203 

zation  Society,  among  them   Bushrod  Washington  himself,  see 
nothing  inconsistent  in  their  action.1 

Mercer  of  Virginia,  in  the  first  annual  meeting  of  the  society  in 
1818,  professed  to  apply  its  benefits  to  slave  as  well  as  free.2  "  The 
laws  of  Virginia,"  he  said,  "now  discourage,  and  very  wisely, 
perhaps,  the  emancipation  of  slaves.  But  the  very  policy  on  which 
they  are  founded  will  afford  every  facility  for  emancipation,  when 
the  colonization  of  the  slave  will  be  the  consequence  of  his  libera 
tion."  Henry  Clay,  in  the  same  meeting,3  and  General  Harper,  in 
a  letter  4  found  in  the  same  report,  expressed  the  opinion  that  the 
society  would  promote  emancipation.  In  1819  the  society  sug 
gested  5  that  if  the  colony  should  prosper,  the  results,  including 
the  reduction  of  the  number  of  slaves  in  America,  no  human  sagac 
ity  could  either  foresee  or  compute;  and  the  address  adopted  at 
Baltimore  on  October  17,  1827,  declares:  "It  is  by  this  means  that 
the  American  Colonization  Society  hope  to  relieve  their  country 
from  the  baneful  institution  of  slavery,  our  burden  and  dishonor."  6 
A  sermon 7  by  John  H.  Kennedy  for  the  Pennsylvania  Colonization 
Society  in  Philadelphia,  in  1828,  after  a  description  of  the  Coloni 
zation  Society,  said :  "  Finally,  the  Society  will  promote  emancipa 
tion  and  will  effect,  as  we  believe  finally,  the  extinction  of  Domestic 
Slavery."  Custis,  a  prominent  member,  said8  in  1821:  "We 
ardently  pray  to  be  delivered  from  the  evil  of  slavery.  ...  I 
trust  that  this  noble  charity  has  at  length  opened  the  way  by 
which  we  may  be  saved  from  our  heaviest  calamity." 

The  constitution  of  the  society,  however,  sets  forth  no  interest 
in  abolition,  and  some  at  least  of  the  managers  disclaimed  the  idea 
of  abolition  in  connection  with  it.  "A  Friend  to  Colonization," 
writing  in  1821,  said  that  with  the  rights  and  opinions  of  persons  ^ 
on  the  subject  of  slavery  it  had  nothing  to  do  whatever.9  It  had  no 
object  in  common  with  the  abolition  societies  of  the  North,  which 
sought  to  emancipate  anywhere,  no  matter  what  conditions  it 

1  Niles'  Weekly  Register,  21.  i,  39,  70;   Blane:   "An  Excursion  through  the  United 
States,"  p.  227;    etc. 

2  First  Annual  Report  of  the  American  Colonization  Society,  p.  8.  3  Ibid .  p.  9. 

4  Ibid.  p.  21.     Harper  and  Mercer  expressed  very  similar  sentiments  also  in  1824; 
(Seventh  Annual  Report  of  the  American  Colonization  Society,  pp.  7,  8,  12,  13;  "Brutus: 
The  Crisis,"  p.  123). 

5  Report  of  the  American  Colonization  Society,  for  1819,  p.  17.    See  also  p.  8,  however. 

6  Pamphlet  report  of  the  meeting  (signed  copy),  p.  10. 

7  Pamphlet  copy  of  Kennedy's  sermon,  p.  9. 

8  Report  of  the  American  Colonization  Society,  for  1831,  p.  xxi. 

8  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  i.  73.     No  name  is  given. 


2O4  Movement  of  Slaves,  and  Colonization 

would  bring  about.  "These  societies,  proclaiming  principles  in 
jurious  to  the  slaves  themselves,  and  dangerous  to  the  whites,  are 
yet  the  bitterest  enemy  of  a  society  whose  aim  is  simple,  safe,  and 
really  humane,  and  whose  prosperity  is  the  only  rational  ground 
of  hope  of  getting  rid  of  the  evils  and  sins  of  slavery  consistently 
with  the  true  interest  of  the  blacks.  The  real  friends  of  the  Coloni 
zation  Society  think  that  the  success  of  their  scheme  will  have  an 
inevitable  tendency  to  effect  a  gradual  emancipation,  as  the  con 
venience,  the  interest  and  the  safety  of  our  country  shall  permit." 
In  1820  the  managers  said  1  expressly:  "They  do  not,  therefore, 
intend  and  they  have  not  the  inclination,  if  they  possessed  the 
power,  to  constrain  the  departure  of  any  freeman  of  color,  from 
America,  or  to  coerce  any  proprietor  to  emancipate  his  slaves." 
The  Society  in  its  ninth  annual  meeting,  in  January,  1826,  distinctly 
disclaimed  2  both  the  design  "of  interfering,  on  the  one  hand,  with 
the  legal  rights  and  obligations  of  slavery,  and  on  the  other,  of 
perpetuating  its  existence  within  the  limits  of  the  country."  The 
debate  on  this  subject  in  the  Virginia  Legislature  in  February  of 
this  year  only  touched  on  the  colonization  of  the  free  blacks.3 

In  the  meeting  preliminary  to  the  formation  of  the  society,  in 
1816,  these  words  are  used:4  "It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  add 
that  all  connection  of  this  proposition  with  the  emancipation  of 
slaves,  present  or  future,  is  explicitly  disclaimed.  No  vested  rights 
of  any  party  are  proposed  to  be  in  the  least  affected  by  it,  unless 
beneficially."  Gerrit  Smith,  in  January,  1831,  in  a  speech  already 
quoted,5  said  further:  "Whilst  the  society  protests  that  it  has  no 
designs  on  the  right  of  the  master  in  his  slave  —  or  the  property 
in  his  slave,  which  the  laws  guarantee  to  him  —  it  does  neverthe- 
l£ss  admit,  and  joyfully  admit,  that  the  successful  prosecution  of 
the  objects  of  the  Society  must  produce  moral  influences  and 
moral  changes  leading  to  the  voluntary  emancipation  of  the  slave, 
not  only  in  our  country,  but  throughout  the  world."  Benham, 
in  the  same  year,  stated  6  the  equivocal  position  of  the  society ; 
some  people  thought  it  abolitionist,  others  thought  it  the  idea  of 

1  Third  Annual  Report  of  the  American  Colonization  Society,  p.  22.    Italics  as  in  the 
original. 

2  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  5.  163;  Miles'  Weekly  Register,  29.  329; 
Report  of  meeting,  p.  10. 

3  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  5.  209. 

4  Niles'  Weekly  Register,  u.  296. 

5  Report  of  the  American  Colonization  Society,  for  1831,  p.  xii. 

6  Ibid.  p.  xxiii;    see  also  report  for  1819,  p.  8. 


Movement  of  Slaves,  and  Colonization  205 

the  slaveholders,  and  it  was  therefore  combated  by  both.  Jay 
quoted  many  statements  of  various  dates  to  prove  that  it  was  not 
anti-slavery.*  The  Committee  of  the  national  House  of  Repre 
sentatives  to  whom  the  subject  of  colonization  was  referred,  after 
careful  consideration,  reported  favorably  to  the  House  on  April 
18,  1818.  They  stated  in  this  report 2  that  they  would  not  favor 
the  plan  if  it  sought  to  impair  in  the  slightest  degree  the  rights 
of  private  property,  or  the  personal  liberty  of  freemen.  But  the 
resolutions  of  the  Legislature  of  Virginia  on  the  subject,  and  the 
various  statements  and  resolutions  of  the  Colonization  Society 
excluded  the  "remotest  apprehension"  of  this. 

John  Quincy  Adams,  in  a  communication  to  President  Monroe 
on  the  subject  of  colonization,  gives  his  opinion  of  its  equivocal 
nature.3  "This  project  is  professed  to  be  formed:  i,  without  in 
tending  to  use  any  compulsion  upon  the  free  people  of  color  to 
make  them  go ;  2,  to  encourage  the  emancipation  of  slaves  by  their 
masters;  3,  to  promote  the  entire  abolition  of  slavery;  and  yet,  4, 
without  in  the  slightest  degree  affecting  what  they  call  a  certain 
species  of  property  —  that  is,  the  property  in  slaves.  There  are 
men  of  all  sorts  and  descriptions  concerned  in  this  Colonization 
Society:  some  exceedingly  humane,  weakminded  men,  who  have 
really  no  other  than  the  professed  objects  in  view,  and  who  hon 
estly  believe  them  both  useful  and  attainable;  some,  speculators 
in  official  profits  and  honors,  which  a  colonial  establishment 
would  of  course  produce;  some,  speculators  in  political  popularity, 
who  think  to  please  the  abolitionists  by  their  zeal  for  emancipation, 
and  the  slave-holders  by  the  flattering  hope  of  ridding  them  of  the 
free  colored  people  at  the  public  expense;  lastly,  some  cunning 
slave-holders,  who  see  that  the  plan  may  be  carried  far  enough  to 
produce  the  effect  of  raising  the  market  price  of  their  slaves." 

This  is  perhaps  the  only  safe  deduction  from  the  conflicting  state 
ments,  examples  of  which,  merely,  have  been  given.  It  is  most 
probable  that  the  difference  of  opinion  in  regard  to  the  anti-slavery 
tendencies  of  the  American  Colonization  Society  were  radical  and 
widespread..  Prominenj^abolitionists  supported  it  because_it__ 
seemed  to  them  to  promise  ultimate  abolition  L  strong  pro-slavery 

1  William  Jay:  "Miscellaneous  Writings  on  Slavery,"  pp.  28,  29,  30,  36,  55,  57,  65, 
70,  78,  80,  87,  97,  99,  100,  106,  114,  115,  etc.,  etc. 

2  Niles'  Weekly  Register,  15.  supplement,  p.  42. 

3  John  Quincy  Adams :  Diary,  4.  292. 


206  Movement  of  Slaves,  and  Colonization 

men  opposed  it  for  the  same  reason.  Other  pro-slavery  men  wel 
comed  it  as  providing  a  source  of  relief  from  the  presence  of  the 
free  blacks  without  in  any  degree  threatening  their  right  of  property 
in  slaves ;  while  earnest  workers  for  the  slaves  denounced  it  for  this 
same  reason.  The  upholders  of  the  scheme  who  honestly  believed 
in  its  feasibility,  and  its  anti-slavery  tendencies,  were  not  all  "weak- 
minded,"  as  we  have  seen  from  the  quotations  already  given.  But 
the  majority  of  the  strong  anti-slavery  men  arrayed  in  its  favor 
were  in  New  England,  where  the  large  proportion  of  the  citizens 
knew  nothing  from  actual  experience  of  the  condition  of  affairs  in 
the  South.  Few  of  them  had  traveled  in  that  region ;  intercommuni 
cation  was  scanty  and  deficient,  especially  in  view  of  the  somewhat 
jealous  attitude  of  the  Southerners  in  many  places,  and  their  un 
willingness  in  many  instances  to  discuss  the  matter  thoroughly 
with  Northerners,  whom  they  suspected  with  some  show  of  reason 
to  have  abolition  sentiments.  It  was  not  strange  that  these  could 
have  an  inadequate  idea  of  the  labor  they  had  undertaken,  and 
the  possible  results  from  it. 

The  anti-slavery  men  of  the  South,  and  the_states  immediately 
bocdering  upon  the"slaverstatesT  nearly  all  opposed  the  scheme  as 
pro-slavery,  or  doubted  it  as  inefficient.  Never,  in  the  palmiest 
days  of  the  society,  were  the  funds  sufficient  to  export  annually  a 
number  of  negroes  equal  to  one  twenty-fifth  of  the  natural  increase 
yby  births  in  the  same  period  of  tini£.  There  were  other  insurmount 
able  obstacles  in  the  way :  the  expense  of  the  long  journey^the  im 
potence  of  a  colony  of  such  material  as  they  would  find  willing  to 
go  to  Africa,  and  the  jealousy  of  all  pro-slavery  men  if  they  found 
any  slaves  liberated  for  the  purpose  of  colonization.  The  spread 
of  a  feeling  of  opposition  to  slavery  was  not  more  likely  to  be  pro 
duced  by  this  means  than  by  other  methods  familiar  to  those^ 
having  the  good  of  the  slaves  at  heart. 

Colonization,  it  seems,  therefore,  was  not  in  itself  anti-slavery  j 
was  advocated  by  some  anti-slavery  men^  but  not  by  those  most 
nversant  with  the  condition  of  affairs  in  the  slave  states,  nor  by 
hose  who  took  the  trouble  to  make  a  real  investigation  for  them 
selves  instead  of  trusting  to  the  recommendations  of  others.1     It 


CO 

th( 


1  The  plan  was  always  and  uncompromisingly  opposed  by  both  Arthur  and  Lewis 
Tappan  (Lewis  Tappan:  "Life  of  Arthur  Tappan,"  p.  135,  etc.)  and  by  Wilberforce. 
Some  who  vehemently  opposed  manumission  without  colonization  on  the  ground  of  the 


Movement  of  Slaves,  and  Colonization  207 

was  not  necessarily  anti-slavery  in  its  tendencies,  since  the  re 
moval  of  the  bulk  of  the  free  blacks  would  have  made  it  easier  to 
keep  the  slaves  in  complete  subjection,  and  to  take  from  them  such 
incentives  to  rebellion  as  they  might  otherwise  find  in  the  presence 
of  freemen  of  their  own  color. 

coirupt  character  of  the  free  blacks  in  America,  are  among  those  who  argue  the  most 
strongly  in  favor  of  sending  these  same  free  blacks  to  Africa,  on  the  ground  that  they  will 
Christianize  and  civilize  that  continent.  How  were  these  two  arguments  reconciled? 
Did  their  authors  try  to  reconcile  them  ? 


CHAPTER    XIX 
TERRITORIAL  QUESTIONS   OF  SLAVERY 

MOST  important  in  the  cause  of  anti-slavery  was  the  establish 
ment  of  an  area  of  freedom,  first  by  the  action  of  the  northeastern 
states  individually,  then  by  the  action  of  Congress,  in  the  Ordi 
nance  of  1787,  and  then  in  the  Missouri  Compromise.  In  none  of 
these  areas  of  freedom  was  slavery  nominally  reestablished,  al 
though  in  one  or  two  the  reestablishment  was  attempted,  and 
a  somewhat  hard-fought  battle  resulted. 

The  story  of  the  anti-slavery  struggle  in  Indiana  has  often  been 
told.  The  Ordinance  of  1787  prohibited  slavery  in  that  state  in 
common  with  the  rest  of  the  Northwest  Territory.  In  Ohio  there 
was  never  a  real  pro-slavery  agitation,  and  very  little  holding  of 
slaves  contrary  to  its  provisions.  Further  west  virtual  slaveholding 
was  more  common.  In  Indiana  there  were  many  held  as  slaves, 
and  many  others  brought  from  the  South  on  indentures,  or  as 
so-called  "apprentices,"  and  free  permission  to  hold  them  seemed 
to  many  of  the  settlers  a  boon  worth  a  considerable  effort  to  ob 
tain.  Hence  a  territorial  law,  passed  in  1807  and  in  force  till  1810, 
provided  that  owners  of  slaves  desiring  to  move  into  the  territory 
might  bring  their  slaves  with  them  and  bind  them  to  service  by  an 
indenture  for  whatever  time  the  master  and  slave  should  agree 
upon.  If  the  slave  would  not  consent  to  be  indentured  within  thirty 
days  after  arrival  he  was  not  freed,  and  the  owner  had  sixty  days 
to  remove  him  to  a  slave  state.  All  slaves  under  fifteen  thus  brought 
in  might  be  held  till  they  were  thirty-five  or  thirty-two,  according 
as  they  were  men  or  women.  All  children  of  indentured  servants 
were  considered  as  bound  to  the  ages  of  thirty  and  twenty-eight, 
respectively.1  This  system,  while  not  nominally  a  violation  of 
the  Ordinance  of  1787,  was  to  the  bondman  practical  slavery. 

Not  content  with  this  restricted  form  of  slavery,  some  inhabitants 
of  Indiana,  especially  in  the  southern  part  of  the  territory,  felt  that 

i  B.  A.  Hinsdale:  "The  Old  Northwest,"  p.  353. 
208 


Territorial  Questions  of  Slavery  209 

their  prosperity  would  be  greatly  increased  if  they  should  be  allowed 
to  import  laborers  who  should  practically  cost  nothing  in  wages, 
and  whose  hours  of  labor  might  be  regulated  by  the  master.  Con 
sequently  four  petitions,  chiefly  from  Knox  County,  were  sent  to 
the  Territorial  Legislature,  asking  that  that  body  would  pray  Con 
gress  for  a  repeal  of  the  anti-slavery  clause.  Other  residents  of 
the  territory  were  as  strongly  opposed  to  such  repeal,  and  pre 
sented  eleven  petitions,  principally  from  Dearborn  and  Clark 
Counties,  against  any  legal  admission  of  slavery.  The  Legislature 
refused  to  petition  Congress  for  a  change,  but  a  number  of  peti 
tions  from  the  inhabitants  of  the  territory  found  their  way  to  the 
national  House  of  Representatives,  where,  however,  they  met  with 
no  success.1  In  January,  1808,  a  petition  from  sundry  inhabit 
ants  of  Dearborn  County  was  read  in  the  House  of  Representa 
tives.  It  requested  a  transference  to  the  state  of  Ohio,  because  of 
an  act  of  the  Indiana  Territorial  Legislature  which  seemed  to 
them  distinctly  pro-slavery;  probably  the  indenture  act.2 

The  first  real  political  struggle  over  the  question  was  in  the  elec 
tion,  in  the  autumn  of  1808,  of  a  delegate  to  Congress  for  the  term 
beginning  in  1809.  During  that  summer  and  autumn  the  Indiana 
"Log  Convention"  did  its  work,  the  notices  of  the  meetings  being 
given  at  the  log-rollings  everywhere  in  the  neighborhood.3  Nearly 
the  whole  population  attended;  slavery  and  the  "southern  aris 
tocracy"  were  denounced,  and  the  determination  expressed  to 
nominate  an  anti-slavery  delegate  in  opposition  to  the  candidate  of 
their  opponents.  George  Hunt  was  nominated  as  delegate,  sub 
ject  to  revision  by  other  like  conventions.  Joseph  Holman,  a  lad 
of  twenty,  was  appointed  to  confer  with  the  settlers  in  other  sec 
tions.  If  they  had  already  met,  professed  the  same  views  as  Hol 
man  represented,  and  an  acceptable  candidate  had  been  appointed, 
Hunt's  name  was  to  be  withdrawn  in  his  favor.  The  result  was 
the  nomination  and  subsequent  election  of  Jonathan  Jennings,  ail 
anti-slavery  man.4  This  was  the  practical  end  of  the  struggle,  for 
Jennings  was  reflected  6  in  1810  and  1811 ;  the  indenture  act  was 


1  J.  P.  Dunn:  "Indiana:  A  Redemption  from  Slavery,"  pp.  367-370. 

2  Annals  of  Congress,  loth  Congress,  ist  Session,  1331. 

3  The  fullest  account  of  this  convention  is  in  A.  W.  Young:  "The  History  of  Wayne 
County,  Indiana,"  pp.  94,  95. 

*  Ibid.  p.  95;  W.  H.  Smith:  "The  History  of  the  State  of  Indiana,"  i.  188-189 
6  Smith:  "The  History  of  the  State  of  Indiana,"  i.  190. 
14 


2io  Territorial  Questions  of  Slavery 

repealed  *  in  1810,  and  the  repeal  was  confirmed  in  the  Council  by 
the  casting  vote  of  its  President. 

./When  Indiana  was  about  to  come  into  the  Union  in  1816,  the 
question  was  fitfully  debated,  the  constitutional  convention  ap 
parently  considering  slavery  the  most  important  point  before  it.2 
The  constitution  as  finally  adopted  prohibited  the  further  intro 
duction  of  slaves,  but  there  is  a  doubt  as  to  the  slaves  already  held. 
The  Bill  of  Rights  declared  all  men  "equally  free  and  independ 
ent,"  while  the  franchise  was  not  limited  to  whites.  Article  VIII 
prohibited  the  amendment  of  the  constitution  to  allow  slavery,  and 
Article  XI  prohibited  at  least  further  introduction  of  slaves  and  in 
dentures  made  out  of  the  state.  The  court  decisions  assumed  3 
that  this  article  intended  the  entire  prohibition  of  slavery.  Never 
theless  slaves  were  still  held  in  Indiana,  even  as  late  as  1840;  in- 
^  dented  negroes  were  sometimes  sold;  and  a  suit  for  freedom  was 
\  contested  for  five  years,  although  at  last  it  succeeded.4 

The  Indiana  fugitive  slave  act  of  1824  (declared  unconstitutional 
in  1850)  seems  to  show  an  anti-slavery  spirit.  It  allowed  the  claim 
ant  to  bring  the  fugitive  slave  before  any  justice  of  the  peace  for 
absolute  decision;  but  either  party  had  the  right  to  appeal,  and  in 
that  case  the  trial  was  to  be  before  a  jury.5 

The  most  characteristic  incident  in  the  anti-slavery  movement 
f  from  1808  to  1831  was  the  struggle  over  the  admission  of  Mis- 
/  ^souri  as  a  slave  state.  Without  going  into  the  details  of  the  con 
test,  the  question  whether  it  was  a  political  or  a  social  struggle  may 
be  considered.  Did  those  opposing  the  admission  argue  against 
slavery  per  se,  or  merely  against  the  adding  of  another  slave  state 
to  endanger  the  balance  of  power,  and  against  the  restriction  of 
the  rights  of  the  citizens  of  the  free  states  ?  It  was  undoubtedly  a 
political  struggle  for  the  balance  of  power,  but  the  evils  of  slavery 
and  the  argument  against  slavery  per  se  were  freely  discussed  in 
Congress  and  by  the  abolition  societies.  The  address  of  the  Penn 
sylvania  Abolition  Society,  after  the  passage  of  the  Compromise, 
expressed  8  satisfaction  at  the  "  limits  set  to  the  extension  of  this 
evil"  and  the  probability  that  some  parts  of  our  country  would  be 

1  Smith:  "  The  History  of  the  State  of  Indiana,"  p.  189;  Dunn:  "Indiana,"  p.  405. 

2  Dunn:  "Indiana,"  pp.  426-431. 

3  J.  C.  Kurd:  "The  Law  of  Freedom  and  Bondage,"  2.  127;  see  below,  p.  223. 
*  Smith:  "History  of  Indiana,"  i.  191;   Dunn:  "Indiana,"  p.  434. 

6  J.  C.  Hurd:  "Law  of  Freedom  and  Bondage,"  2.  129. 
'  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1821,  p.  10. 


Territorial  Questions  of  Slavery  211 

definitely  "saved  from  this  scourge  of  humanity."  The  Friends* 
Yearly  Meeting  sent  a  memorial  expressive  of  their  disapproval  of 
extension,  laying  little  or  no  stress  on  the  political  side  of  the 
question. 1 

Memorials  and  resolutions  were  adopted  by  many  State  Legis 
latures,  many  of  which  denounced  slavery  as  an  evil,  and  based 
the  opposition  on  moral  as  well  as  political  grounds.2  Pennsylvania 
stated  that  the  measure  proposed  "  to  spread  the  crimes  and  cruel 
ties  of  slavery  from  the  banks  of  the  Mississippi  to  the  shores  of 
the  Pacific."  The  resolutions  adopted  by  Vermont  were  to  this 
effect:  i.  slavery  is  a  moral  and  political  evil ;  2.  Congress  has  the 
right  to  prohibit  slavery  in  new  states;  3.  the  Legislature  "views 
with  regret"  the  attempt  to  make  Missouri  a  slave  state;  4.  the 
Senators  from  Vermont  were  instructed  to  use  all  legal  means 
against  slavery  in  Missouri.  Resolutions  passed  by  the  House  of 
Assembly  in  New  York  nearly  unanimously  made  no  mention  of 
political  issues,  declaring  simply  against  further  extension  of  slavery 
as  an  evil  to  be  deplored.3  * 

Other  resolutions  were  sent  from  mass  meetings  in  the  different 
states. i  The  Hartford  resolution  declared  slavery  to  be  an  evil,  and 
repugnant  to  republicanism.  The  Boston  meeting  states  that  "if 
the  progress  of  this  great  evil  is  ever  to  be  arrested  it  seems  to  the 
undersigned  that  this  is  the  time."  They  declared  against  the  in 
crease  of  slavery,  as  an  evil,  as  well  as  detrimental  to  the  rights 
of  the  citizens  of  the  free  states.  The  meeting  in  Chester  County, 
Pennsylvania,  pronounced  the  admission  of  Missouri  as  a  slave 

1  Annals  of  Congress,  i6th  Congress,  ist  Session,  739. 

2  Of  this  number  were:   Pennsylvania  in  1819  (Wm.  Darlington:   "Desultory  Re 
marks  on  the  Missouri  Question,"  pp.  5,  etc.,  quotations  from  the  American  Republican, 
(a  newspaper)  of  1819,  1820;  "Liberty,"  quotation  from  a  speech  by  Wm.  B.  Reed  in  the 
Pennsylvania  Legislature) ;  Ohio,  1819  or  1820  (Niks' Weekly  Register,  17.  399;  Annals 
of  Congress,  i6th  Congress,  ist  Session,  361);  and  Vermont  in  1820  (Annals  of  Congress, 
i6th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  78). 

3  Niles' Weekly  Register,  17.  399;    19.  192;   Annals  of  Congress,  i6th  Congress,  ist 
Session,  311. 

4  These  were  by  New  Jersey  (Niles'  Weekly  Register,  17.  189),  New  York  (Ibid.  17. 
199),  Chester  County,  Pennsylvania  (Darlington:    "The  Missouri  Question,"  p.  4), 
Boston,  Mass.  (Pamphlet  copy);    Niles' Weekly  Register  17.  241,  Baltimore,  Maryland 
(Niles'  Weekly  Register,  17.  304),  and  Hartford,  Conn.  (American  State  Papers,  Misc. 
Vol.  2,  No.  481,  p.  572;  Annals  of  Congress,  i6th  Congress,  ist  Session,  2457),  in  1819; 
and  from  Rhode  Island  (American  State  Papers,  Misc.  Vol.  2,  No.  479,  p.  568;  Annals  of 
Congress,  i6th  Congress,  ist  Session,  2452),  and  New  Haven,  Conn.  (Annals  of  Congress, 
i6th  Congress,  ist  Session,  69),  in  1820.    The  resolution  from  Chester  County,  Penn.  may 
have  been  the  same  as  that  presented  to  the  Senate  by  Mr.  Sergeant  in  December,  1819, 
as  from  Philadelphia  (Niles'  Weekly  Register,  17.  241 ;  Annals  of  Congress,  i6th  Congress, 
ist  Session,  737).    That  from  Baltimore  may  not  have  been  truly  anti-slavery. 


212  Territorial  Questions  of  Slavery 

state  both  impolitic  and  unjust.  Darlington  stated  that  its  leaders 
were  neither  " Federalists"  nor  "fanatics."  They  resolved  that  all 
counties  should  be  asked  to  hold  similar  meetings  and  a  circular 
was  sent  to  the  representatives  of  the  state  in  Congress.  This  does 
not  necessarily  imply  a  denunciation  of  slavery  from  the  moral 
standpoint,  but  the  speech  of  the  member  of  Congress  from 
Chester  County,  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  is  full  of  argu 
ments  from  that  point  of  view,  and  we  are  justified  in  believing 
that  it  was  not  overlooked  in  the  meeting. 

The  meeting  at  New  York  was,  perhaps,  more  productive  of 
results  than  those  already  mentioned.  Slavery  per  se  was  de 
nounced,  and  an  "  Address  to  the  American  People"  prepared.  It 
was  probably  this  address  which  led  to  the  meeting  at  Newport, 
Rhode  Island,  which  was  held  at  the  State  House.  The  circular 
letter  from  New  York  was  read,  and  resolutions  passed  denounc 
ing  slavery  as  inconsistent  with  the  genius  of  our  republican  insti 
tutions  ;  as  producing  fatal  effects  on  the  principles  and  the  morals 
of  men;  and  its  extension  as  an  insurmountable  obstacle  to  the 
practical  stoppage  of  the  slave  trade.  In  these  resolutions  which 
were  read  in  the  Senate  in  January,  1820,  there  is  no  mention  of 
the  right  of  citizens,  the  entire  argument  is  against  slavery  per  se. 

Individuals  also  published  in  the  various  periodicals  of  the 
country  denunciations  of  slavery  and  its  extension  into  Missouri. 
"A  Pennsylvania  Democrat"  wrote  *  to  the  American  Republican 
of  December  28,  1819,  declaring  that  in  his  opinion  the  propaga 
tion  of  slavery  in  new  states  was  as  "abhorrent"  as  the  slave  trade, 
"and  equally  unworthy  of  a  people  professing  the  principles  of 
liberty."  He  believed  that  it  would  really  promote  the  slave  trade. 
"We  love  our  country,"  he  says,  "and  it  is  because  of  this  love, 
that  we  raise  our  voices  against  the  further  extension  of  that  dead 
liest  foe  to  our  country's  happiness  —  human  slavery."  Another 
letter  on  January  u,  1820,  signed  "A  Pennsylvanian,"  declared2 
that  no  American  ever  yet  dared  to  vindicate  human  slavery  in  the 
abstract,  or  to  justify  the  bondage  of  his  fellow-man  upon  any  plea 
but  necessity. 

Four  pamphlets  issued  in  Connecticut  in  1820  are  among  the 
most  interesting  anti-slavery  publications  in  these  years.  The  first 

1  William  Darlington:  "Desultory  Remarks  on  the  Missouri  Question,"  pp.  8-10. 

2  Ibid.  p.  10. 


Territorial  Questions  of  Slavery  213 

declares  *  decidedly  that  slavery  is  "intrinsically  wrong"  and  that 
its  moral  consequences  are  precisely  what  might  be  expected  from 
the  violation  of  the  laws  of  God  and  of  nature.  Another  2  is  against 
slavery  per  se;  the  author  shudders  at  the  thought  that  the  ques 
tion  is  to  be  decided  by  a  fallible  tribunal.  "It  is  a  disgrace  to 
the  American  name.  It  is  a  blot  on  the  human  character." 
"African  slavery  originates  in  treachery  and  violence,  bloodshed 
and  murder."  He  speaks  of  the  dangers  of  arbitrary  power,  of  the 
evils  of  the  slave  codes,  the  inconsistency  of  slavery  and  republi 
canism,  the  dangers  arising  from  a  preponderance  of  the  blacks, 
the  degradation  of  labor,  and  the  moral  degradation  of  slavery. 
The  third,3  printed  at  the  same  place,  perhaps  by  the  same  author, 
is  no  less  vigorous.  It  says:  "Those  who  justify  African  slavery 
deny  the  truth  of  God,  by  claiming  that  he  has  not  made  of  one 
blood  all  the  '  sons  of  men.' "  The  fourth  4  of  these  pamphlets 
purports  to  be  a  proclamation  from  the  state  of  Virginia  to  the  free 
states.  It  is  decidedly  satirical,  for  while  nominally  upholding 
slavery  and  its  increase,  it  is  in  reality  a  strong  plea  against  it.  It 
certainly  seems  likely  to  have  caused  as  much  ill-feeling  as  any  of 
the  writings  of  Garrison,  provided  it  was  circulated  at  the  South. 
It  begins: 

"The  High  and  Mighty,  the  Burgesses  of  the  Royal  State  of 
Virginia,  to  the  people  of  the  non-slave-holding  States  —  A  Procla 
mation.  The  welfare  and  happiness  of  the  body  politic,  depends 
on  the  subordination  of  the  inferior  members  to  the  head.  This  is 
most  happily  illustrated  by  the  subjection  of  the  slave  to  his  mas 
ter,  in  our  system  of  domestic  slavery,  which  places  under  our 
absolute  and  individual  controul,  in  many  instances,  hundreds  of 
human  beings,  thereby  impressing  on  our  minds,  and  on  the  minds 
of  our  children,  correct  ideas  of  freedom  and  republican  principles. 
This  is  manifested  by  a  dignified  air,  arising  from  a  sense  of  supe 
riority,  and  by  an  unabashed  adherence,  at  all  hazards,  to  what 
ever  may  tend  to  our  own  gratification  and  interest.  .  .  .  Notwith 
standing  these  and  other  equally  imperative  claims,  there  has 
appeared  in  the  non-slave-holding  States  a  stubborn  spirit,  rising 

1  A  pamphlet  entitled  "A  Caveat,  or  considerations  vs.  the  Admission  of  Missouri 
with  Slavery";   see  especially,  p.  21. 

2  "The  Crisis,  No.  i,"  published  in  1820  in  New  Haven,  Conn.,  and  distinctly  said  to 
have  been  occasioned  by  the  Missouri  agitation. 

3  "The  Crisis,  No.  2,"  published  at  the  same  place,  and  by  the  same  author.    See 
especially  p.  6.  4  "Pocahontas;   a  Proclamation." 


214  Territorial  Questions  of  Slavery 

up  against  our  reasonable  requisitions,  and  which  has  been  pecul 
iarly  manifested  on  the  Missouri  bill,  involving  a  question  which 
they  presumed  to  moot,  respecting  the  right  of  the  slave-holding 
States  to  extend  slavery.  This  spirit  has  been  engendered  no  doubt 
by  the  chagrin  which  they  felt  at  seeing  our  royal  state  of  Virginia, 
and  her  subsidiary  slave-holding  states  rising,  by  this  measure,  to 
such  political  importance,  that  we  shall  soon  be  able  to  place  our 
foot,  and  the  yoke  of  our  power  on  the  necks  of  the  contumacious. 
Envious,  too,  at  our  superior  attainments,  unalloyed  by  bodily 
exertion,  which  result  from  that  blessed  system,  by  which  we  are 
able  to  reverse  the  primitive  enunciation,  '  In  the  sweat  of  thy  face 
shalt  thou  eat  bread,'  and  to  discard  the  subsequent  injunction, 
'If  any  would  not  work,  neither  should  he  eat.'  The  declaration 
that  God  made  of  one  blood,  all  the  sons  of  men,  must  be  con 
strued  in  a  qualified  sense,  and  is  answered  by  this  inquiry,  did 
God  make  of  one  blood  the  pampered,  high-bred,  dandy-cut, 
ladylike  Virginian,  and  the  miserable,  untaught,  score  backed, 
shackle  galled  African?  The  threadbare  tales,  that  all  men  'are 
created  equal,  that  they  are  endued  with  certain  unalienable  rights, 
among  which  are  life,  liberty,  &c.'  are  well  selected  topics  of  de 
fiance,  when  holding  these  declarations  in  one  hand,  and  the  sword 
in  the  other;  but  do  nature,  or  liberal-minded  individuals,  regard 
such  appeals,  when  urged  by  wretched  suppliants  ?  .  .  .  We  do  now 
most  strictly  and  solemnly  enjoin  all  the  people  of  the  non-slave- 
holding  States  to  desist  from  any  attempts,  he/eafter,  to  oppose 
the  will  or  wishes  of  their  rightful  lords,  the  slaveholders  and  their 
associates.  .  .  .  Then  every  neck  shall  bow,  and  every  knee  shall 
bend  in  token  of  their  submission.  The  laws  prohibiting  the  im 
portation  of  slaves  shall  be  repealed.  The  laws  prohibiting  the 
domestic  slave  trade,  and  slavery,  those  birthrights  of  the  South, 
shall  be  removed.  .  .  .  Our  manufacturies,  or  slave-breeding  estab 
lishments  shall  flourish,  Slave  dealers,  kidnappers,  and  negro 
drivers  shall  run  to  and  fro  through  the  land,  and  shall  greatly 
multiply.  .  .  .  When  slavery  shall  thus  arrive  to  its  maximum  of  in 
crease,  and  extent,  then,  and  not  till  then,  shall  the  lords  and  people 
of  the  slave-holding  States  arrive  to  their  maximum  of  enjoyment 
and  earthly  happiness ! 

"Given  at  our  imperial  city  of  Richmond,  the   first  year  of 
the  crusade  for  unlimited  slavery !  " 


Territorial  Questions  of  Slavery  215 

Mass  meetings  of  Northerners  might  perhaps  reflect  the  feelings 
of  a  few  radical  abolitionists ;  and  Northern  Legislatures  might  be 
willing  as  a  body  to  utter  words  and  pass  resolutions  much  more 
radical  than  they  would  be  willing  to  utter  in  the  presence  of  strong 
Southern  sympathizers.  Individuals,  also,  might  write  over  a  nom 
de  plume  stronger  words  than  they  would  like  to  be  held  responsi 
ble  for  by  the  general  public.  It  is  true  that  such  words  as  have 
already  been  quoted  might  not  have  had  much  influence  upon  leg 
islation,  and  are  not  in  reality  a  part  of  the  discussion  of  the  ques 
tion  in  the  only  body  where  such  discussions  were  of  importance 
to  the  passage  of  the  bill.  Better  evidence  is  the  language  of  those 
members  of  Congress  who  were  willing  to  put  themselves  on  record 
as  opposing  slavery  per  se,  when  face  to  face  with  its  ardent 
upholders. 

The  member  of  Congress  from  Chester  County,  Pennsylvania, 
to  whom  reference  has  already  been  made,  declared  *  that  the  prop 
osition  to  prohibit  slavery  in  Missouri  was  merely  for  the  purpose 
of  securing  that  state  from  "the  dreadful  curse  of  slavery";  that 
slavery  was  universally  considered  a  great  moral  and  political 
evil,  and  that  it  was  the  duty  of  other  states  to  interfere,  because  it 
affected  their  posterity.  Slavery  "  is  a  malignant  disease  upon  the 
body  politic,"  he  adds.  Taylor  of  New  York  called  upon  the 
South  to  exclude  slavery  from  Missouri,  because  they  had  often 
said  that  it  was  a  sin,  and  deplored  it.  If  they  did  not  exclude  it 
they  were  hypocrites.2  Morrill  of  New  Hampshire  called  slavery 
a  plague.3  "It  innoculates  like  contagious  disorders,"  he  said, 
"will  you  diffuse  without  limits  this  destructive  evil?"  Plumer  of 
New  Hampshire  spoke  *  of  the  "foul  plague"  and  "injustice"  of 
slavery.  "What  is  morally  wrong  can  never  be  politically  right" 
seemed  to  him  an  unanswerable  argument.  "  We  think  of  slavery 
as  if  it  were  an  evil,  merely,"  he  said,  "and  forget  that  it  is  also  a 
crime.  .  .  .  Slavery  is  in  itself,  by  the  laws  of  God  and  of  nature,  a 
moral  offence."  Later  he  calls  it  "this  pestiferous  institution." 
Cushman  of  Maine  felt5  that  the  institution  must  "have  an  effect 
in  some  instances  injurious  to  the  finer  feelings  of  the  heart." 
"Sir,"  he  declared,  "could  I  even  reflect  with  indifference  on  such 

1  Darlington:   "The  Missouri  Question,"  pp.  19-25. 

2  Annals  of  Congress,  i5th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  1174. 

3  Ibid.  1 6th  Congress,  ist  Session,  148. 

4  Ibid.  1411-1440.  5  Ibid.  i6th  Congress,  and  Session,  1016. 


216  Territorial  Questions  of  Slavery 

scenes  of  agony  and  human  woe,  I  should  be  ashamed  to  claim 
kindred  with  the  human  race."  Foote  of  Connecticut  detested 
slavery,  but  believed  that  Congress  had  not  the  power  to  prevent 
its  extension.1  Sergeant  of  Pennsylvania  stated  slavery  to  be  a 
great  moral  and  political  evil,  and  asks  "Why  should  we  spread  an 
acknowledged  evil?  "  2 

John  Quincy  Adams,  in  his  diary  3  of  the  events  of  this  period, 
uses  strong  words  against  Southern  slavocracy,  and  characterizes 
slavery  as  the  great  and  foul  stain  upon  the  North  American  Union. 
The  Missouri  Compromise  was  "  a  dishonorable  compromise  with 
slavery."  Still  he  favored  it  as  the  best  possible  under  the  existing 
constitution.  "But  perhaps,"  he  continued,  "it  would  have  been 
a  wiser  as  well  as  a  bolder  course  to  have1  persisted  in  the  restric 
tion,"  even  though  it  meant  the  dissolution  of  the  Union.  The 
temporary  dissolution  of  the  existing  Union  he  would  consider  a 
small  evil,  if  by  its  means  slavery  could  be  abolished,  and  a  new 
and  stronger  Union  formed  on  the  basis  of  universal  freedom. 

Benton  was  so  sure  that  the  whole  Missouri  agitation  took  its 
rise  from  the  substance  of  two  speeches  in  the  House  of  Represen 
tatives  that  he  urged  4  that  henceforth  no  anti-slavery  speech  from 
the  North  should  be  disregarded.  He  admitted  that  no  Southerner 
could  be  found  who  was  ready  to  defend  slavery  in  the  abstract. 
They  were,  however,  more  ready  to  defend  the  institution  since 
the  attack  upon  it  by  the  North.  The  whole  tenor  of  Benton's 
argument  shows  that  he  considered  the  struggle  not  merely  one  for 
precedence,  but  distinctly  against  the  institution  of  slavery.  No 
doubt  the  struggle  had  the  simply  political  side ;  many  of  the  men 
who  spent  all  their  strength  in  the  contest  looked  upon  it  merely 
as  a  struggle  for  the  balance  of  power;  but  some,  at  least,  saw  a 
chance  for  fighting  slavery  per  se  in  this  effort  to  make  it  a  more 
prominent  feature  in  the  Union,  and  to  spread  it  into  territory  in 
which  it  had  never  taken  root. 

It  is  remarkable  that  after  the  tremendous  excitement  over 
slavery  in  Missouri,  the  institution  should  almost  have  been  estab 
lished  in  the  free  state  of  Illinois.  No  petition  against  the  Ordi 
nance  of  1787  seems  to  have  been  made  in  Illinois  prior  to  1813, 

1  Annals  of  Congress,  i6th  Congress,  ist  Session,  1171. 

2  Ibid.  1206. 

3  John  Quincy  Adams:    Diary,  4.  492,  524,  531;    5.  4,  6,  10,  n,  12. 

4  Benton:  "A  Thirty  Years'  View,"  i.  136. 


Territorial  Questions  of  Slavery  217 

although  as  slaves  had  been  freely  held  by  the  French  settlers,  the 
institution  existed  there.  In  1812  the  Legislature  prohibited  the 
immigration  of  free  negroes,  and  ordered  the  registration  of  all 
then  in  the  territory;  violation  of  either  law  was  subject  to  severe 
penalties.1  In  1813  they  petitioned  Congress  to  allow  the  holding 
of  slaves  to  work  in  the  salt  mines  in  Shawneetown.  There  seems 
to  have  been  no  action  on  the  petition,  save  its  reference  to  a  select 
committee.2  Since  no  result  came  from  this  petition  the  territorial 
Legislature  apparently  took  the  matter  into  its  own  hands,  and 
passed  a  law  providing  that  slaves  might,  with  the  consent  of  their 
owners,  hire  themselves  for  work  in  Illinois,  such  action  not  being 
considered  as  in  any  way  affecting  the  master's  right  of  property 
in  the  State  where  they  belonged.3 

The  constitution  of  Illinois,  adopted  in  1816,  like  that  of  Indiana, 
was  ambiguous  on  slavery.4  Talmadge  of  New  York  expressed 
himself  in  Congress  as  thinking  that  slavery  was  not  sufficiently 
prohibited,  but  the  constitution  was  finally  accepted,  and  Illinois 
admitted.  A  law  in  1819  at  once  raised  a  new  doubt.  It  provided 
that  all  negroes  without  certificates  of  freedom  should  be  arrested 
as  runaways,  hired  out  and  advertised.  If  not  claimed  within  a 
year,  however,  they  were  to  be  given  certificates  of  freedom. 5 

The  real  anti-slavery  struggle  in  Illinois  began  in  1822.  There  y] 
were  over  nine  hundred  slaves  held  6  there  at  that  time,  and  pro- 
slavery  sentiment  was  active.  Runaway  slaves  were  advertised  in 
the  newspapers,7  and  the  pro-slavery  advocates  had  become  so 
numerous  that  it  was  only  through  a  break  in  their  ranks  that  an 
anti-slavery  governor,  Edward  Coles,  was  elected.  The  majority 
of  the  Legislature  was  pro-slavery,  or  unwilling  to  use  their  in 
fluence  for  anti-slavery  measures.  Governor  Coles  in  his  message 
in  1822  roused  the  slavery  upholders  by  the  recommendation  of  i 
a  law  liberating  the  slaves  of  the  French,  and  the  repeal  of  the 
Black  Code.  The  first  act  of  the  Legislature  was  to  appoint  a  com-; 
mittee  on  this  particular  part  of  the  message.  They  reported  in? 

1  Hinsdale:  "The  Old  Northwest,"  p.  354. 

2  Annals  of  Congress,  i2th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  883. 

3  Hinsdale:  "The  Old  Northwest,"  p.  354. 

4  Ibid.  p.  359;    Annals  of  Congress,  isth  Congress,  2nd  Session,  306;    J.  C.  Kurd. 
"Law  of  Freedom  and  Bondage,"  2.  132,  133;  Niles'  Weekly  Register,  15.  96. 

5  Kurd:  "Law  of  Freedom  and  Bondage,"  2.  134,  135;  see  note  p.  135. 

6  See  Table,  Chapter  I. 

7  Illinois  Gazette,  Shawneetown,  111.,  Mar.  2,  1822. 


218  Territorial  Questions  of  Slavery 

favor  of  a  Convention  to  alter  the  constitution  so  as  to  allow 
slavery,  contending  that  although  no  state  formed  from  the  old 
Northwest  Territory  could  be  admitted  as  a  slave  state,  yet  after 
its  admission  it  was  free  to  do  as  it  pleased  in  the  matter.  The 
details  of  the  struggle  are  well  known ;  the  manipulation  of  the  elec 
tions  to  secure  a  majority  in  favor  of  the  Convention  resolution, 
the  vigorous  fight  carried  on  for  two  years  by  both  sides,  and  the 
final  victory  for  freedom.1 

It  is  a  curious  and  interesting  fact  that  Governor  Coles,  Daniel 
P.  Cook  (the  Congressman),  and  ten  out  of  the  eighteen  members 
.  v  of  the  Legislature  who  voted  and  worked  against  the  Convention, 
were  originally  from  slave  states;  while  four  of  the  leading  spirits 
who  advocated  the  Convention  were  from  the  free  states:  two 
from  New  York  and  two  from  Pennsylvania.2 

Pamphlets  and  newspaper  articles  in  plenty  were  published  in 
the  free  states  by  the  friends  of  liberty  in  Illinois,  and  sent  to  that 
state  for  free  distribution.  These  pamphlets  laid  the  greatest  stress 
\)  upon  the  economic  side  of  the  question,  —  the  dearness  of  slave 
labor,  and  the  steadily  decreasing  value  of  slave-tilled  land.  It 
was  not  esteemed  wise  to  animadvert  upon  the  moral  evil  of  slavery 
at  the  expense  of  the  economic,  for  the  pro-slavery  agitators  ap 
pealed  to  the  supposed  greater  prosperity  to  be  obtained  from  the 
holding  of  slaves.  Consequently  we  do  not  find  in  the  publications 
of  this  struggle  much  discussion  of  the  moral  standpoint.  One 
pamphlet,  "  Remarks  addressed  to  Citizens  of  Illinois  on  the  pro 
posed  introduction  of  Slavery"  spoke  of  slavery  as  contrary  to  the 
Golden  Rule  and  the  principles  of  the  Declaration  of  Independ- 
\,  ence,  and  declared  that  the  founders  of  the  nation  deplored  it  and 
expected  it  to  cease.3  But  even  here  the  greater  portion  of  the 
argument  was  from  the  economic  standpoint,  —  quotations  from 
the  experience  of  other  states,  and  prophecies  of  evil  to  the 
laboring  classes  and  landholders  alike. 

Several  anti-slavery  societies  formed  during  this  struggle  with 

V  the  purpose  of  preventing  the  admission  of  slavery  into  Illinois 

remained  in  existence  later,  and  took  their  part  in  the  fight  against 

1  Washburne:   "Sketch  of  Edward  Coles,"  pp.  65-91;    Wm.  H.  Brown:    "An  His 
torical  Sketch  of  the  Early  Movement  in  Illinois  for  the  Legalization  of  Slavery  "  (1865). 

2  John  Moses:   "Illinois,  Historical  and  Statistical,"  i.  324;    Washburne:   "Sketch 
of  Edward  Coles,"  pp.  105-118. 

3  Pamphlet  copy,  p.  4. 


Territorial  Questions  of  Slavery  219 

slavery  in  the  later  period.  Such  were  the  societies  formed  in  St. 
Clair  County  by  John  M.  Peck,  which  soon  had  fourteen  auxili 
aries  in  as  many  counties,1  the  society  at  Edwardsville  and  many 
others. 

Morris  Birkbeck,  an  English  settler,  wrote  the  appeal  to  the 
people  of  Illinois  by  the  minority.  It  is  a  history  of  the  struggle, 
describing  the  means  used  in  the  Legislature  to  procure  a  vote  for 
the  Convention,  and  denouncing  slavery  from  all  points  of  view, 
moral,  political  and  economic.2  In  the  latter  part  of  the  pamphlet 
Birkbeck  said:3  "A  dreadful  inheritance  is  slavery,  —  even  for 
those  who  inflict  it !  There  is  no  need  to  expatiate  on  the  evils  of 
slavery;  they  are  too  well  understood  in  this  country  to  require 
description.  We  all  know  —  its  advocates  themselves  know  — 
that  it  comprehends  every  shade  of  crime,  every  degree  of  misery. 
And  shall  we,  the  free  citizens  of  Illinois,  hold,  forth  our  arms  to 
embrace  this  monster?  Shall  we  invite  slavery  with  its  train  of 
crimes  and  calamities,  and  leave  it  a  curse  to  our  posterity  for  the 
sake  of  a  little  present  convenience,  a  little  temporary,  precarious 
profit?" 

The  fight  was  a  hard  one ;  many  who  acknowledged  slavery  to  ! 
be  a  curse  were  still  anxious  to  introduce  it,  because  they  believed  ; 
it  would  raise  the  price  of  the  land  they  wished  to  sell.4     Others/ 
revolted  against  outside  influence  from  Pennsylvania  and  other  free 
states,  and  hence  the  source  of  the  most  of  the  anti-slavery  material 
sent  from  those  states  was  kept  a  secret.    The  contest  was,  however, 
successful  at  last,  and  the  attempt  to  admit  slavery  into  a  state 
where  it  had  once  been  prohibited  was  a  failure. 

Though  Texas  loomed  up  after  1825,  the  only  other  territorial 
question  in  which  the  anti-slavery  people  could  use  their  influence 
was  the  status  of  the  District  of  Columbia.  No  one  ever  doubted 
the  right  of  Congress  to  legislate  for  the  District,  and  its  failure  to 
act  against  slavery  there  was  always  regarded  as  conclusive  proof 
that  the  pro-slavery  interest  was  strongest  in  that  body.  Among  the 
earliest  anti-slavery  petitions  were  some  against  slavery  at  the  capi 
tal,  and  memorials  and  petitions  on  the  subject  were  exceedingly 

1  Washburne:   "Sketch  of  Edward  Coles,"  p.  170. 

2  Pamphlet  copy;    quotations  in  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  2.  140,  156, 
158,  from  the  Edwardsville  Spectator  and  Illinois  Intelligencer;  Monthly  Review,  103. 
171-179. 

3  Pamphlet  copy,  pp.  10,  n. 

4  Blane :   "Excursion  through  the  United  States,"  p.  170. 


22O  Territorial  Questions  of  Slavery 

numerous.  Those  from  the  American  Convention  have  already 
been  quoted.1  In  1826  the  inhabitants  of  Baltimore  prepared  a 
memorial,  received  in  February,  1827,  asking  for  a  law  freeing  the 
post  nati  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  and  denouncing  slavery  as  at 
war  with  the  fundamental  principles  of  the  government,  promoting 
idleness  and  encouraging  vice,  incompatible  with  the  Christian 
religion,  and  weakening  to  the  nation.  There  was  some  opposition, 
but  signatures  increased  fast.2  The  motion  in  Congress  to  print 
was  combated  on  the  ground  that  the  people  of  the  District  of 
Columbia  would  lose  their  liberty  if  slavery  were  abolished  except 
at  their  own  request,  and  also  because  it  "  breathed  the  spirit  of 
general  emancipation."  3  For  a  time  Congress  seemed  safe  in  its 
assertion  that  the  people  of  the  District  of  Columbia  did  not  them 
selves  wish  for  abolition,  but  in  1828  a  petition  from  the  inhabit 
ants  of  the  District  with  one  thousand  and  sixty  signatures,  was 
presented.  It  does  not  violently  denounce  slavery,  but  it  still 
speaks  of  the  tendency  of  slavery  to  corrupt  the  people,  and  to 
diminish  the  resources  of  the  community.4 

The  Legislature  of  Pennsylvania  passed  almost  unanimously 
in  1828  a  resolution  to  instruct  and  request  the  members  of  Congress 
from  that  state  to  procure,  if  practicable,  the  passage  of  a  law  to 
abolish  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia  in  such  a  manner  as 
they  may  consider  consistent  with  the  rights  of  individuals  and  the 
constitution  of  the  United  States.5  In  New  York  there  was  an 
attempt  in  February,  1829,  to  do  the  same  thing,  but  for  political 
reasons  it  failed.6 

The  first  real  discussion  in  Congress  on  the  subject  of  slavery  in 

\  the  District  of  Columbia  between  1808  and  1831,  was  in  December, 

1826,  in  reference  to  the  imprisonment  of  the  free  blacks,  to  which 

especial  attention  had  just  then  been  called,  through  the  case  of 

Gilbert  Horton.7    Miner's  amendment  directing  inquiry  in  regard 

1  See  above,  pp.  159,  163,  185-189. 

2  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  6.  103,  133. 

3  Register  of  Debates,  igth  Congress,  2nd  Session,  1099.     A  similar  petition  is  re 
ferred  to  in  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation  nearly  a  year  later  (8.  4). 

4  From  a  pamphlet  copy  printed  as  a  House  Document.    See  above,  pp.  49,  50. 

5  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention  for  1829,  p.  24;    Birney:  "James  G.  Birney 
and  His  Times,"  p.  411;    Register  of  Debates,  2oth  Congress,  2nd  Session,  167,  180; 
Niles'  Weekly  Register,  35,  363. 

6  Niles'  Weekly  Register,  35.  433;   Register  of  Debates,  2oth  Congress,  2nd  Session, 
167,  175,  191.    It  is  said  to  have  passed  the  Assembly  on  Jan.  28,  1829  (Birney:  "J.  G. 
Birney,"  p.  412). 

7  Register  of  Debates,  igth  Congress,  2nd  Session,  555. 


Territorial  Questions  of  Slavery  221 

to  the  expediency  of  gradual  abolition  was  decided  to  be  inadmis 
sible  as  an  amendment,  and  was  withdrawn.1  The  committee  to 
whom  the  other  question  was  referred  reported  favorably,  on  the 
whole,  but  no  action  was  taken.2  On  January  6,  1829,  Miner  pre 
sented  a  preamble  and  resolutions  for  an  enquiry  into  the  facts  of 
slavery  in  the  District,  and  the  practicability  of  its  gradual  aboli 
tion.  His  resolutions  were  passed  by  the  House,  after  a  discussion 
principally  on  the  preamble  which  declared  that  the  question  had 
been  neglected,  and  that  many  abuses  had  sprung  up.3  But  noth 
ing  was  really  done  in  the  matter,  and  the  District  remained  open 
to  slavery. 

1  Register  of  Debates,  igth  Congress,  and  Session,    558. 

2  Ibid.  654;    Congressional  Papers,   Rep.  No.  43,  H.  of  R.,   i9th   Congress,  and 
Session. 

3  Register  of  Debates,  2oth  Congress,  2nd  Session,  167,  175,  191,  etc. 


CHAPTER  XX 
COURT  DECISIONS  :    QUESTIONS   OF  FREEDOM 

ONE  of  the  most  instructive  and  telling  aspects  of  the  slavery 
question  is  that  presented  by  the  court  decisions  of  both  the  South 
and  the  North.  Though  they  followed  legal  rules  and  precedents, 
they  often  reflected  the  private  sentiment  of  the  judge  in  regard  to 
slavery,  which  was  probably  the  average  of  public  opinion  among 
educated  men.  They  also  show  the  actual  status  of  the  negro,  and 
the  distance  to  which  a  judge  could  and  would  go  in  his  favor  when 
opposed  to  white  men.  There  are  few  cases  in  the  Northern  courts 
after  1808,  in  comparison  with  those  at  the  South,  but  those  few 
are  of  much  importance.  We  have  very  few  records  *  of  trials  in 
the  lower  courts  of  either  the  South  or  the  North,  but  the  appeals, 
and  the  trials  in  the  United  States  Courts  present  an  amount  of 
material  sufficient  for  independent  treatment,  should  all  details  and 
classifications  be  completely  studied  and  discussed. 

Three  decisions  concerned  the  legality  or  illegality  of  slavery  in 
Northern  states.  Polly,  a  woman  of  color,  was  brought  before  the 
Knox  Circuit  Court  of  Indiana  on  a  writ  of  habeas  corpus.  The 
defendant,  Lasselle,  plead  that  he  had  bought  her  before  the  cession 
of  the  territory  to  the  United  States,  and  that  therefore  she  was  a 
slave.  The  court  gave  her  back  to  Lasselle,  whereupon  an  appeal 
was  taken,  in  July,  1820,  to  the  Indiana  Supreme  Court,  which 
held  that  "  slavery  is  entirely  prohibited  within  the  State  of  Indiana 
by  the  express  words  of  the  constitution,"  and  Polly_was  accord- 
ingly  given  her  freedom.2  This  interpretation  of  the  constitution 

1  It  is  to  be  regretted  that  the  reports  of  the  lower  courts  of  North  and  South  alike 
were  not  printed  and  preserved,  for  thus  much  more  valuable  material  would  have  been 
available.     This  is  perhaps  especially  true  of  the  South,  where  nearly  all  the  trials  of 
negroes  were  confined  to  these  courts.     Contemporary  writers  of  articles  in  periodicals, 
and  a  rare  instance  of  reference  in  the  report  of  a  higher  court,  are  all  upon  which  we  can 
rely  in  the  case  of  by  far  the  larger  part  of  the  trials  where  the  slave  or  the  free  black  came 
before  the  law.    This  is  still  more  true  with  regard  to  trials  in  the  slave  states  where  the 
trial  had  no  concern  with  the  freedom  or  bondage  of  the  negro.    Such  cases  of  this  sort 
as  have  been  found  are  considered  in  the  next  chapter. 

2  J.  D.  Wheeler:  "A  Practical  Treatise  on  the  Law  of  Slavery,"  p.  352;  J.  C.  Hurd: 
"The  Law  of  Freedom  and  Bondage,"  2.127;  i  Blackford,  60.   The  State  vs.  Lasselle. 

222 


Court  Decisions:   Questions  of  Freedom  223 

of  Indiana  was  accepted  by  several  Southern  courts,  especially  of 
Missouri  and  Louisiana.1  The  New  York  Court  of  Common  Pleas 
at  Onondaga  held  2  in  1821  "that  slavery  cannot  exist  under  the 
constitution  of  New  York."  The  frame  of  mind  of  some  free  state 
judges  is  reflected  in  a  Vermont  case,  of  which  no  official  report 
can  be  found.  The  Vermont  Patriot  stated  in  1829  that  "several 
years  since"  a  slave  escaped  from  New  York  to  Vermont,  and 
hired  himself  to  a  farmer.  He  was  found  by  his  master  and  taken 
into  court,  where  several  witnesses  were  brought  to  prove  him  a 
slave.  The  judge,  however,  declared  that  no  proof- was  sufficient 
in  his  estimation  except  "a  bill  of  sale  from  the  Almighty."  3 

In  at  least  two  cases  the  Indenture  Law  of  Indiana  was  assailed 
as  in  conflict  with  the  Ordinance  of  1787,  and  therefore  not  capable 
of  enforcement.4  In  one  of  them  the  negro  was  said  to  be  offered 
by  the  indenture  law  the  choice  between  two  evils:  to  be  taken 
back  to  a  slave  state  and  be  a  slave  for  life.,  or  to  stay  in  Indiana 
and  be  a  slave  for  a  term  of  years,  very  likely  covering  h^  life. 

North  and  South  alike  the  negro  who  was  certainly  free  was  pro 
tected  in  his  freedom.  Nobody  approved  of  the  kidnapper,  and 
he  was  usually  punished  where  legal  evidence  was  obtainable.  In 
New  York,  in  1817,  a  kidnapper  was  sentenced  to  three  years  in 
the  penitentiary.  No  fine  was  imposed  because  the  negroes  set 
free  had  cost  him  several  thousand  dollars.5  In  a  flagrant  case  in 
Indiana,  a  justice  arrested  a  free  negro  for  the  purpose  of  running 
him  out  of  the  state.6  The  negro  recovered  $1000  damages  at  the 
Charlestown  court,  "and,  I  believe,"  says  the  writer  who  relates 
the  incident,  "if  he  had  laid  them  at  quadruple,  the  jury  would 
have  given  him  every  cent." 

Many  cases  occurring  at  the  South  were  treated  with  no  less 
severity.  Two  kidnappers  in  Maryland,  one  in  i8i77  and  the 
other  in  182 1,8  were  each  sent  to  the  penitentiary  for  five  years. 
In  Delaware  two  men  of  "respectable  connections,"  convicted  of 

1  See  below,  pp.  228-230. 

2  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  i.  12.    Were  we  to  have  the  official  report  of 
this  decision  it  might  explain  its  apparent  discrepancy  with  facts. 

3  Hid.  10.  33. 

4  Kurd:    "Law  of  Freedom  and  Bondage,"  2.  127  (Mary  Clark,   1821),  and  125 
(Phoebe  vs.  Jay,  1828). 

5  Niles'  Weekly  Register,  17.  415. 

8  James  Flint :  "Letters  from  America,"  Addenda,  p.  309.  Extract  from  a  letter  from 
John  H.  Farnham,  Esq.,  Counsellor-at-law,  dated  Jefferson ville,  Ind.  The  Legislature 
is  said  to  have  taken  the  matter  up. 

7  Niles'  Weekly  Register,  13.  30.  8  Ibid.  20.  303. 


224  Court  Decisions :   Questions  of  Freedom 

kidnapping,  were  publicly  whipped  and  cropped;  ]  and  in  1818 
two  negro  women  found  guilty  of  this  offence  were  condemned  to 
be  themselves  sold  into  slavery.2  A  man  in  Louisiana  who  at  some 
time  before  1814  had  arrested  and  sold  a  free  negro  woman  was 
prosecuted,  found  guilty,  fined,  imprisoned,  and  made  to  pay 
heavy  damages.3  In  Virginia,  in  1829,  it  was  decided  that  stealing 
a  free  boy  for  the  purpose  of  sale  into  slavery  was  punishable  as 
kidnapping,  even  though  the  offender  did  not  know  that  the  boy 
was  free,  and  even  if  the  boy  gave  his  consent.4  The  law  passed 
in  Missouri  Territory  in  1818  on  this  subject  declared  5  that  "if 
any  person  shall  hereafter  be  guilty  of  stealing  or  selling  any  free 
person  for  a  slave,  knowing  the  said  person  so  sold  to  be  free,  and 
thereof  shall  be  lawfully  convicted,  the  person  so  convicted  shall 
suffer  death  without  benefit  of  clergy."  No  cases  are  noted  in  the 
reports  of  the  higher  courts  of  Missouri  as  a  result  of  this  law.  A 
kidnapper  was,  however,  sentenced  to  death  in  Wayne  County, 
North  Carolina,  in  i8i8.8 

The  slave  trade  after  its  prohibition  in  1808  was  a  likely  subject 
of  judicial  inquiry,  yet  the  cases  brought  to  trial  appear  to  have 
been  extremely  few,  and  only  one  in  a  Southern  court  has  been 
found.  Without  doubt  scores  of  indictments  failed,  or  the  slave 
trade  was  condoned  in  innumerable  instances.  Northern  courts, 
however,  took  a  decided  stand  in  a  few  cases.  In  Connecticut, 
in  1809,  it  was  declared  that  the  "trade"  did  not  depend  upon  the 
actual  sale,  but  upon  the  manifestly  proved  intention.7  In  Massa 
chusetts,  in  1820,  a  man  who  was  found  in  a  local  court  guilty  of 
engaging  in  this  trade  appealed  to  the  United  States  Circuit,  where 
the  judgment  was  reaffirmed;8  and  in  1823  it  was  stated  as  the 
opinion  of  Judge  Story,  when  United  States  Circuit  Justice,  that  a 
vessel  caught  in  the  slave  trade,  though  before  she  had  taken  slaves 
on  board,  was  liable  to  forfeiture.9  A  decision  in  New  York  in 
1820  reads:10  "It  is  an  indictable  offence,  under  the  Act  of 

1  Niles'  Weekly  Register,  17.  287.  2  Ibid.  14.  256. 

8  3  Martin  (o.  s.)  285.     Meunier  vs.  Duperron. 

4  i  Leigh,  588.    Davenport  vs.  The  Commonwealth. 

5  Digest  of  the  Laws  of  Missouri  Territory,  by  Geyer,  p.  378. 

6  Niles'  Weekly  Register,  14.  223. 

7  Federal  Cases,  27.  1158;    4  Day's  Reports,  123;    Brun.  Col.  Cas.,  82;    U.  S.  vs. 
Smith. 

8  Federal  Cases,  26.  826;    2  Mason,  129;    U.  S.  vs.  La  Coste.     La  Coste  was  par 
doned  in  1822  by  President  Monroe  (Niles'  Weekly  Register,  22.  114). 

9  Federal  Cases,  i.  362  (case  165);  3  Mason,  175;  The  Alexander. 

10  Federal  Cases,  26.  1145;   i  Brunner  Col.  Cas.,  426.    U.  S.  vs.  Malebran. 


Court  Decisions:  Questions  of  Freedom  225 

Congress,  to  fit,  equip,  load  or  otherwise  prepare  a  vessel  in  the 
United  States  for  the  purpose  of  procuring  or  transporting  slaves 
from  a  foreign  place  to  any  other  place."  Another  the  same  year 
says : l  "It  is  sufficient  on  an  indictment  for  engaging  in  the 
slave  trade,  to  prove  that  the  accused  were  engaged  in  procuring 
slaves,  and  sending  them  on  by  another  vessel;  it  is  not  neces 
sary  that  the  vessel  to  which  they  belong  should  actually  have  had 
slaves  on  board." 

In  the  only  case  in  the  South,  in  South  Carolina,  February, 
1808,  the  decision  was  that  the  forfeiture  under  the  act  of  Con 
gress  might  be  remitted  by  the  United  States  Circuit  Court  in 
cases  of  extreme  hardship.2  The  vessel  in  question  sailed  in  1806. 
Sickness,  storms,  and  hardships  of  all  kinds  seemed  to  follow  the 
craft;  she  set  sail  for  home  in  ample  time  to  arrive  in  the  autumn 
of  1807,  but  after  a  voyage  unprecedented  in  length  she  arrived  in 
January,  1808,  and  was  confiscated  by  the  United  States  officers. 

The  Federal  slave  trade  act  was  backed  up  in  most  of  the  states 
by  laws  prohibiting  transportation  entirely,  or  imposing  strict  con 
ditions  upon  it.  The  cases  that  arose  were  in  the  lower  courts  with 
few  appeals,  and  judgment  usually  went  against  the  slaveholder. 
In  1810  a  claim  for  freedom  was  allowed  in  consequence  of  impor 
tation  into  Rhode  Island  from  Cuba; 3  in  1812  was  a  similar  case 
in  regard  to  importation  from  Jamaica.4  Two  cases  (1809, 5 1816  6) 
have  been  found  in  New  York  under  the  law  of  1788  regulating 
importation  and  sale,  also  one  in  New  Jersey  in  i82o,7  in  all  of 
which  the  negro  recovered  his  freedom. 

Similar  cases  under  similar  laws  occurred  in  Maryland :  Fulton 
vs.  Lewis,  1815  ;8  and  Henderson  vs.  Negro  Tom,  i8i7.9  In  the 
former  of  these  a  man  fleeing  from  San  Domingo  at  the  time  of 
the  revolution  there  brought  with  him  two  slaves,  one  of  whom 
he  sold  before  returning  home,  after  the  pacification  of  the  island. 
The  negro  was  held  entitled  to  freedom.  Two  cases  in  1814  are 

1  Federal  Cases,  24.  815;    i  Brunner  Col.  Cos.,  422.    U.  S.  vs.  Andrews. 

2  Federal  Cases,  26.  791;   Bee.,  252.    U.  S.  vs.  The  Kitty. 

3  Constitution  of  the  Pennsylvania  Abolition  Society,  published  as  a  pamphlet  in 
1820,  p.  23. 

4  Ibid.  p.  24;  Commonwealth  vs.  Austin  Montgomery. 

5  Anthon's  Nisi  Prius  Reports,  128.     Dubois  vs.  Allen. 

6  Niles'  Weekly  Register,  18.  344. 

7  Wheeler:  "Law  of  Slavery,"  p.  381.    Helm  vs.  Miller. 

8  Ibid.  p.  382;    3  Har.   &  John.,  564. 

9  Wheeler:   "Law  of  Slavery,"  p.  381;  4  Har.  &  John.,  p.  282. 


226  Court  Decisions:  Questions  of  Freedom 

similar  in  import.  A  slave  was  taken  from  Maryland  to  the  Dis 
trict  of  Columbia,  and  while  there  a  child  was  born.  When  taken 
back  to  Maryland  the  child  was  declared  free.1  Another  slave 
and  her  child  taken  to  the  District  of  Columbia  and  back  to 
Maryland  in  the  same  way  were  both  held  entitled  to  freedom.2 

A  case  occurred  in  Maryland  in  1813,  where  a  slave  petitioned 
for  freedom  in  a  court  in  Baltimore  County  on  the  ground  of  a 
violation  of  the  Virginia  import  law,  which  gave  freedom  to  the 
imported  slave  after  a  residence  of  one  year,  unless  a  certain  oath 
had  been  taken  within  sixty  days  after  the  importation.  He  was 
adjudged  free  both  by  the  court  of  oyer  and  ter miner,  and  in  the 
court  of  appeals.  It  is  especially  noteworthy  that  the  year  of  resi 
dence  was  in  this  case  made  up  of  short,  non-consecutive  periods.3 
In  1821,  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  in  a  similar  case,  where  there 
had  been  some  years'  residence  in  Virginia,  the  counsel  for  the 
claimant  wished  the  court  to  instruct  the  jury  that  the  presump 
tion  was  that  the  importer  took  the  oath,  but  the  plea  was  not  al 
lowed.4  In  1820  it  had  been  even  held  that  the  failure  of  the  slave 
to  appeal  for  freedom  during  a  period  of  nine  years  after  he  had 
arrived  at  the  age  of  twenty-one  did  *not  of  itself  create  a  pre 
sumption  that  the  oath  had  been  taken.5  Under  the  Maryland 
law  prohibiting  the  importation  of  slaves  from  other  states,  a  slave 
taken  from  Virginia  and  kept  in  Maryland  for  a  period  of  years, 
on  his  return  to  Virginia  in  1829,  was  adjudged  free  by  the  Vir 
ginia  courts,  after  two  appeals.6 

The  law  of  the  District  of  Columbia  forbade  importation  for 
sale,  although  residents  might  bring  their  slaves  with  them,  and 
it  led  to  many  cases  in  the  United  States  Circuit  Court  of  the  Dis 
trict.  Two  cases,  in  1826 7  and  i83o,8  declared  that  a  sale  within 
three  years  rendered  such  importation  illegal.  Another,  in  i823,9 
declared  such  importation  illegal,  even  though  the  intention  was  to 

1  3  Har.  &  John.,  491.     Sprigg  vs.  Negro  Mary. 

2  Ibid.  p.  493.     Sprigg  vs.  Negro  Presley. 

3  The   Genius   of   Universal    Emancipation,  4.  28;    Wheeler:    "Law   of   Slavery," 
P-  338;    5-  Har.   &  John.,  107.     Stewart  vs.  Oakes. 

4  Federal  Cases,  10.  46;   2  Cranch,  C.  C.,  236.     Garretson  vs.  Lingan.    (A  citation 
from  5  Munf.,  542.) 

5  Federal  Cases,  20.  455;   2  Cranch,  C.  C.,  220.    Reeler  vs.  Robinson. 

6  Wheeler:  "Law  of  Slavery,"  p.  339;   i  Leigh,  172.    Hunter  vs.  Fulcher. 

7  Federal  Cases,  29.  1286;   3  Cranch,  C.  C.,  55.    Williams  vs.  Van  Zandt. 

8  Federal  Cases,  n.  6n;   4  Cranch,  C.  C.,  i.    Harris  vs.  Alexander. 

8  Federal  Cases,  13.  noi;   2  Cranch,  C.  C.,  373.    Jordan  vs.  Sawyer. 


Court  Decisions:   Questions  of  Freedom  227 

carry  the  slave  out  of  the  District.  The  sale  within  three  years  was 
legal  proof  that  the  slave  was  brought  for  sale.  Another  decision 
in  1828  is  worth  quoting.1  "If  a  citizen  of  Virginia,  the  owner  of 
a  slave  there,  who  had  resided  in  Virginia  three  whole  years,  remove 
into  the  county  of  Washington  with  the  bonafide  intention  to  settle 
therein,  and  bring  the  slave  with  him,  at  the  time  of  his  removal, 
or  within  one  year  thereafter,  to  reside  in  the  said  county,  such 
importation  is  not  contrary  to  law ;  but  a  sale  of  such  slave,  in  the 
said  county,  within  three  years  after  such  importation,  may  entitle 
him  to  freedom;  although  such  sale  be  made  to  a  person  residing 
out  of  the  District  of  Columbia,  and  in  a  state  wherein  slaves  are 
lawfully  held,  and  intending  to  take  the  said  slave  out  of  the  Dis 
trict  of  Columbia  to  the  place  of  the  purchaser's  residence,  and 
with  that  intent  removing  him  from  Washington  to  Alexandria, 
where  he  ran  away  and  came  to  Washington  and  the  sale  was  by 
mutual  consent  rescinded;  and  although  the  sale  (commenced  in 
Washington)  was  not  consummated  till  the  removal  of  the  slave  to 
Alexandria;  and  although  the  agreement  for  the  sale  was  made  in 
Alexandria,  out  of  the  county  of  Washington,  and  was  not  to  be 
complete  till  the  slave  should  be  delivered  by  the  seller  to  the 
purchaser  at  Alexandria,  where  the  delivery  in  fact  took  place." 
A  case  somewhat  similar  had  been  decided  in  1821,  where  passage 
through  Alexandria  was  brought  forward  ineffectually  as  a  plea 
against  giving  the  slave  his  freedom.2 

Birth  in  a  free  state  was  in  every  case  considered  as  conclusive 
proof  of  freedom.3  A  decision  in  Pennsylvania  in  1816  assumed 
the  same  doctrine,  although  the  mother  was  a  fugitive  slave  who 
was  afterwards  reclaimed;  4  and  this  decision  was  also  quoted  in 
1816,  and  again  in  1817. 5 

Removal  to  a  free  state  was  in  these  early  years  regarded  as  giv 
ing  freedom  to  the  slave  so  removed,  provided  the  removal  was  a 

1  Federal  Cases,  2.  1037;  3  Cranch,  C.  C.,  296.    Battle  vs.  Miller. 

2  Federal  Cases,  7.  1185;   2  Cranch,  C.  C.,  261.    Dunbar-y*.  Ball. 

3  Wheeler:  "Law  of  Slavery,"  p.  346;  6  Rand.,  566  (Spotts  vs.  Gillespie,  Va.,  1828); 
Wheeler,  356;   8  Mart.  (n.  s.),  699  (John  Merry  vs.  Chexnaider,  La.,  1830);    i  Mo.  Sup. 
Court,  725  (John  Merry  vs.  Tiffin   &  Menard,  1827);    African  Observer,  loth  Month, 
1827,  p.  204,  letter  dated  Aug.  23,  1827  (perhaps  a  case  of  residence). 

4  2  Ser.    &  Rawle,  305  (Com.  vs.  Holloway);    Stroud :    "Sketch  of  Laws  relating  to 
Slavery,"  edition  of  1827,  p.  13 q,  edition  of  1856,  p.  215;   Wheeler:   "Law  of  Slavery," 
p.  383;  Constitution  of  Penn.  Abolition  Society,  1820,  p.  23;  Niles'  Weekly  Register,  u. 
28;   Kurd:  "  Law  of  Freedom  and  Bondage,"  2.  412-414. 

5  Niles' Weekly  Register :  n.  46;  Needles:  "History  of  the  Penn.  Abolition  Society," 
p.  64. 


228  Court  Decisions:  Questions  of  Freedom 

change  of  residence,  permanent  or  temporary,  and  not  a  mere 
transit  from  one  state  to  another.  In  1818  residence  in  Penn 
sylvania  was  held  to  prevent  the  removal  of  a  servant  out  of  the 
state  on  an  indenture,  though  the  indenture  had  been  made  in 
another  state,  before  the  residence  in  Pennsylvania,  and  though 
the  indenture  contained  a  covenant  to  serve  the  master  in  Penn 
sylvania  or  anywhere.  The  covenant  was  held  to  have  been  made 
void  by  the  residence  in  a  free  state.  *  A  slave  taken  from  the  Dis 
trict  of  Columbia  to  reside  in  Pennsylvania  was  set  free  in  i822,2 
and  a  similar  case  came  before  one  of  the  United  States  Circuit 
Courts  of  Pennsylvania  in  i823.3 

It  is  significant  that  most  of  these  decisions  were  made  by 
Southern  state  courts,  or  by  the  Federal  courts  in  the  Southern 
states,  for  the  sentiment  before  1831  is  directly  at  variance  with 
»   the  Dred  Scott  decision  in  1857,  though  the  conditions  were  iden 
tical.    Among  many  such  cases  in  Louisiana  4  was  a  typical  case 
in  1824,  in  which  the  slave  had  been  removed  from  Kentucky  to 
.  Ohio,  where  she  claimed  her  freedom,  then  forcibly  brought  back 
I  to  Kentucky,  and  again  to  Ohio,  before  her  final  removal  to  Louisi- 
I  ana.     The  Supreme  Court  held  that  "the  relation  of  owner  and 
slave,  is,  in  the  states  of  this  Union,  in  which  it  has  a  legal  exist 
ence,    a  creature  of    the  municipal  law."     Removal  into  a  free 
state  by  the  owner  subjected  his  whole  family,  white  and  blaj^k, 
[and  all  his  property,  to  the  operation  of  the  constitution  and  laws 
)f  that  state,  and  according  to  them  slavery  could  not  exist  in  hTs^ 
liouse.     The   right    to   freedom  thus  acquired    could    never    be 
forfeited  by  removal  to  a  slave  state.5    Other  like  decisions  in 
Southern  courts  were  in  Kentucky  in    1820,°  i82i,7  and   1825  ;8 
in  Virginia  in  1820 ;9  in  Mississippi  in  i8i8;10  and  in  Missouri 


1  4  Set.   &  Rawle,  218,  Com.  vs.  Hambright. 

2  Wheeler:   "Law  of  Slavery,"  p.  383.    Com.  ex  rel.  Hall  &  Cook.    Also  Com.  vs. 
Robinson. 

3  Federal  Cases,  22.  151;   4  Wash.  C.  C.,  396.     Ex  parte  Simmons. 

4  Dunn:   "Indiana,"  p.  234.    This  is  said  to  have  been  the  law  in  Louisiana  until 
1846. 

5  Wheeler:   "Law  of  Slavery,"  pp.  335-338;    Birney:    "James  G.  Birney  and  His 
Times,"  p.  263;   2  Mart.  (n.  s.),  401.    Lunsford  vs.  Coqikllon. 

6  Wheeler:  "Law  of  Slavery,"  p.  339;   Birney:  "James  G.  Birney,"  p.  263;   Kurd: 
"Law  of  Freedom  and  Bondage,"  2.  124;  2  A.  K.  Marshall,  467-479.    Rankin  vs.  Lydia, 

7  Dunn:  "Indiana,"  p.  234. 

8  Ibid.;   3  Monroe,  100.     Bush's  Rep.  vs.  White   &  Wife. 

9  Wheeler:  "Law  of  Slavery,"  p.  354.     Griffith  vs.  Fanny. 

10  Ibid.  340;   Dunn:  "Indiana,"  p.  233.    Harvy  &  others  vs.  Decker  &  Hopkins. 


Court  Decisions:  Questions  of  Freedom  229 

in  1824^  1827, 2  i828,3  and  1830. 4  The  Mississippi  case  is  in 
teresting  because  the  point  at  issue  was  whether  negroes  taken 
from  Virginia  to  Indiana  in  1784,  residing  there  till  1816,  and 
then  removed  to  a  slave  state,  were  freed  by  the  Ordinance  of 
1787.  In  the  course  of  the  argument  the  judge  said:  "Slavery 
is  condemned  by  reason  and  the  laws  of  nature.  It  exists,  and 
can  only  exist,  through  municipal  regulations,  and  in  matter  of 
doubt,  is  it  not  an  unquestioned  rule,  that  courts  must  lean  in 
favorem  vitae  et  libertatis?  "  5  Again:  "According  to  the  construc 
tion  of  the  defendant's  counsel,  those  who  were  slaves  at  the 
passage  of  the  Ordinance  must  continue  in  the  same  situation. 
Can  this  construction  be  correct?  Would  it  not  defeat  the  great 
object  of  the  general  government?  It  is  obvious  that  it  would,  and 
it  is  inadmissible  upon  every  principle  of  legal  construction." 
Unfortunately  the  courts  of  the  Northwest  Territory  and  the 
subsequent  states  did  not  always  so  construe  the  Ordinance. 

An  often  quoted  case  is  Rankin  vs.  Lydia,  in  Kentucky.  Judge 
Mills,  who  delivered  the  opinion  of  the  court,  utterly  disclaims, 
any  degree  of  influence  by  "the  general  principles  of  liberty  which 
we  all  admire,"  but  deals  simply  with  "  the  law  as  it  jg,  and  not  as 
it  ought  to  be."  He  asks  to  whom  Lydia  belonged  during  the 
seven  years'  residence  in  Indiana.  Not  to  the  resident  of  Kentucky 
to  whom  she  had  belonged  originally,  for  he  had  sold  her ;  not  to  the 
citizen  of  Indiana  who  had  paid  the  money  for  her,  because  it  was 
impossible  under  the  Ordinance  of  1787.  Therefore  she  must  have 
been  her  own  property.  Hence  no  future  sale  by  another  could 
give  a  right  to  her  services.  At  all  events,  the  purchaser  in  Indiana 
at  the  end  of  the  seven  years  could  not  have  had  the  right  to  her 
services  while  in  Indiana.  "And  is  it  to  be  seriously  contended 
that  so  soon  as  he  transported  her  to  the  Kentucky  shore,  the  nox 
ious  atmosphere  of  this  state,  without  any  express  law  for  the  pur 
pose,  clamped  upon  her  newly  forged  chains  of  slavery,  after  the 
old  ones  were  destroyed !  For  the  honor  of  our  country,  we  can 
not  for  a  moment  admit  that  the  bare  treading  of  its  soil,  is  thus 
dangerous,  even  to  the  degraded  African."  6 

1  Moses:  History  of  Illinois,  i.  325;   I  Mo.  Sup.  Court,  472.    Winny  vs.  Whitesides. 

2  African  Observer,  October,  1827,  p.  204;  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation, 

7-  "5- 

3  2  Mo.  Sup.  Court,  20  (La  Grange  vs.  Chouteau),  36  (Milly  vs.  Stephen  Smith). 

4  2  Mo.  Sup.  Court,  214.     Vincent  vs.  James  Duncan. 

5  Wheeler:  "  Law  of  Slavery,"  p.  340;  Dunn:  "  Indiana,"  p.  233. 

6  2  A.  K.  Marshall,  470-479. 


230  Court  Decisions :  Questions  of  Freedom 

The  case  in  Missouri  in  1830  is  especially  interesting,  partly 
because  it  came  so  near  to  the  close  of  the  period,  and  partly  be 
cause  of  its  breadth.  It  asserted  that  if  the  owner  of  slaves  took 
them  to  Illinois  to  reside,  they  were  free ;  if  he  stayed  in  Kentucky 
and  sent  the  slaves  to  Illinois,  they  were  free;  and  that  a  slave 
residing  at  the  Ohio  Saline  as  a  laborer  in  1817  was  entitled  to 
freedom.1 

In  North  and  South  alike  the  onus  probandi  was  on  the  pure 
negro  in  any  claim  for  freedom.2  For  "persons  of  color"  the  rule 
was  often  different.  In  Ohio  a  decision  in  1821  settled  the  prin 
ciple  that  quadroons  and  others  between  whites  and  mulattoes  had 
all  the  rights,  privileges,  and  duties  of  whites.3  In  an  appeal  case 
in  Virginia  in  1811  it  was  held  that  if  by  ordinary  inspection  by 
a  jury  the  plaintiff  appeared  to  be  white,  the  onus  probandi  was  on 
the  person  claiming  him  as  a  slave.4  That  no  presumption  of 
slavery  arose  from  the  color  of  a  mulatto  was  settled  in  North 
Carolina  in  i828.5  In  Louisiana,  in  1810,  a  person  of  color  was 
presumed  free,6  and  in  1812  "a  woman  being  of  color,  the  pre 
sumption  is  that  she  was  born  free."  7  The  same  presumption 
was  held  in  1816  to  entitle  the  petitioner  to  freedom  under  the 
old  Spanish  law,  —  the  parol  evidence  by  five  witnesses;8  and  in 
1829  the  decision  was  again  reaffirmed,  that  presumption  of  slav 
ery  was  confined  to  blacks.9  Color  arising  from  descent  from 
Indians  was  in  no  case  assumed  as  proof  of  slavery,  but  the 
reverse.10 

Even  in  those  cases  where  the  onus  probandi  was  by  law  on  the 
petitioner  for  freedom,  other  conditions  were  often  allowed  by  the 
courts  to  reverse  the  pres .  mption  arising  from  color.  Judge  Spen 
cer  of  New  York  said  in  1817,  in  a  case  of  emancipation  by  two  out 

1  2  Mo.  Sup.  Court,  214.     This  seems  to  cover  every  possible  construction  of  the 
Dred  Scott  case. 

2  Wheeler:   "Law  of  Slavery,"  p.  392,  etc.    Remick  vs.  Chloe;   and  in  many  other 
authorities. 

3  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  i.  70. 

4  Wheeler:   "Law  of  Slavery,"  p.  22.    Hook  vs.  Nanny  Pagee. 

5  Ibid.  p.  406;    i  Dev.,  376  (Scott  vs.  Williams);   Stroud:    "Sketch  of   the    Laws 
relating  to  Slavery,"  edition  of  1827,  pp.  80,  81,  edition  of  1856,  pp.  127-129  (Gobu  vs. 
Gobu;  date  not  given). 

8  i  Martin  (o.  s.),  183.     Adelle  vs.  Beauregard. 

7  Wheeler:  "Law  of  Slavery,"  p.  7;   2  Martin  (o.  s.),  208;   State  vs.  Cecil. 

8  4  Martin  (o.  s.),  348.     Beard  vs.  Poydras. 

9  7  Martin  (n.  s.),  648.     Pilie  vs.  Lalande  et  al. 

10  Wheeler:  "Law  of  Slavery,"  p.  18.    (Butt  vs.  Rachel  et  al;  Ulzire  vs.  Poey  Fane); 
i  Mart.   &  Yerger,  4  (Vaughan  vs.  Phebe). 


Court  Decisions :   Questions  of  Freedom  23 1 

of  three  joint  owners,  that  "  all  presumptions  in  favor  of  personal 
liberty  ought  to  be  made" ;  a  person  must  be  either  slave  or  free;  1 
and  this  feeling  seems  quite  common  in  all  parts  of  the  country. 
In  the  same  case  (Oatfield  vs.  Waring)  a  second  point  was  that 
bringing  an  action  against  a  slave  is  a  concession  that  he  is  free  and 
cannot  be  claimed  as  a  slave.2  In  New  York  parol  declarations 
made  twenty  years  before  by  the  owner  of  a  slave  that  he  purchased 
her  to  set  her  free,  and  that  he  meant  her  to  be  freed,  were  held  in 

1812  to  be  evidence  of  manumission.3    A  reputation  for  freedom, 
and  proof  of  actual  enjoyment  of  freedom  for  more  than  twenty 
years,  was  considered  in  New  Jersey,  in  1826,  to  overcome  the  pre 
sumption  of  slavery  from  color.4    A  similar  case  had  occurred  in 

1813  in  the  same  state,  where  a  black  witness  reputed  free  from 
childhood  was  sworn  without  other  proof  of  freedom.5 

In  Louisiana,  in  1816,  there  was  a  noteworthy  decision,  which 
gives  the  advantage  to  an  alleged  slave,  contrary  to  the  usual  rule 
that  the  onus  probandi  was  on  the  negro.  As  proof  of  slavery  was 
offered  a  bill  of  sale,  executed  in  1803  in  Detroit,  Michigan,  and 
several  witnesses  testified  that  he  had  been  before  that  time  com 
monly  reported  to  be  a  slave.  The  lower  (parish)  court  declared 
the  man  a  slave.  On  appeal,  Martin,  the  appellate  judge,  decided 
that  a  negro  will  be  presumed  free  though  purchased  as  a  slave,  if 
the  purchase  was  made  in  a  country  in  which  slavery  is  not  tolerated, 
unless  it  be  shown  that  he  was  before  in  one  in  which  it  is.6  In 
the  same  year,  1816,  it  was  held  in  South  Carolina  that  where  a 
person  who  moved  to  that  state  from  Maryland,  bringing  a  slave 
girl  with  him,  whom  he  held  in  servitude  all  his  life,  had  been 
heard  to  acknowledge  that  the  girl's  mother  was  free,  it  was  evi 
dence  sufficient  to  offset  the  presumption  by  color,  to  establish 
her  freedom,  and  entitle  her  to  damages.7 

Possession  of  freedom  for  twenty  years  was  in  Louisiana  con 
sidered  as  conclusive  right  to  freedom  under  the  old  Spanish  law ; 8 

1  Wheeler:  "  Law  of  Slavery,"  p.  310.     Oatfield  vs.  Waring. 

2  Ibid.  p.  385. 

3  Ibid.  p.  404;  9  Johnson,  144.     Wells  vs.  Lane. 

4  Wheeler:  "  Law  of  Slavery,"  p.  392;  3  Halstead,  275.     Fox  vs.  Lambson. 

5  2  Pennington,  1030.     Potts  vs.  Harper. 

6  Wheeler  :  "  Law  of  Slavery,"  p.  349;  4  Martin  (o.  s.),  385.    Forsyth  et  al  vs.  Nash. 

7  i  Mill,  137.     Pepoon,  guardian  of  Phebe  vs.  Clarke. 

8  The  Spanish  law  allowed  freedom  to  a  slave  who  had  lived  as  free  for  15  years  in 
the  presence  of  her  master,  or  for  20  years  in  his  absence,  without  interruption.     In  the 
case  on  trial  these  conditions  had  not  been  fulfilled.     Wheeler:  "Law  of  Slavery," 
p.  103;  6  Mart.  (o.  s.),  16.     Metayer  vs.  Metayer. 


232  Court  Decisions :  Questions  of  Freedom 

and  it  was  declared  that  a  slave  who  enjoyed  that  right  in  His- 
paniola  after  the  passage  of  the  emancipation  law  by  the  French, 
might  reckon  that  time  in  establishing  her  right  to  freedom  under 
that  law.  Actual  enjoyment  of  freedom  was  considered  in  1829 
as  prima  facie  evidence  of  freedom.1  Deeds  of  manumission, 
properly  executed,  were  in  1821  2  and  1826  3  held  as  sufficient  evi 
dence  of  freedom,  although  no  proof  could  be  shown  that  they  had 
been  made  by  the  owner  of  the  slave.  Cases  in  some  respects 
similar  to  that  of  Oatfield  vs.  Waring  in  New  York  are  found  in 
Maryland  in  1817  4  and  i82i,5  where  it  was  decided  that  the  devise 
of  property,  real  or  personal,  to  a  slave,  by  the  owner,  entitled  the 
slave  to  "  freedom  by  implication,"  since  by  law  no  slave  could  in 
herit  or  hold  property.  According  to  some  authorities  all  pre 
sumptions  in  Missouri  prior  to  1830  were  in  favor  of  freedom,  save 
where  the  law  was  too  plain  to  admit  of  possibk  doubt,6  and  the 
cases  seem  to  bear  out  that  statement. 

Many  Southern  states  forbade  emancipation,  save  under  speci 
fied  conditions,  and  nearly  all  insisted  upon  more  or  less  tedious 
formalities.7  In  three  cases  in  1829,  in  as  many  states,  these  for 
malities  were  set  aside.  In  Kentucky  it  was  decided  that  a  slave 
might  be  emancipated  by  any  instrument  of  writing;  it  was  not 
even  necessary  that  it  be  sealed  and  recorded,  though  it  might  be 
if  the  holder  wished  it.8  A  general  law  in  Maryland  that  a  slave 
could  not  receive  a  legacy  was  set  aside  in  the  case  of  a  bequest  of 
freedom.9  And  in  Virginia,  a  decision  declared  that  when  a  testator 
directed  that  his  slaves'  should  be  emancipated  by  his  executor, 
the  will  should  be  held  to  have  emancipated  them.10  It  was  deter 
mined  in  the  District  of  Columbia  as  early  as  1813  that  an  informal 
deed  of  manumission,  accompanied  by  actual  enjoyment  of  free 
dom,  before  the  commission  of  a  certain  offence,  followed  by  a 
formal  deed  of  manumission  after  the  offence,  was  sufficient  evi- 

1  7  Mart.  (n.  s.),  649.     Pilie  vs.  Lalande  et  al. 

2  10  Mart.  (o.  s.),  425.     Brown  vs.  Compton. 

3  4  Mart.  (n.  s.),  203.    Simmins  vs.  Parker. 

4  4  H.   &.  J.,  262.     Burroughs'  Adm.  vs.  Negro  Anna. 

5  5  H.   &  J.,  190.     Wheeler:   "Law  of  Slavery,"  p.  385.    Hall  vs.  Mullin. 

6  Dunn:  "Indiana,"  p.  227. 

7  Constitution  of  Alabama,  1819,  Art.  "Slaves,"  §  i.    (Code  of  Ala.  (1896),  vol.  ii, 
56,  57);   Hutchinson's  (Miss.)  Code,  34,  523;   Acts  of  1820  (S.  C.),  22;   2  Bailey  (S.  C.), 
Rep.,  139  (2  Faust.  356-357) ;  and  in  general  in  all  Southern  states. 

8  2  J.  J.  Marshall,  230.     Fanny  vs.  Dejarnet's  Adm. 

9  2  Bland,  Chan.,  314.     Hammond  vs.  Hammond. 

10  i  Leigh,  465.     Dunn  vs.  Amey  and  others. 


Court  Decisions:    Questions  of  Freedom  233 

dence  that  the  person  was  not  a  slave  at  the  time  of  committing  the 
offence;  1  and  in  1830,  that  the  manifest  intention  of  a  will  to  eman 
cipate  should  be  held  sufficient,  even  though  there  was  a  failure  to 
use  the  proper  words.2 

In  both  the  North  and  the  South,  when  emancipation  was  once 
consummated  the  former  slave  was  under  the  protection  of  the 
state  and  could  not  be  reenslaved  except  as  punishment  for  crime. 
A  resident  of  Virginia  directed  by  will  that  a  negro  slave  should  be 
free  after  the  expiration  of  his  apprenticeship,  and  the  executors 
agreed  and  let  him  go  free.  Later  he  was  sold,  but  when  the  matter 
was  brought  into  court  in  1823  the  sale  was  held  void.3  In  1824  it 
was  decided  in  the  District  of  Columbia  that  a  slave  who  had  been 
'  manumitted  and  had  lost  her  deed  of  manumission  was  entitled 
to  relief  in  equity.4 

The  principle  was  settled  in  Kentucky  in  1830  that  no  slave  once 
manumitted  should  be  sold  for  debt,  if  the  original  creditor  had 
s*  been  willing  to  lose  the  money.  The  case  was  Ferguson  vs.  Sarah. 
Sarah  had  been  bought  in  1809  by  an  abolitionist,  Enoch  Smith, 
for  the  purpose  of  emancipation.  In  accordance  with  this  plan  he 
sold  her  to  her  husband,  Ben,  a  free  man  of  color,  taking  his  notes 
for  the  amount.  Smith  later  became  embarrassed,  and  desiring 
that  Sarah  should  be  freed  while  it  was  in  his  power,  he  allowed 
Ben  to  make  out  the  deed  of  manumission,  though  he  had  not  paid 
in  full.  Sarah  lived  as  a  free  woman  from  1809.  In  1818  Ben  died 
intestate  and  without  having  completed  the  payments,  and  Smith 
died  in  1825.  Ferguson,  the  administrator  of  Smith,  was  about  to  sell 
Sarah  to  pay  Ben's  debt  to  Smith,  when  an  injunction  was  awarded 
and  the  matter  brought  into  court.  The  Supreme  Court  of  the 
state  decided  that  since  the  only  objection  to  her  freedom  was  the 
right  of  the  creditor,  and  since  the  original  creditor,  Smith,  had 
undoubtedly  wished  for  her  emancipation,  even  though  the  debt 
was  not  paid,  no  valid  objection  existed  to  her  freedom.5 
t  Nearly  always  ratification  of  a  formal  agreement  to  manumit  was 
insisted  upon,  if  the  matter  was  brought  into  court.  In  at  least  two 
instances  the  question  of  such  ratification  came  before  a  Northern 

1  Federal  Cases,  24.  1279;  2  Cranch,  C.  C.,  95.     U.  S.  vs.  Bruce. 

2  Federal  Cases,  20.  105;   4  Cranch,  C.  C.,  17.     Quando  vs.  Clagett. 

3  Harper  (S.  C.),  2nd  edition,  20.     Rice  ads.  Spear  &  Galbraith. 

4  Federal  Cases,  i.  408;    2  Cranch,  C.  C.,  485.     Alice  vs.  Morte. 

5  Wheeler:  "Law  of  Slavery,"  p.  280;  4  j.  J.  Marshall,  104  ff. 


234  Court  Decisions:  Questions  of  Freedom 

court.  A  negro  slave  in  New  York  claimed  and  recovered  freedom 
in  1810,  on  the  ground  of  a  deed  given  several  years  before  by  a 
former  owner,  manumitting  him  after  the  said  owner's  death,  "in 
spite  of  all  bills  of  sale  or  last  will  by  him  thereafter  to  be  made." 
Such  a  certificate  entitled  the  slave  to  freedom,  although  he  had 
been  sold  during  the  lifetime  of  the  original  owner,  after  receiving 
the  above  certificate.1  In  the  second  case,  in  1811,  the  decision 
reads  that  when  the  owner  gives  the  slave  a  written  promise  to 
manumit  in  eight  years  on  account  of  faithful  service,  such  manu 
mission  was  obligatory  upon  the  master.2 

In  the  South  questions  involving  enforced  emancipation  were 
more  likely  to  come  into  the  higher  courts  on  appeal.  In  1808  in 
Maryland,  a  slave  sold  by  parol  for  a  term  of  seven  years,  with  an 
agreement  between  the  vendor  and  the  vendee-  that  at  the  end  of 
that  time  he  was  to  be  manumitted  by  the  vendee,  was  held  to  be 
entitled  to  freedom.3  A  similar  case  occurred  in  1821. 4  A  decision 
in  1829  was  that  a  devise  bequeathing  freedom  on  condition  of 
annual  payments  as  long  as  he  lived,  entitled  the  slave  to  freedom 
on  the  date  mentioned,  his  freedom  not  being  dependent  on  the 
fulfilment  of  the  condition.5  A  negro  taken  from  Maryland  to 
Kentucky  to  serve  a  set  limited  time  was  not  emancipated  at  the 
time  set.  A  suit  brought  in  1805  resulted  in  a  decree  of  emancipa 
tion,  with  damages  at  $691.25,  and  an  appeal  in  1809  reaffirmed 
this  decision.6 

A  suit  for  freedom  was  in  many  states  the  only  process  in  which 
a  slave  could  appear  as  a  plaintiff ;  cases  of  assault  and  battery,  or 
of  cruelty,  being  brought  in  the  name  of  the  owner,  or  of  the  state,  or 
of  the  United  States.  In  these  suits  the  slave  was  allowed  the  benefit 
of  all  doubts,  save  the  onus  probandi;  had  the  benefit  of  free  coun 
sel;  and  enjoyed  protection  against  removal  until  the  judgment 
had  been  pronounced.7  In  1808  in  the  United  States  Circuit  Court 
of  the  District  of  Columbia,  a  petition  for  freedom  was  granted  to 
the  petitioner  simply  because  the  exact  provisions  of  law  had  not 

1  Wheeler:  "Law  of  Slavery,"  p.  309;   5  Johnson,  365.    Case  of  Negro  Tom. 

2  Wheeler,  "Law  of  Slavery,"  p.  232;    7  Johnson,  324.    Kettletas  vs.  Fleet. 

3  2  Har.   &  John.,  323.     Negro  Cato  vs.  Howard. 

4  5  Har.   &  John.,  310.     Hughes  vs.  Negro  Milly  et  al. 

6  i  Gill   &  J.,  390.     Miller,  Ex'r  of  Beard,  vs.  Negro  Charles. 

6  i  Bibb,  423.     Thompson  vs.  Wilmot. 

7  Hutchinson's  (Miss.)  Code,  523;   Laws  of  the  State  of  Missouri,  published  by  the 
State  in  1825,  p.  404.     Act  passed  in  1824. 


Court  Decisions:   Questions  of  Freedom  235 

been  complied  with  by  the  master.1  In  1829  the  decision  was 
rendered  in  the  same  court  that  a  petition  for  freedom  was  not  a 
local  action;  the  right  was  personal,  and  accompanied  the  person 
wherever  he  went.2 

In  still  another  case  the  affidavit  of  a  manumitted  slave  was 
sufficient  to  secure  a  summons  on  the  ground  that  the  petitioner 
for  freedom,  the  wife  of  the  freedman,  was  to  be  removed  out  of 
the  District  by  her  owner,  before  judgment.3  In  1824  the  obligation 
to  allow  the  slave  to  remain  until  after  judgment,,  in  the  case  of  a 
suit  for  freedom,  was  very  definitely  put  by  the  United  States  Circuit 
Court  of  the  District  of  Columbia.4  "Upon  a  petition  for  freedom, 
suggesting  an  apprehension  that  the  defendant  will  sell  and  remove 
the  petitioners  from  the  jurisdiction  of  the  court,  supported  by 
affidavit,  a  judge  of  this  court,  in  vacation,  will  order  an  injunction 
without  security ;  and  upon  further  affidavit  that  the  defendant  had 
attempted  to  carry  the  petitioners  away  after  notice  of  the  filing 
of  their  petition,  the  judge  will  order  the  marshal  to  take  them  into 
his  custody  for  safe-keeping  until  the  defendant  shall  give  the 
security  required  by  law  for  their  forthcoming  to  prosecute  their 
petition;  and  if  the  defendant  shall  refuse  to  give  such  security, 
and  if  judgment  shall  be  rendered  against  him,  the  marshal's  fees 
for  keeping  them  shall  be  taxed  in  the  bill  of  costs  against  the 
defendant.  A  similar  decision  in  the  same  year  (1808)  in  Virginia 
had  the  added  provision  that  the  expenses  of  keeping  the  plain 
tiffs  were  to  be  laid  on  the  defendant  even  though  the  suit  should 
be  decided  in  his  favor.5  In  1827  if  was  held  in  the  District  of 
Columbia  that  an  attachment  for  contempt  would  lie  against  a 
master  so  attempting  to  remove  his  slave,  after  notice  of  the  peti 
tion  for  freedom,  even  though  judgment  was  finally  against 
the  petitioners.6 

The  laws  in  regard  to  fugitive  slaves  were  usually  executed^ 
although  the  judges  in  Northern  courts  sometimes  showed  reluc 
tance.   In  the  first  fugitive  slave  case  in  Ohio  a  Virginia  slave,  Jane, 
accused  of  the  theft  of  four  dollars,  was  condemned  to  death  by 
a  Virginia  court.    This  sentence  was  commuted  to  sale  and  trans- 

1  Federal  Cases,  7.  in;   i  Cranch,  C.  C.,  482.    Davis  -vs.  Baltzer. 

2  Federal  Cases,  4.  898;   3  Cranch,  C.  C.,  6n.    Butler  et  al  vs.  Duvall. 

3  Federal  Cases,  17.  1147;   i  Cranch,  C.  C.,  523.    Nan  et  al  vs.  Moxley  et  al. 

4  Federal  Cases,  20.  384;   2  Cranch,  C.  C.,  514.    Rebecca  et  al  vs.  Pumphrey. 

5  2  Hen.    &  Munf.,  19.     Sarah  vs.  Henry. 

6  Federal  Cases,  20.  682;  3  Cranch,  C.  C.,  214.    Richard  vs.  Van  Meter. 


236  Court  Decisions :  Questions  of  Freedom 

portation;  but  the  jail  door  was  left  open,  and  the  slave  walked 
out  and  disappeared.  Many  knew  of  her  escape  and  later  of  her 
place  of  residence  in  Ohio,  but  for  some  years  she  was  not  molested. 
She  married  a  free  colored  man,  and  had  one  child.  In  1810  one 
Beeson,  without  any  evidence  of  authority,  attempted  to  carry  off 
both  mother  and  child.  The  attempt  was  resisted,  and  Jane 
secreted,  whereupon  Beeson  obtained  a  letter  from  the  Governor 
of  Virginia  to  the  Governor  of  Ohio.1  Citizens  of  Ohio  petitioned 
in  her  favor,  and  the  Governor  refused  to  give  her  up.  Later,  on 
a  formal  requisition  2  by  the  Governor  of  Virginia,  Jane  was  given 
up  as  a  fugitive  from  justice,  the  Governor  of  Ohio  feeling  that  he 
had  no  discretion  in  the  matter.  She  was  ordered  sold  by  Beeson, 
and  the  price  paid  into  the  Virginia  State  Treasury.3 

In  1829  a  mulatto  woman  was  arrested  in  New  York  as  a  run 
away.  She  claimed  to  be  free,  but  on  the  testimony  of  her  captor 
she  was  adjudged  a  slave,  and  committed  to  jail  till  she  could  be 
taken  to  Alabama.  On  a  writ  of  habeas  corpus  she  was  brought 
before  Judge  Edwards,  but  remanded  to  prison,  on  which  her 
alleged  owner  confined  her  on  board  of  a  vessel.  Here  members 
of  the  New  York  Manumission  Society  interfered,  procured  the 
ancient  writ  de  homine  replegiando,  under  which  the  sheriff  of  New 
York  took  her  from  the  custody  of  her  "owner'*  to  Albany.  On 
this  trial  six  witnesses  from  New  York  bore  witness  to  her  freedom, 
but  technicalities  prevented  her  discharge.  Four  colored  men  then 
gave  security  that  she  would  prove  her  freedom,  and  she  was  set 
at  liberty.  No  further  account  of  her  is  obtainable.4 

The  Act  of  Congress  respecting  fugitives  owing  service  of  labor 
was  held  in  1823  in  Pennsylvania  not  to  apply  to  slaves  brought 
by  their  masters  from  one  state  to  another,  who  afterwards  escaped 
or  who  refused  to  return.5 

There  wras  of  course  little  trouble  in  the  South  in  regard  to  fugi 
tive  slaves.  But  in  Louisiana,  in  1816,  it  was  declared  that  a 
runaway  could  not  be  sold  by  the  jailer  unless  unreclaimed  for 
two  years  after  the  first  of  three  advertisements  required  by  law.6 
There  is,  however,  no  evidence  that  this  was  for  any  other  purpose 

1  Not  a  legal  requisition  in  proper  form. 

2  Not  as  a  fugitive  slave  but  as  a  fugitive  criminal. 

3  W.  H.  Smith:   "The  First  Fugitive  Slave  Case  in  Ohio,"  pp.  94-99. 

4  Niles'  Weekly  Register,  37.  308;   quotation  from  the  Albany  Daily  Advertiser. 

5  Federal  Cases,  22.  151;  4  Wash.  C.  C.,  396.     Ex  parte  Simmons. 

6  4  Mart.  (o.  s.),  391.     Labranche  vs.  Watkins. 


Court  Decisions :  Questions  of  Freedom  237 

than  the  protection  of  the  rights  of  the  owner.  In  1820  a  person 
arresting  a  runaway  was  held,  in  Louisiana,  not  responsible  for 
his  escape  before  being  brought  before  a  justice,  unless  guilty  of 
negligence.1  According  to  a  law  passed  in  Mississippi  in  1822,  no 
runaway  could  be  delivered  to  a  claimant  without  proof  on  oath.2 
It  is  interesting  to  note  that  as  late  as  November,  1830,  the  United 
States  Circuit  Court  of  the  District  of  Columbia  refused  to  give 
up  to  Maryland  two  slaves  escaping  from  that  state,  holding  that 
their  claim  to  freedom  had  arisen  in  the  District,  and  their  witnesses 
lived  there.  They  had  been  brought  by  their  masters  into  the 
District,  and  had  lived  there  one  year,  and  escaped  thither  on  their 
subsequent  removal  to  Maryland.3 

The  question  of  the  status  of  the  children  of  slaves  involved 
much  litigation.  The  rule  partus  ventrem  sequitur  must  of  course 
hold  good  in  all  definite  cases.  The  child  of  a  slave  mother  in  a 
slave  state  was  certainly  a  slave,  and  the  child  of  a  free  mother, 
whether  in  free  or  slave  states,  was  as  certainly  free.  But  the  cases 
where  the  mother  was  a  slave  for  time,  or  under  particular  condi 
tions,  and  the  ruling  of  birth  or  residence  in  the  various  states, 
slave  as  well  as  free,  often  brought  up  grave  doubts  as  to  the  status 
of  the  child.  A  number  of  cases  dependent  on  birth  or  residence 
have  already  been  mentioned.4  In  Kentucky  in  1809,  the  conditions 
were  definitely  stated.  When  a  slave  registered  in  Pennsylvania, 
and  therefore  a  slave  for  life,  was  removed  without  her  consent  to 
Kentucky,  she  remained  a  slave,  and  her  children  born  in  Kentucky 
were  slaves.  If  they  had  been  born  in  Pennsylvania  they  would 
have  been  free,  and  removal  to  Kentucky  would  not  then  have 
defeated  their  right  to  freedom.5 

In  1826  it  was  decided  in  two  cases  in  Pennsylvania  that  the 
child  of  a  "servant  for  time"  was  not  a  slave  of  the  same  class  as 
the  mother.  The  first  of  these  cases  simply  gave  the  negative  side, 
that  the  child  of  a  servant  till  twenty-eight  years  could  not  be  held 
to  servitude  under  the  same  conditions  as  its  mother,  who  was  the 
child  of  a  registered  slave.8  The  second  states  decisively  that  the 
child  of  a  servant  for  time  is  free.7 

1  7  Mart.  (o.  s.),  371-     Palfrey  vs.  Rivas.  2  Hutchinson's  (Miss.)  Code,  518. 

3  Federal  Cases,  22.  163;  4  Cranch,  C.  C.,  79.    Simon  et  al  vs.  Paine. 
*  See  above,  p.  227. 

5  i  Bibb,  615.     Frank  ads.  Milam's  Ex'r;  Tom  ads.  Smith;  Mary  ads.  Shannon; 
Betsey  ads.  Shannon. 

6  14  Sergeant   &  Rawle,  442;  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  6.  35.    Miller 
vs.  Dwilling.  7  I5  Ser.   &  Rawle,  18.     Scott  vs.  Waugh. 


238  Court  Decisions :  Questions  of  Freedom 

Even  in  the  slave  states  there  was  a  considerable  tendency  to 
give  freedom,  if  possible,  to  children  of  slaves  for  time,  even  though 
they  were  born  during  their  mothers'  period  of  servitude.  In  the 
United  States  Circuit  Court  of  the  District  of  Columbia,  in  1818, 
a  decision  was  given  that  children  born  between  the  date  of  a 
promise  to  manumit  at  a  given  future  date,  and  that  date,  were 
entitled  to  freedom  at  the  same  time  as  their  mother.1  Of  similar 
import  were  the  decisions  in  the  cases  in  Kentucky  of  Hart  vs. 
Fanny  Ann  in  1827, 2  and  of  Fanny  vs.  Bryant  in  1830^  and  in 
Virginia  of  Isaac  vs.  West's  Ex.,  in  i828.4  In  Maryland,  in  1823, 
a  slave  was  bequeathed  to  another  during  the  latter's  life,  to  be 
free  thereafter.  It  was  held  that  her  "increase"  during  the  period 
was  included.5  In  Virginia,  in  1827,  in  a  suit  for  freedom,  Judge 
Carr  decided  that  when  a  female  slave  is  emancipated  with  a  reser 
vation  that  the  future  increase  shall  be  slaves,  the  reservation  is 
void.  "  A  free  mother  cannot  have  children  who  are  slaves.  Such 
a  birth  would  be  monstrous,  both  in  the  eye  of  reason  and  of  law."  6 
In  Louisiana,  in  1824,  to  the  descent  from  an  emancipated  slave 
was  plead  the  fact  that  the  petitioner  had  been  held  as  a  slave  long 
enough  to  prove  possession.  The  judge  decided,  however,  that 
she  was  free.7 

In  Connecticut,  in  1817,  it  was  decided  that  the  daughter  of  a 
slave  woman  born  after  March  i,  1784,  was  not  a  slave  but  a  servant 
till  twenty-five  years.8  Practically  identical  with  all  the  cases 
mentioned  is  one  in  New  York  in  1815,  where  a  certain  Conklin 
bequeathed  freedom  to  a  slave,  Maria,  and  also  the  use,  during  her 
life,  of  her  daughter,  Cloe.  Cloe  had  children  during  the  lifetime 
of  Maria,  and  the  dispute  arose  in  after  years  as  to  the  ownership 
of  one  of  these  children,  who  was  claimed  by  the  legal  representa 
tives  of  Conklin.  Judge  Yates  decided  that  in  all  probability  the 
negro  was  free ;  if  not,  he  belonged  to  the  legal  representatives  of 
Maria,  and  not  to  those  of  Conklin.9 

1  Federal  Cases,  21.  431;   2  Cranch,  C.  C.,  155.    Sarah  vs.  Taylor. 

2  6  Monroe,  49. 

3  Wheeler:   "Law  of  Slavery,"  p.  33;   4  J.  J.  Marshall,  368. 

4  6  Rand.  652. 

5  Wheeler:   "Law  of  Slavery,"  p.  32.    Hamilton  vs.  Cragg. 

6  Ibid.  p.  31;  4  Rand.,  597.    Fulton  vs.  Shaw.    This  was,  however,  expressly  decreed 
by  a  law  in  Maryland  in  1809;   see  above,  p.  52. 

7  Wheeler:  "Law  of  Slavery,"  p.  101.    Delphine  vs.  Deveze. 

8  2  Conn.  Rep.,  355.     Windsor  vs.  Hartford. 

9  Wheeler:   "Law  of  Slavery,"  p.  26.    Conklin  vs.  Havens. 


CHAPTER    XXI 
COURT    DECISIONS:    THE    SLAVE    BEFORE    THE    LAW 

WHEN  we  finally  turn  from  the  consideration  of  questions  of 
possible  freedom  to  the  actual  status  of  the  slave  before  the  law,  , 
we  find  great  divergence  in  the  policy  and  practice  of  the  North 
and  of  the  South.  There  were  practically  no  slave  codes  in  the 
North,  even  in  those  states  where  slavery  existed  at  least  de  facto 
during  the  entire  period  under  consideration. l  The  court  decisions  , 
here,  therefore,  rest  almost  entirely  upon  common  law,  and  the  slave/ 
had  in  consequence  very  largely  the  rights  and  privileges  of  freemen 
in  the  courts.  An  opinion  in  1822  by  Judge  Platt  of  New  York 
was  that  marriage  was  legal  where  one  of  the  parties  was  a  slave, 
and  if  the  mother  was  free  the  children  were  also  free.  "The  hus 
band  is  not  emancipated,  nor  is  the  wife  enslaved  by  such  a  mar 
riage.  I  am  inclined  to  listen  to  the  suggestions  of  policy  and 
humanity"  dictating  the  above  rule.2  In  1827,  however,  it  was 
held  that  a  slave  could  not  marry  under  the  common  law,  that  the 
right  depended  upon  a  special  law  passed  in  1809.  Hence  the 
children  of  a  slave  could  not  inherit  at  common  law,  nor  take 
possession  of  land.  But  by  a  special  law  a  slave  could  take  posses 
sion  of  land  granted  for  military  service  during  the  Revolutionary 
War;  hence  it  legalized  all  marriages  and  births  involved,  and  the 
children  of  such  a  slave  could  inherit.3 

Only  one  case  of  the  trial  of  a  slave  for  a  crime  has  been  found 
at  the  North.4  A  negro,  fugitive  from  Baltimore,  was  followed 
into  Pennsylvania,  where  he  killed  his  owner  and  another  man  in 
self-defence,  and  then  gave  himself  up.  He  was  tried  first  for  the 
murder  of  his  owner,  and  acquitted,  on  the  ground  that  the  owner 

1  Laws  did  exist  in  many  states  which  assumed  the  inferiority  of  the  negro,  but  not  in 
sufficient  number  to  form  a  separate  code. 

2  Wheeler:    "Law  of  Slavery,"  p.  199.     Overseers  of  Marbletown  -vs.  Overseers  of 
Kingston. 

3  5  Cowen,  397.     Jackson  vs.  Lervey. 

4  Niles' Weekly  Register,  19.  336;   21.  214;    23.    Supplement,  p.  151.    The  last  quo 
tation  is  from  the  Village  Record  of  West  Chester,  Pa. 

239 


240  Court  Decisions:   The  Slave  Before  the  Law 

had  no  legal  right  to  arrest  the  negro  in  Pennsylvania,  and  the 
killing  was  in  self-defence.  Later  he  was  tried  for  the  murder  of 
the  other  man,  and,  because  of  different  constructions  of  the  law 
bearing  on  the  case,  found  guilty  of  manslaughter,  and  sentenced 
to  the  penitentiary  for  nine  years. 

\.  In  the  South,  on  the  contrary,  the  common  law  was  rarely  held 
to  apply  to  even  the  free  negro,  much  less  to  the  slave.  He  was 
not  as  a  rule  entitled  to  trials  in  the  courts  nor  in  the  manner  pro 
vided  for  free  whites,  but  before  justices  of  the  peace  in  ordinary 
cases  and  in  the  petty  courts  in  capital  cases.  For  that  reason  few 
negro  criminal  cases  are  reported.  Usages  differed  somewhat  in 
the  different  states.  Largely  through  the  exertions  of  James  G. 
Birney,1  in  1819,  the  constitution  of  Alabama  secured  to  all  slaves 
impartial  trial  by  petit  jury  in  all  prosecutions  above  petit  larceny.2 
By  the  constitution  of  1817  the  same  was  true  as  regards  capital 
cases  in  Mississippi.3  In  North  Carolina  a  jury  of  slaveholders  was 
empannelled  in  certain  cases.4  The  indictment  must  be  perfectly 
correct,  and  in  cases  where  the  punishment  extended  to  ulife,  limb, 
or  member,"  the  slave  convicted  in  the  county  court  was  entitled 
to  appeal  to  the  Superior  Court.5  In  the  constitution  of  Missouri 
it  is  decreed  that  "in  prosecutions  for  crimes,  slaves  shall  not  be 
deprived  of  an  impartial  trial  by  jury,  and  a  slave  convicted  of  a 
capital  offence  shall  suffer  the  same  degree  of  punishment  and  no 

*>  other,  that  would  be  inflicted  on  a  free  white  person  for  a  like 
offence,"  and  the  -courts  must  assign  them  a  counsel.6  In  Ala 
bama,  in  1827, it  was  stated  that  a  slave  might  be  punished  by  whip 
ping  and  branding  for  manslaughter,  if  the  victim  was  another 
slave.7  It  is  interesting  in  this  connection  to  note  that  in  a  case 
in  the  District  of  Columbia,  in  1822,  the  jurors  were  first  chal 
lenged  and  set  aside  unless  they  opposed  giving  the  slave  his  free 
dom,  or  were  indifferent  on  the  subject,  but  before  the  jury  was 
fully  empannelled  the  court  determined  that  this  was  unnecessary.8 
It  was  very  rarely,  and  only  under  certain  conditions,  that  a  slave 

1  See  above,  p.  20. 

2  Constitution,  Art.  Slaves,  §  2.     (Code  of  Ala.,  1896,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  56,  57.) 

3  Hutchinson's  (Miss.)  Code,  34;   Constitution,  Art.  Slaves,  §  2. 

4  i  Dev.,  142.     The  State  vs.  Jim. 

5  2  Murphy,  100.     The  State  vs.  Washington. 

6  Constitution,  Art.  Ill,  Sec.  27,  Rev.  Code  of  1825.     (Laws  of  the  State  of  Mo., 
Pub.  by  State,  Feb.  1825.) 

7  Stewart,  i.  38. 

8  Federal  Cases,  16,  1106;  2  Cranch,  C.  C.,  343.    Matilda  vs.  Mason  et  al. 


Court  Decisions:   The  Slave  Before  the  Law  241 

could  be  a  witness  in  a  court  of  law.  That  they  could  not  witness  \ 
against  free  blacks  seems  to  have  been  the  general  rule  in  the*! 
entire  South.1  It  is  therefore  interesting  to  find  several  direct 
contradictions  of  that  rule.  In  1808  a  law  was  passed  in  Mary 
land  that  "in  all  criminal  prosecutions  against  any  negro  or  mu 
latto  slave,  or  against  any  mulatto  descended  from  a  white  woman, 
or  against  any  negro  or  mulatto  free  or  freed,  the  testimony  of  any 
negro  or  mulatto  slave,  or  the  testimony  of  any  mulatto  descend 
ant  from  a  white  woman,  or  the  testimony  of  any  negro  or  mulatto 
free  or  freed,  may  be  received  in  evidence  for  or  against  them,  any 
law  now  existing  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding."  In  Virginia 
in  1811  a  court  decision  reads: 3  "If  the  act  could  be  construed  to 
extend  to  mayhems  committed  on  slaves,  they  might  be  introduced 
as  witnesses  against  free  white  persons."  This  decision  is  cited 
in  1827  as  the  chief  argument  in  declaring  it  a  felony  maliciously  to 
shoot  a  slave,  the  point  being  that  a  stranger  should  not  be  allowed 
to  exercise  lawless  authority  even  over  a  slave.4  It  is  especially 
noteworthy  that  in  both  cases  the  assumption  is  that  the  common 
law  so  provides  and  is  sufficient.  In  Mississippi,  in  an  act  passed 
in  1822,  it  was  provided  that  any  negro  or  mulatto,  bond  or  free, 
should  be  a  good  witness  in  pleas  of  the  state  for  or  against  negroes 
or  mulattoes,  bond  or  free,  or  in  civil  pleas  where  free  negroes  or 
rnulattoes  should  alone  be  parties,  and  in  no  other  cases  whatever.5 
With  regard  to  the  ill-treatment  of  slaves,  there  was  often  a 
clear  distinction  made  between  such  treatment  by  a  master,  and  by 
a  stranger.  In  the  case  of  a  stranger  it  was  often  taken  up  simply 
on  the  basis  of  injury  to  the  property  of  another.  In  1809  the 
hirer  of  a  slave  was  held  responsible  for  the  health  of  the  slave, 
even  to  the  employment  of  a  physician,  but  he  was  responsible  to 
the  owner.6  In  1823,  in  North  Carolina,  it  was  decided  that  bat 
tery  on  a  slave,  apparently  by  a  stranger,  no  justification  being 
shown,  was  indictable.7  A  suit  for  assault  and  battery  brought  in 
the  same  state  against  the  hirer  of  a  slave  was  decided  against  him 

1  Slavery  Code  of  D.  C.  (pph.  1862),  p.  22;  Federal  Cases,  25.  213;  2  Cranch,  C.  C., 
75  (U.  S.    vs.  Butler,  1812).     Federal  Cases,  26.  17;    3  Cranch,  C.  C.,  681  (U.  S.  vs. 
Gray,  1820). 

2  Dorsey:  "Laws  of  Maryland,"  p.  564. 

3  i  Va.  Cases,  184.     Commonwealth  vs.  Dolly  Chappie. 

4  5  Rand.  660.     Com.  vs.  Wm.  Carver. 

5  Hutchinson's  (Miss.)  Code,  515. 

6  i  Bibb,  536.     Redding  vs.  Hall,  etc. 

7  Wheeler:  "Law  of  Slavery,"  239;   2  Hawks,  582.    State  vs.  Hale. 

16 


242  Court  Decisions:   The  Slave  Before  the  Law 

in  the  lower  court,  though  judgment  was  reversed  on  appeal. 
Judge  Ruffin,  the  appellate  judge,  in  giving  his  opinion,  lamented 
such  cases,  saying  that  there  was  in  his  mind  a  struggle  between 
the  feelings  of  a  man  and  the  duty  of  a  magistrate.  The  decision 
was  made  on  the  ground  that  the  hirer  became  the  owner  in  the 
eyes  of  the  law.1 

Just  what  were  the  legal  rights  of  a  master  over  his  slave  was 
a  subject  of  controversy  among  writers  of  the  time.  Stroud  stated  2 
that  the  master  might  "  at  his  discretion  inflict  any  species  of  pun 
ishment  upon  the  person  of  his  slave."  Wheeler  denied  3  this 
statement,  but  he  relied  for  his  arguments  almost  altogether  on 
cases  where  the  offender  was  other  than  the  owner,  and  himself 
quoted  Judge  Rumn  of  North  Carolina,  who  said  that  the  state 
had  no  right  to  interfere  between  the  owner  and  his  slave.  The 
available  decisions  warrant  the  conclusion  that  while  the  master 
had  legally  full  power  over  his  slave,  at  least  up  to  the  point  of 
depriving  him  of  life,  and  the  state  had  no  legal  right  to  interfere, 
yet  in  cases  of  extreme  cruelty  it  had  such  a  right  to  interfere  as 
would  belong  to  it  in  cases  of  cruelty  to  dumb  animals,  and  but 
little,  if  any,  more.4 

The  rareness  of  conviction  for  cruelty  is  due  not  only  to  this 
feeling  of  the  complete  power  of  the  owner,  but  also  to  the  inability 
x/  of  slaves  to  testify  against  their  masters,  and  the  fact  that  a  white 
person  was  rarely  present  on  such  occasions.  A  slaveholder  in 
Spottsylvania,  Virginia,  was  in  1822  fined  $300  for  "cruelly  and 
unmercifully  whipping  his  own  slave,"  5  and  in  Pensacola,  Florida, 
in  1829,  a  man  was  prosecuted  for  cruelty  to  his  female  slave,  and 
sentenced  to  pay  $100  and  costs.8  In  the  United  States  Circuit 
Court  of  the  District  of  Columbia  a  decision  in  1823  stated  that 
"to  cruelly,  inhumanely,  and  maliciously  cut,  slash,  beat,  and  ill- 
treat  one's  own  slave,  is  an  indictable  offence  at  common  law."  7 

1  Wheeler,  p.  244.    State  vs.  Mann. 

2  Stroud:  "Sketch  of  the  Laws  relating  to  Slavery,"  ist  edition,  1827,  p.  35;  edition 
of  1856,  p.  55. 

3  Wheeler:  "Law  of  Slavery,"  p.  200,  note. 

4  See  5  Randolph,  680.    Com.  vs.  Rich.  Turner,  where  the  statement  is  made  that 
the  master  could  not  be  indicted  for  malicious  beating  of  his  own  slave,  except  where  such 
was  committed  on  a  public  highway,  or  some  place  similarly  public;    and  then  only  on 
the  general  ground  of  disturbance  of  the  peace.    Such  beating  is  there  distinctly  paral 
leled  to  horsebeating. 

5  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  2.  29. 

6  Ibid.  10.  43. 

7  Federal  Cases,  24.  1241 ;  2  Cranch,  C.  C.,  441.    U.  S.  vs.  Brockett. 


Court  Decisions:   The  Slave  Before  the  Law  243 

Under  the  constitution  of  Mississippi  passed  in  1817,  the  owner 
was  compelled  to  care  for  his  slaves,  "  to  abstain  from  all  injuries 
to  them  extending  to  life  and  limb,"  under  penalty  of  having  the 
slaves  sold  by  the  state.1  The  same  was  true  with  regard  to  the 
constitution  2  of  Alabama  of  1819.  These  provisions  were  not  self- 
executing,  however,  and  did  not  prevent  cruelty. 

As  to  the  actual  killing  of  an  unresisting  slave,  there  was  little 
difference  of  opinion;  the  act  was  criminal,  though  the  penalty 
varied  in  kind  and  amount,  and  indictments  were  in  many,  per 
haps  in  most  cases,  made  under  the  common  law.3  Yet  even  here 
there  was  a  distinction  made,  in  many  cases,  between  the  owner 
and  the  stranger.  In  Virginia,  in  1827,  in  the  trial  of  a  man  for 
shooting  a  slave  not  his  own,  the  verdict  against  the  defendant 
seems  based  on  the  fact  that  the  slave  was  not  his.  "Whatever 
powers  our  laws  may  give  to  a  master  over  his  slave,  it  is  as  im 
portant  for  the  interest  of  the  former,  as  for  the  safety  of  the  latter, 
that  a  stranger  should  not  be  permitted  to  exercise  an  unrestrained 
and  lawless  authority  over  him."  4  In  the  Supreme  Court  of  Ten 
nessee,  in  a  similar  case,  the  opinion  was  that  "the  felonious  slaying 
of  a  slave  without  malice  is  manslaughter."  5  A  number  of  cases 
are  quoted  to  prove  it  not  punishable,  but  the  statement  is  clearly 
made  that  the  master  has  no  right  over  the  life  of  his  slave.  In 
North  Carolina,  in  1823,  in  a  trial  for  the  murder  of  a  slave,  there 
was  a  difference  of  opinion  between  the  justices.  Judge  Hender 
son,  in  giving  the  opinion  of  the  majority,  said  that  the  life  of 
the  slave  was  in  no  way  placed  in  the  power  of  the  owner.6  In 
Mississippi,  in  1820,  a  decision  was  rendered  that  murder  might 
be  committed  by  the  killing  of  a  slave  as  well  as  of  freemen,  and 
that  the  rights  of  the  master  were  only  those  conferred  by  posi 
tive  law.7  This  is  diametrically  opposed  to  an  opinion  in  Ten 
nessee  in  1829,  where  Judge  Whyte  declared  that  by  the  former 
law  of  nations  the  master  had  unlimited  power  over  the  life  of  his 
slave;  that  now  municipal  law  had  abridged  this  power,  but  the 
masters  retained  all  powers  not  expressly  taken  away.8 

1  Hutchinson's  (Miss.)  Code,  p.  34. 

2  Art.  Slaves,  §  3  (Code  of  Ala.,  1896,  vol.  ii.). 

3  2  Hawks  (N.  C.),  454.     State  vs.  Reed,  1823. 

4  Wheeler:  "Law  of  Slavery,"  p.  254.    Com.  vs.  Carver;  opinion  of  Brockenbrough. 

5  Ibid.  pp.  255,  259,  262;   i  Yerger,  156.    Fields  vs.  The  State. 
e  Wheeler:  "Law  of  Slavery,"  pp.  210,  211.    State  vs.  Reed. 

7  Walker,  83.     State  vs.  Isaac  Jones.  ^ 

8  Wheeler:  "Law  of  Slavery,"  p.  255.    Field  vs.  The  State  of  Tenn. 


244  Court  Decisions:   The  Slave  Before  the  Law 

In  a  great  majority  of  instances  it  is  impossible  to  determine  the 
status  of  the  murderer  of  the  slave,  whether  the  master  or  another, 
and  it  is  very  likely  that  in  all  such  cases  there  was  no  distinction 
made.  A  long  argument  in  the  Supreme  Court  of  Mississippi  in 
1820,  based  on  the  question  whether  slaves  were  "chattels"  or 
"persons"  is  concluded  by  the  decision  that  "murder  may  be  com 
mitted  by  the  killing  of  a  slave,  as  well  as  by  the  killing  of  a  free 
man,"  the  decisive  argument  being,  apparently,  that  since  by  law 
slaves  could  commit  crimes  they  must  be  considered  rational 
beings. 1 

The  penalty  for  the  killing  of  a  slave,  whether  a  deliberate  mur 
der  or  killing  in  sudden  heat  or  passion,  was  in  many  states,  at 
least  in  the  early  days,  merely  imprisonment  and  a  money  fine. 
In  1822  a  man  in  South  Carolina  was  fined  heavily  for  killing  a 
slave.2  In  the  same  year  the  "Genius"  quotes  from  other  papers 
comments  on  the  fact  that  in  Virginia  a  mere  nominal  fine  was 
imposed  for  the  same  offence.3  In  a  South  Carolina  case  in  1817, 
killing  a  negro  in  heat  and  passion  made  every  one  convicted  of 
participation  individually  liable  for  the  whole  penalty,  which  was 
a  fine.4  In  North  Carolina  a  law  punished  the  wilful  and  mali 
cious  killing  of  a  slave  with  death,  even  for  the  first  offence,5  and 
one  of  the  few  cases  of  the  execution  of  a  white  man  for  the  murder 
of  a  negro  occurred  in  Raleigh,  in  that  state,  in  1820.  Great  efforts 
were  made  to  save  the  murderer,  but  the  Governor,  from  a  sense 
of  duty,  was  inflexible.6  In  South  Carolina  a  similar  law  was 
passed  in  1821,  assigning  to  deliberate  murder  the  penalty  of  death 
without  benefit  of  clergy,  and  to  killing  in  sudden  heat  and  pas 
sion  a  fine  not  exceeding  8500  and  imprisonment  for  not  more 
than  six  months.7  The  constitution  of  1819  in  Alabama  assigned 
to  any  malicious  killing  or  dismembering  of  a  slave  "such  pun 
ishment  as  would  be  inflicted  in  case  a  like  offence  had  been  com 
mitted  on  a  free  white  person,  and  on  the  like  proof."  :  The  same 
provisions  are  found  in  the  constitution  of  Missouri  of  182 5. 9 

1  Wheeler:  "  Law  of  Slavery,"  p.  252.    The  State  of  Miss.  -vs.  Jones. 

2  2  McCord,  483.     State  vs.  Wm.  H.  Taylor. 

3  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  i.  193;   2.  32.    It  was  also  commented  on 
by  a  Virginia  paper,  and  later  by  an  Ohio  paper. 

4  i  Nott   &  McCord,  13.     State  vs.  Smith  &  Smith. 
6  Haywood:  "Manual  of  Laws,"  1819,  pp.  530,  548. 
6  Niles'  Weekly  Register,  19.  208. 

c  ^.tutes  at  Large,  6.  158  (David  J.  McCord,  1839). 
/  prostitution,  Art.  Slaves,  §  3.  8  Constitution,  Art.  Ill,  §  28. 


Court  Decisions:   The  Slave  Before  the  Law  245 

Yet  with  all  this  body  of  law  the  punishment  of  death  was  rarely 
inflicted  on  a  white  man  for  the  murder  of  a  slave.  It  was  hard  to 
get  legal  proof,  since  the  slave  could  not  testify,  and  in  many  cases 
V  acts  were  considered  to  be  legal  provocation  when  coming  from  a 
slave,  which  would  not  be  so  considered  if  done  by  a  white  man. 
In  the  case  of  the  murder  of  a  slave  by  a  stranger,  evidence  of  the 
general  good  character  of  a  slave  was  admissible  to  repel  such  pre 
sumption.1  Damages  for  killing  a  slave  in  Alabama,  laid  by  the 
Superior  Court,  were  removed  in  1820  on  appeal  to  the  Supreme 
Court  on  a  question  of  law.2  There  seems,  however,  no  question 
of  slavery  involved  in  this  particular  case.  It  was  held  in  South 
Carolina  in  1818  that  a  man  not  clothed  with  authority  of  law  to 
arrest  a  slave  as  a  felon  (in  this  case  a  neighbor  of  the  owner), 
could  not  lawfully  kill  the  slave,3  but  there  is  at  least  a  question 
whether  this  was  not  a  mere  question  of  property,  since  the  com 
pensation  in  case  of  such  killing  was  to  be  paid  to  the  owner.  In 
the  same  year  the  court  decided  it  not  lawful  to  kill  a  runaway, 
unless  the  intending  captor  was  in  danger  from  his  resistance.4 

Servile  insurrection  was  always  considered  a  justification  of 
homicide,  the  words  "except  in  case  of  insurrection"  being  in 
serted  in  nearly  every  law  forbidding  the  killing  of  slaves.  The  only 
insurrection  between  1808  and  1830  was  the  one  commonly  known 
as  the  Denmark  Vesey  Insurrection.5  This  seems,  according  to  con 
temporary  witness,6  to  have  been  an  extensive  and  well  conceived 
plot,  with  great  prospect  of  success.  When  found  out,  the  greatest 
efforts  were  made  to  find  all  the  participants,  and  many  of  the 
leaders  were  executed.  A  pamphlet  report 7  by  the  justices  who 
conducted  the  investigation,  and  the  trials  of  the  suspects,  throws 
considerable  light  upon  the  matter  and  upon  the  conduct  of  such 
trials  in  general.  They  assign  as  the  reason  for  publishing  their 
report  that  as  the  public  was  not  admitted  to  the  trials  the  reports 
circulated  were  very  imperfect  and  many  desires  were  expressed 

1  i  Dev.  (N.  C.),  345-     Pierce  vs.  Meyrick. 

2  Minor's  Rep.  i.  8. 

3  i  Nott  &  McCord,  182.     Witsell  vs.  Earnest  &  Parker. 
*  Const.  (Mill)  Rep.,  2.  314.     Arthur  vs.  Wells. 

5  One  or  two  are  referred  to  in  some  contemporary  writings,  but  not  with  sufficient 
exactness  of  detail  to  be  of  any  service. 

6  Niles'  Weekly  Register,  22.  320,  352;    23.  9-12,  17,  18,  64. 

7  Quotations  are  from  a  pamphlet  copy  of  the  official  report  in  the  Boston  (Mass.) 
Public  Library.     8  pp.  of  this  are  missing;   see  especially,  Introd.    pp.  iii,  iv,   vi,  vii; 
and  report,  pp.  22.  41,  43. 


246  Court  Decisions:   The  Slave  Before  the  Law 

for  a  fuller  account.  That  which  followed  is  certified  to  be  entirely 
complete. 

The  court  was  composed  of  five  freeholders  and  two  justices, 
with  no  jury.  They  adopted  rules  allowing  counsel  for  the  accused, 
and  requiring  either  two  witnesses  or  one  witness  supported  by 
other  evidence  to  convict  of  capital  crime.  The  general  public  was 
not  admitted;  only  the  owners  of  the  slaves  accused,  and  other 
slaves  held  as  witnesses.  The  reason  for  this  privacy  was  not  only 
the  fear  of  failure  to  detect  the  remainder  of  the  plot,  but  also  the 
safety  of  the  witnesses.  An  account  of  the  insurrection  is  given  in 
full.  It  was  considered  noteworthy  that  a  colored  church,  with 
regularly  ordained  ministers,  meeting  without  whites,  was  the 
center  for  the  perfecting  of  the  conspiracy,  and  that  all  the  leaders 
but  one  were  of  exceptionally  good  character,  and  especially  in 
dulged  and  privileged,  while  that  one  was  not  of  bad  character. 
The  justices  could  not  conceive  of  any  reason  why  one  of  the  leaders 
should  enter  the  plot,  unless  he  told  the  truth  when  he  testified  that 
he  wished  his  children  to  be  free. 

The  passage  of  the  South  Carolina  Colored  Seamen's  Act  in 
1822  was  the  cause  of  much  debate  both  in  the  North  and  in  the 
South.  No  court  decisions  have  been  found  bearing  on  the  subject, 
and  not  much  newspaper  criticism  of  the  time.1  It  was  declared 
to  be  unconstitutional  by  almost  all  authorities.  Indeed  Lundy 
claimed  that  the  Governor  of  South  Carolina  was  not  only  aware 
that  this  was  the  case,  but  recommended  the  alteration  of  the  Con 
stitution  of  the  United  States  so  as  to  admit  of  such  a  law,  in 
accordance  with  the  Constitution ! 2 

The  subject  of  "inflammatory  pamphlets"  was  also  mentioned 
clearly  in  the  South  at  this  time.  The  primary  cause  of  the  Denmark 
Vesey  Insurrection  was  considered  to  be  the  bringing  of  "pamph 
lets  of  an  insurrectionary  character"  to  Charleston  from  the  North, 
and  it  was  remarked  that  in  1809  the  black  steward  of  the  ship 
Minerva  brought  such  pamphlets,  was  arrested,  and  would  have 

1  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  2.  153;    4.  35,  67,  etc.;    Niles'  Weekly 
Register,  24.  31 ;   25.  12  (from  the  New  York  Daily  Advertiser);   28.  276.    There  was  at 
least  one  case  which  came  before  a  court,  in  1822  or  1823,  where  the  colored  seaman  was 
a  British  subject.     But  no  records  have  been  found  outside  of  the  papers  quoted  above, 
and  the  statement  in  the  Minutes  of  the  American  Convention,  for  1823,  p.  12,  that  several 
citizens  of  Pennsylvania  had  been  imprisoned  by  its  means.    The  trials  were  doubtless  in 
the  lower  courts,  of  which  no  record  is  preserved. 

2  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  4.  35. 


Court  Decisions:   The  Slave  Before  the  Law  247 

been  tried  for  his  life,  had  he  not  agreed  to  leave  the  state  and  never 
return.1  But  it  is  hard  to  determine  what  "inflammatory  pamph 
lets"  were  in  existence  in  1809  or  1822,  which  could  have  had  a 
circulation  among  the  slaves.  The  few  essays  and  articles  on  im 
mediate  emancipation  already  noted,  or  the  reports  of  the  American 
Convention,  or  the  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation  (in  1822) 
would  not  seem  entitled  to  that  name,  nor  were  they  intended  to 
be  read  by  the  slaves. 

The  laws  affecting  free  negroes  at  the  South  were  in  general 
the  same  as  those  under  which  the  slaves  were  governed,  though 
they  had  more  liberty  and  protection  in  some  states  and  under 
some  circumstances.  Their  protection  from  reenslavement  has 
already  been  considered.2  In  Louisiana  it  was  held  in  1809  that 
while  the  marriage  of  slaves  had  no  civil  effect  during  their  slavery, 
it  did,  from  the  moment  of  their  emancipation,  produce  all  the 
effects  which  result  from  the  same  contract  between  whites.3  The 
rule  that  no  slave  could  witness  against  a  free  black  or  freeborn 
mulatto,  but  that  free  blacks  were  competent  witnesses  against 
free  blacks,  has  already  been  discussed.4  In  cases  involving  free 
negroes  and  whites  the  free  negro  was  usually  given  the  right  to 
testify.  In  1813  it  was  declared  in  the  United  States  Circuit  Court 
of  the  District  of  Columbia  that  a  freeborn  mulatto  was  a  com 
petent  witness  against  a  white  person.5  This  was  allowed  in  1814 
in  Maryland,8  and  again  still  later.7  In  the  District  of  Columbia, 
in  1808,  freeborn  negroes  were  declared  competent  witnesses  in 
all  cases,  color  alone  being  no  objection  to  a  witness.8  This  prin 
ciple  was  reaffirmed  in  1810  in  regard  to  cases  of  freedom.9  In 
1821  the  Circuit  Court  decided  that  a  colored  man,  who  had  resided 
in  the  District  of  Columbia  eight  years,  had  publicly  acted  as  a 
free  man,  and  was  generally  so  reputed,  was  a  competent  witness 
against  a  free  colored  person,  without  further  proofs  of  freedom.10 

Free  persons  of  color  in  South  Carolina  were  deemed  in  1826 

1  Pamphlet  report  of  the  trial,  p.  18,  note. 

2  See  above,  pp.  233-235. 

3  6  Mart.,  559.     Girod  vs.  Lewis. 

4  For  cases  in  point  and  apparent  contradictions,  see  above,  p.  241. 

5  Federal  Cases,  25.  896;  2  Cranch,  C.  C.,  94.     U.  S.  -vs.  Douglass. 

6  3  Har.   &  John.,  491.     Spriggs  vs.  Negro  Mary. 

7  Slavery  Code  in  D.  C.  (1862),  p.  22,  note;    i  Cranch,  C.  C.,  370.     Minchin  vs. 
Docker. 

8  Federal  Cases,  27.  20;  i  Cranch,  C.  C.,  517.    U.  S.  vs.  Mullany. 

9  Federal  Cases,  20.  130;   2  Cranch,  C.  C.,  3.  i.    Queen  vs.  Hepburn. 

10  Federal  Cases,  27.  79;   2  Cranch,  C.  C.,  241.    U.  S.  vs.  Neale. 


248  Court  Decisions:   The  Slave  Before  the  Law 

capable  of  holding  real  estate,1  and  were  in  1823  admitted  2  to  the 
benefit  of  the  "  Prison  Bounds  Act."  A  law  in  Mississippi  in  1829 
provided  for  the  care  of  children  of  poor  free  negroes  and  mulattoes. 
They  were  to  be  taken  and  bound  out  in  the  same  way,  and  under 
the  same  conditions,  as  the  poor  white  children  of  the  state.3 

1  Harper,  2nd.  edition,  495.    Real  Estate  of  Mrs.  Hardcastle,  ads.  Porcher  &c. 

2  Ibid.  p.  5.     Rodgers  vs.  Norton. 

3  Hutchinson's  (Miss.)  Code,  p.  303. 


CHAPTER   XXII 
CONCLUSION 

THOUGH  the  evidence  analyzed  in  the  foregoing  pages  proves 
the  existence  of  a  strong  anti-slavery  sentiment  both  in  the  North 
and  in  the  South  during  the  period  between  1808  and  1831  which 
is  commonly  called  the  "period  of  stagnation,"  it  is  difficult  to  cal- 
culate  the  effective  strength  of  this  sentiment,  or  to  determine  how 
far  it  was  a  preparation  for  the  livelier  anti-slavery  era  after  1831. 
The  settlement  of  these  questions  is  made  the  harder  by  the  violent 
antagonisms  aroused  in  both  the  North  and  the  South  by  the  thirty 
years'  struggle  which  culminated  in  the  war  of  1861-1865.  Long 
after  the  actual  contest  was  over  many  of  the  leaders  of  the  anti- 
slavery  workers  still  belabored  each  other,  each  accusing  the  other 
of  failing  to  effect  a  peaceable  settlement,  and  of  being  the  real 
cause  of  the  alienation  of  the  two  sections  of  the  country. 

The  one  word  which  characterizes  the  anti-slavery  thought  be 
fore  1830  is  "gradualism."  A  few  apostles  of  immediate  emancipa 
tion  before  Garrison  made  as  strong  a  denunciation  of  slavery  and 
as  earnest  an  appeal  for  the  immediate  abandonment  of  the  evil  as 
any  which  he  or  his  followers  uttered,  but  theirs  was  not  the  atti 
tude  of  the  majority.  Although  friends  and  descendants  claim 
many  in  this  era  as  among  the  immediate  emancipationists,  little 
or  nothing  of  their  work  now  remains,  and  the  very  evidence  of 
their  supposed  attitude  is  common  report. 

Perhaps  the  most  unexpected  thing  about  the  movement  during 


these  years  is  that  the  South  wfl*  jpHnhitflhly  th*  tea/for,  and 


larger  force.  New  England,  had  little  JQ  jo  wifo  thp  anti-slavery 
struggle  before  Garrison;  it  became  almost  free  itself^  and  was 
separated  Trom  ^he  true  South  by  three  large  states  which  were  also 


becoming  free.    Perhaps  it  was  natural  that  the  New  Englanders 

should  concern  themselves  little  with  things  far  beyond  their  bor 
ders;  especially  since  to  distance  was  added  the  natural  differences 

between  the  people  of  the  sections,  and  the  jealousy  which  already 

249 


250  Conclusion 

showed  itself  on  many  points.    Having  so  long  nodded  and  napped, 
when  the  New  Englanders  at  last  fully  awoke  they  could  not  realize 

Ithat  in  other  parts  of  the  country  the  awakening  had  come  earliej;, 

/or  indeed  that  others  had  never  been  asleep. 
In  New  York  and  Pennsylvania  the  conditions  were  different^ 
they  were  nearer  the  slave  states,  and  in  both  a  political  and  ge£- 
graphical  sense  held  a  middle  ground  between  the  commercial 
states  of  New  England  and  the  agricultural  states  of  the  South. 
The  anti-slavery  societies  in  these  states  were  among  the  first  in 
the  country :  among  the  mos^  active  during  the  entire  period  of 
their  existence;  and  among  those  who  brought  their  organization 
and  their  personnel  in  large  measure  into  the  later  anti-slavery 
movement.  So  far  as  these  states  were  concerned  there  was  never  a 
break  in  the  anti-slavery  struggle;  before  1808  they  strove  for  the 
abolition  of  the  slave  trade;  after  1808  they  took  up  a  different  line 
of  workj  the  emancipation  and  education  of  the  negroes  already  in 
the^ country;  and  after  1831  they  accepted  new  conditions  and  new 
allies  in  their  war  against  the  common  enemy. 

A  very  large  proportion  of  the  reputed  immediate  emancir^- 
tionists  were  in  Illinois  and  OhiOj  notably  in  the  southern  portion 
of  the  latter  state,  where  their  nearness  to  actual  slavery,  and  the 
almost  constant  passing  of  fugitive  slaves,  kept  them  interested^ 
In  these  states,  as  well  as  in  New  York  and  in  Pennsylvania,  there 
was  no  break  in  the  chain  of  efforts  for  the  freedom  of  the  slave, 
and  a  large  proportion  of  the  Ohio  leaders  in  the  movement  headed 
by  Garrison  could  trace  their  anti-slavery  exertions  to  a  period  long 
before  1831,  or  could  claim  for  themselves  an  ancestry  noted  for 
abolition  tendencies. 

In  the  South  the  societies  were  more  numerous,  the  members  no 
less  earnest,  and  the  hatred  of  slavery  jio_less  bitter  in  the  later  than 
in  the  earlier  part  of  the  period  under  discussion.  Whether  they 
could  have  been  kept  in  line  had  the  same  spirit  actuated  the  North 
in  the  period  after  1831  as  before,  and  whether  thus  the  final  vic 
tory  of  libeity~~eonbT  have  been  more  easily  and  quickly  won,  is 
more  than  can  now  be  established.  The  spirit  of  antagonism  jn 
anti-slavery  circles  was  a  new  thing  in  1831,  and  may  have  had  at 
the  South  a  great  influence  against  aDolitionT  Yet  the  conciliation 
and  persuasion  so  noticeable  in  the  earlier  period  in  twenty  jears 
accomplished  practically  nothing  either  in  legislation  or  in  the  edu- 


Conclusion  251 

cation  of  public  sentiment;  while  gradual  changes  in  economic 
conditions  at  the  South  caused  the  question  to  grow  more  difficult 
The  slaves  in  most  slave  states  bore  a  steadily  increasing  ratio  to 
the  entire  population ;  and  the  agriculture  of  the  section  was  more 
and  more  put  upon  them.  Even  had  the  force  of  public  sentiment 
been  the  same,  it  would  have  been  less  easy  to  emancipate  the 
slaves  in  1831  than  in  1808. 

Yet  sectional  jealousy,  and  " delicacy"  on  the  subject  of  slavey 
do  not  seem  to  have  animated  the  mass  of  the  Southern  people, 
before,  183^.  Some  of  the  slave  owners,  either  more  sensitive  to 
varying  shades  of  public  opinion,  or  more  far-sighted  than  their 
neighbors,  detected  very  early  the  germ  of  that  abolition  tendency 
which  finally  alienated  the  entire  South,  and  sounded  the  note  of 
alarm.  Of  this  class  were  TurnbulfT  author  of  "The  Crisjs," 
Benton,  and  other  writers  and  speakers  of  more  or  less  note.  Others, 
looTong  in  a  different  direction,  saw  the  weighty  evils  which  might 
come  from  a  continuance  of  slavery,  and  plead  for  emancipation 
before  it  was  too  late.  Among  such  men,  quoted  in  the  preceding 
pages,  were  Raymond  of  Baltimore  and  Swaim  of  North  Carolina. 

Gradual  emancipation  alone  found  any  real  support  at  the  South, 
although  some  of  the  writers  in  favor  of  immediate  emancipation 
came" from  that  section.  Many  of  the  slaveholders  felt  that  their 
position  would  become  difficult,  and  perhaps  untenable,  because  of 
the  steadily  increasing  number  of  slaves,  which  in  some  states  al 
ready  outnumbered  the  whites.  Many  of  them  were  willing  to 
forego  future  profit  from  their  slaves,  if  it  must  involve  such  risk, 
but  could  not  make  the  sacrifice  of  giving  up  the  slaves  they  then 
held.  Immediate  emancipation  did  not  seem  to  meet  their  re 
quirements,  since  it  touched  the  property  of  the  men  who  were 
then  in  the  direction  of  public  affairs,  and  suddenly  overturned 
their  preconceived  notions  and  ingrained  hahjts.  Beyond  these 
difficulties,  it  seemed  destined  to  bring  upon  them  suddenly,  and 
without  remedy,  the  very  evils  they  were  trying  to  avoid,  by  turn 
ing  loose  among  them  a  people  whose  insurrection  and  domination 
they  began  to  fear;  a  mass  of  ignorant  and  half-tamed  savages, 
presumably  ready  to  avenge  wrongs  to  their  race  if  not  wrongs  to 
their  persons. 

Those  who  up  to  this  time  had  contended  for  the  righteousness 
of  slavery,  or  at  least  for  its  necessity  to  the  South,  a  need  with  which 


252 


Conclusion 


the  other  sections  of  the  country  had  no  concern,  were  naturally 
aroused  to  opposition  by  the  fact  that  the  free  states  were  clamoring 
for  the  abolition  of  a  sort  of  property  that  they  did  not  possess ;  and 
urged  voluntary  poverty  upon  the  South  in  ways  which  did  not  in 
the  least  affect  their  own  pockets.  Even  those  in  the  South  who  had 
wished  for  the  overthrow  of  slavery  might  in  many  cases  have  been 
silenced  when  it  became  clear  that  the  abolitionists  advocated  th^t 
emancipation  be  forced  upon  the  South  without  their  consent^  and 
against  the  judgment  of  very  many  of  the  people  on  the  spot,  who 
believed  that  the  measure  would  give  to  the  quondam  slaves  few  of 
the  advantages  hoped  for,  while  it  would  be  dangerous  to  the  very 
lives  of  the  whites  in  the  slave  states.  Sectional  jealousy  thus  took 
the  place  of  the  common  union  against  the  evil  which  seems  the 
hief  characteristic  of  the  period  1808-1831.^ 

Unless  some  preparation  for  a^new  issue  was  making  during  the 
twenties  the  effect  of  Garrison's  trumpet  call  for  immediate  ancl 
nconditional  emancipation  was  miraculous.  Both  the  violent 
ttacks  on  slavery  by  the  North,  and  on  abolition  by  the  South  were 
like  explosions  caused  by  a  train  laid  beforehand.  We  can  see 
traces  of  this  growing  sectional  hostility  in  the  Missouri  struggle, 
when  politics  as  well  as  society  divided  on  the  question  of  freedom 
and  slavery,  and  the  division  of  North  and  South  was  for  the  first. 
time  clearly  marked  on  slavery  issues. 

The  period  from  1808  to  1831  was  in  reality  a  two-fold  prepara 
tion  for  militant  abolitionism.  First^  those  who  opposed  slavery 
were  kept  awake,  educated,  and  made  ready  for  the  forward  move 
ment  ;  the  arguments  against  slavery  were  carefully  worked  out,  and 
the  training  of  many  later  writers  began ;  certain  forms  of  gradual 
attack  upon  the  institution  were  tried,  and  their  value  tested;  and 
the  slight  organization  of  the  more  earnest  anti-slavery  advocates 
made  it  easy  for  them  to  give  their  adherence  to  the  later  societies. 
In  the  second  place,  those  who  cherished  slavery  were  put  gradu 
ally  on  the  defensive,  by  the  foes  within  their  own  borders,  and 
later  by  those  without.  At  the  same  time,  the  Southern  anti-slavery 
men  were  apparently  alienated  by  what  they  thought  the  intolerance 
of  their  Northern  associates. 


APPENDIX   A 


NAMES  MENTIONED  IN  CONNECTION  WITH  ANTI-SLAVERY, 

1808-1831 1 

I.     OFFICERS  OF  ANTI-SLAVERY  SOCIETIES,  AND  DELEGATES  TO  THE 
AMERICAN  CONVENTION  2 


ALBERTSON,   Benjamin,   Pa.,    1817- 

1821. 

Allen,  John,  Md.,  1826. 
Allen,  Moses,  O.,  1826. 
Allen,  Paul,  Md.,  1825. 
Allinson,  William,  N.  J.,  1809. 
Alricks,  Jacob,  Del.,  1817. 
Ammidon,  Otis,  R.  I.,  1823-1825. 
Anderson,  Robert  P.,  D.  C,  1828- 

1829. 

Atkinson,  Samuel  C.,  Pa.,  1827. 
Atlee,3  Dr.  Edwin  A.,  Pa.,  1821. 
*Atlee,3Dr.  Edwin  P.,  Pa.,  1825-1829. 
Atmore,4  Marshall,  Pa.,  1827-1829. 


Bacon,  John,  Pa.  (?),  1809. 

Bacon,  Leonard,  Conn.,  1825-? 

Baker,  William,  Pa.,  1823. 

Balderston,  John  P.,  Md.,  1827. 

Baldwin,  Charles  E.,  Md.,  1827. 

Baldwin,  William,  Pa.,  1826. 

Barker,  Abraham,  N.  Y.,  1809. 

Barron,  Henry,  D.  C.,  1827-1829. 

Barrow,  David,  Ky.,  1816-1821. 

Bartlett,  Wm.  E.,  Md.,  1828. 
*Barton,  Isaac,  Pa.,  1821-1829.' 

Bartram,  Wm.  Shipley,  Pa.,  1829. 

Beecher,  Edward,  Conn.,  1825-? 
*Benson,  George,  R.  I.,  1821. 


1  These  lists  are  not  intended  to  be  either  exhaustive  or  authoritative.    To  have  made 
them  so  would  have  been  impossible  without  more  work  than  their  value  would  warrant. 
They  are  lists  of  such  names  as  have  come  up  in  the  study,  and  been  taken  down  for  one 
reason  or  another.    No  names  have  been   taken  from  a  single  secondary  authority;  and 
but  very  few  even  where  two  'or  more  secondary  writers  agree  on  naming  them.    Nearly 
all  are  from  the  "Genius,"  the  reports  of  the  American  Convention,  or  from  published 
writings  or  speeches  of  the  individual  named.    No  authority  is  assumed  for  the  spelling 
of  the  names,  since  a  name  manifestly  the  same  has  been  found  with  several  different 
spellings.    The  more  probable  has  been  taken,  and  in  some  cases  both  are  mentioned. 

The  purpose  of  the  list  is  merely  to  give  a  slight  idea  of  the  numbers  engaging  in  the 
work,  since  the  names  found  must  be  only  a  small  fraction,  even  of  the  prominent  workers, 
and  to  give  to  those  who  may  find  in  them  the  name  of  some  one  known  to  them  an  idea 
of  the  character  of  the  men  engaged  in  such  labors  during  this  period. 

2  These  represent  nearly  all  the  delegates  to  the  Convention,  but  only  a  small  pro 
portion  of  the  officers  of  the  societies,  since  not  all  the  societies  sent  reports  of  their  officers 
at  any  time,  and  but  few  to  every  meeting  of  the  Convention,  while  other  workers  might 
have  been  prominent  in  the  years  between  the  Conventions,  even  in  those  societies  where 
the  reports  were  sent  most  frequently.    Those  names  preceded  by  a  *  are  mentioned  in  the 
early  reports  of  the  American  Anti-Slavery  Society,  but  are  not,  we  must  be  sure,  the  names 
of  all  who  passed  from  the  old  societies  into  the  new.    The  states  are  placed  in  each  case 
after  the  name,  and  the  first  and  last  date  in  which  some  mention  of  the  man  in  connec 
tion  with  an  anti-slavery  society  was  found.    It  is  assumed  that  they  were  active  dunng 
the  entire  period  covered  by  the  two  dates,  even  where  no  record  is  found. 

3  Several  times  spelt  AtLee.  4  Once  spelt  Attrnore. 

253 


254 


Appendix  A 


Binney,  Horace,  Pa.,  1821. 
Blunt,  Joseph,  N.  Y.,  1827. 
Bond,  Robert,  Va.,  1827-1828. 
Bosworth,  Josiah,  D.  C.,  1828-1829. 
Bouvier,  John,  Pa.,  1827-1829. 
Bowdle,  T.,  Md.,  1826. 
Bowne,  Robert  H.,  N.  Y.,  1809. 
Bowne,1  Thos.  P.,  N.  Y.,  1826-1827. 
Bracken,  B.  W.,  Del.,  1827. 
Brackett,  Jos.  Warren,  N.  Y.,  1812. 
Braden,  Noble  S.,  Va.,  1827. 
Brazelton,  Wm.,  Tenn.,  1825. 
Breckinridge,2  Robert  J.,  Ky.,  1830. 
Brewer,  Anson  L.,  O.,  1827. 
Brian,  James,  Del.,  1817. 
Briggs,  Isaac,  Del.,  1817. 
Bringhurst,3  Joseph,  Del.,  1809-1823. 
Brooks,  Stephen,  Tenn.,  1821-1823. 
Brown,  D(avid),  Md.,  1827-1829. 
Brown,  David  Paul,  Pa.,  1821-1827. 
Brown,  David  S.,  N.  Y.,  1821-1827. 
Brown,  Goold,  N.  Y.,  1821-1827. 
Brown,  Samuel,  Va.,  1828. 
Brown,4  Thos.  P.,  N.  Y.,  1823-1825. 
Brown,  William,  Pa.,  1812. 
Bryant,  William,  Pa.,  1817-1821. 
*Buffum,  Arnold,  R.  I.,  1823. 
Bunner,  Randolph,  N.  Y.,  1809. 
Bunting,  Jacob  T.,  Pa.,  1821. 
Burgess,  Dyer,  O.,  1818. 
Burke,  F(rancis),  D.  C.,  1828. 

Caldwell,  John,  Tenn.,  1824-1825. 
Canaday,  John,  Tenn.,  1814. 
Canby,  Charles,  Del.,  1827. 
Carmalt,  Caleb,  Pa.,  1821-1825. 
Carroll,  Joseph  F.,  N.  Y.,  1823. 
Chalmers,  John,  D.  C.,  1827-1828. 
Chance,  David,  111.,  1822. 
Chandler,  John,  Jr.,  Pa.,  1821-1823. 
Chapman,  Abraham,  Pa.,  1812-1817. 
Chase,  Borden,  N.  Y.,  1827. 


Clark,  Benjamin,  N.  Y.,  1817-1829. 
Clark,  John,  111.,  1822. 
Clayland,  Lambert,  Md.,  1817. 
Clizbe,5  Ira,  N.  Y.,  1823-1827. 
Coale,  William  E.,  Md.,  1827-1828. 
Coffin,  Aaron,  N.  C.,  1824-1825. 
Coffin,  Hector,  R.  I.,  1825. 
Coffin ;Levi,  N.  C.,  1817. 
Golden,  Cadwallader  D.,  N.  Y.,  1809- 

1829. 

Coleman,  Sam.,  N.  J.,  1802. 
Collins,  Ben.  S.,  N.  Y.,  1812. 
Collins,  Charles,  N.  Y.,  1809. 
Collins,  Isaac,  N.  Y.,  1817-1825. 
Collins,  Thomas,  N.  Y.,  1809-1812. 
Comstock,  Nathan,  N.  Y.,  1821. 
Cooper,  Amos,  N.  J.,  1809. 
Cope,  Charles  S.,  Pa.,  1829. 
Cope,  Thos.  P.,  Pa.,  1809-1817. 
Corlies,6  Joseph,  N.  Y.,  1821-1829. 
Corlies,  Joseph  W.,  1826-1827. 
Cornelius,  Sam.,  D.  C.,  1829. 
Cornell,  Robert  C.,  N.  Y.,  1817-1829. 
Corse,  Barney,  N.  Y.,  1825-1829. 
Corse,  Israel,  N.  Y.,  1825-1828. 
Coulson,  John,  Tenn.,  1822-1825. 
*Cox,  Abram,  N.  Y.,  1827. 
Cox,  James,  Pa.,  1821-1823. 
Coxe,  William,  N.  J.,  1809. 
Crandell,  John,  D.  C.,  1829. 
Cresson,  B.,  Pa.,  1817. 
Cromwell,  John  J.,  N.  Y.,  1812. 
Crow,  John  F.,  Ky.,  1821-1823. 
Cummings,  James,  Tenn.,  1825. 
Curlies,7  Joseph,  N.  Y.,  1829. 
Curtis,  Joseph,  N.  Y.,  1817-1829. 

Dallam,  William,  Md.,  1828. 
Darnell,  Rev.  Henry,  Ky.,  1621. 
Davenport,  Franklin,  N.  J.,  1809. 
Davenport,  Joseph,  Md.,  1828. 
Davis,  Benjamin,  Ky.,  1821. 


1  Possibly  Brown? 

2  Signed  paper  in  1830  calling  for  a  society  in  Ky.,  which  had  no  real  result.    See  text. 

3  Given  in  1809  as  Jr.     Probably  the  same  man. 

4  Possibly  Bowne?  5  Spelt  also  Clisbe. 

6  Spelt  also  Corleis  and  Corles.  7  Is  this  a  misprint  for  Curtis? 


Appendix  A 


255 


Davis.  D.  J.,  Pa.,  1817. 
Dawes,  Joseph  C.,  D.  C.,  1827-1829. 
Dawes,  Joseph  C.,  Md.,  1828. 
Day,  Mahlon,  N.  Y.,  1825-1828. 
Deane,  Levi,  111.,  1822. 
Delaney,  William  L.,  Pa.,  1809-1817. 
Denboer,  Nicholas,  Md.,  1827. 
Dickson,  George,  111.,  1822. 
Dixon,  Isaac,  Del.,  1815. 
Doan,  Thomas,  Term.,  1821-1825. 
Donnell,  Samuel,  Esq.,  Ky.,  1821. 
Downing,  James,  111.,  1822. 
Drinker,  George,  D.  C.,  1829. 
Duer,  John,  N.  Y.,  1829. 
Duncan,  E.,  Jr.,  Ky.,  1822. 
Dwight,  Theodore,  N.  Y.,  1818-1826. 

Eagleton,  Elijah  McKee,  Tenn.,  1825. 
Earle,  Thomas,  Pa.,  1821-1829. 
Eastman,  Jonathan,  Md.,  1825. 
Eddy,  Thomas,  N.  Y.,  1809-1817. 
Edwards,  Samuel,  Pa.,  1821-1827. 
Ellis,  David,  Pa.,  1821-1827. 
Elston,  Andrew,  N.  J.,  1809. 
Ely,1  Isaac  M.,  N.  Y.,  1817-1826. 
Emmett,  Thos.  Addis,  N.  Y.,   1809- 

1826. 

Evans,  John,  Pa.,  1809. 
Evans,  Jos.,  Pa.,  1823-1829. 
Evans,  R.,  Pa.,  1829. 
Ewen,  Thomas,  Jr.,  Pa.,  1821. 

Falconer,  Samuel,  N.  Y.,  1827. 
Fawcett,  Elisha,  Va.,  1827. 
Fawcett,  Josiah,  Va.,  1828. 
Fell,  Jonathan,  Pa.,  1817. 
*Ferris,  Benjamin,  Del.,  1823-1826. 
Ferris,  William  L.,  N.  Y.,  1827. 
Ferris,  Ziba,  Del.,  1817. 
Field,  John,  Jr.,  Pa.,  1821. 
Field,  Richard,  N.  Y.,  1827-1829. 
Finley,  William,  Pa.,  1827. 
Fisher,  George,  Pa.,  1809-1812. 
Folwell,  William,  Jr.,  Pa.,  1817. 


Frame,  William,  Ky.,  1821. 
Franklin,  Walter,  Pa.,  1809. 
Frazer,  Abner,  Tenn.,  1822. 

Galbreath,  James,  Tenn.,  1821-1822. 
Gardner,  Eph.,  Md.,  1828. 
Garrett,  Thos.,  Jr.,  Del.,  1823-1827. 
Garrett,  William,  Tenn.,  1825. 
Gawthrop,  George,  Pa.,  1823. 
Gibbons,  William,  M.  D.,  Del.  1817- 

1827. 

Gilbert,  E.  W.,  Del.,  1827. 
Gillingham,  George,  Md.,  1828. 
Gilpin,  Ed.,  Del,  1809. 
Godwin,  Henry  M.,  Del.,  1817. 
Graham,  John,  Pa.,  1827. 
Gram,  John,  Pa.,  1824. 
Grant,  J.  D.,  Ky.,  1821. 
Gray,  Asa,  Tenn.,  1825. 
Greene,2  David,  Mass.,  1826. 
Griffith,  William,  Pa.,  1826. 
Grim,  Jas.  Oswald,  N.  Y.,  1829. 
Grubb,  Sam.  S.,  Del.,  1827. 
Guest,  Job,  D.  C.,  1828. 

Hackney,  Aaron,  Tenn.,  1825. 
Hackney,  James,  Va.,  1827. 
Hackney,  Joseph,  Va.,  1828. 
Hale,  Thos.,  N.  Y.,  1827-1829. 
Hallowell,  Ben.,  D.  C.,  1827. 
Hallowell,  John,  Pa.,  1809-1817. 
Hallowell,  William  S.,  Pa.,  1827. 
Hamilton,  Thos.  M.,  111.,  1-822. 
Hammer,  Aaron,  Tenn.,  1825. 
Hammer,  Elisha,  Tenn.,  1825. 
Hammer,  Isaac,  Tenn.,  1821. 
Hammond,  Jabez  D.,  N.  Y.,  1829. 
Harrison,  Thos.,  Pa.,  1809-1812. 
Harryman,  David,  Md.,  1826-1828. 
Hartshorne,  Richard,  N.  J.,  1807. 
Hatch,  Isaac,  N.  Y.,  1827. 
Haviland,    Edmund,    N.    Y.,    1827- 

1829. 
Haydock,  Henry,  N.  Y.,  1827. 


1  Once  given  as  Israel,  and  once  J.  M. 

2  Greene  was  a  student  in  Andover  Seminary.    Nothing  is  known  of  his  home. 


256 


Appendix  A 


Hazard,  Rowland,  R.  I.,  1821. 
Hazard,1  Thos.,  N.  Y.,  1821. 
Hegerman,  Adrian,  N.  Y.,  1809. 
Hemphill,  Jos.,  Pa.,  1809. 
Henderson,  John,  Pa.,  1821. 
Hewlett,  John  Q.,  Md.,  1828. 
Hicks,  Robert,  N.  Y.,  1827. 
Hicks,  Sam.,  N.  Y.,  1809-1812. 
Hicks,  Willett,  N.  Y.,  1809. 
Higgins,  Patrick,  111.,  1822. 
Hilles,  David,  Pa.,  1827. 
Hilles,  Eli,  Del.,  1821-1827. 
Hilles,  Sam.,  Del.,  1817-1827. 
Hilton,  Dan.,  111.,  1822. 
Hilyard,  Abraham,  Pa.,  1809-1812. 
Hinchman,  J.,  Pa.,  1817. 
Hines,  Matthew,  D.  C.,  1829. 
Hoge,  Thos.,  Tenn.,  1823-1825. 
Hollinshead,  Ben.  M.,  Pa.,  1821. 
Holmes,  Christian,  Va.,  1828. 
Holmes,  William,  Va.,  1826-1828. 
Hooks,  John  A.,  Tenn.,  1825. 
Hoopes,  Isaac  N.,  Md.,  1826-1827. 
Hopkins,  James,  Pa.,  1821-1827. 
Hopkins,  Jos.  R.,  Pa.,  1809. 
Hopkinson,  Jos.,  Pa.,  1809-1812. 
Hopper,  Isaac,  Pa.,  1827  (1795-1852). 
Houston,  James,  Tenn.,  1825. 
Hubbard,2  F.  W.,  Mass.,  1826. 
Huffaker,  Justice,  Tenn.,  1825. 
Hughes,  George,  Md.,  1825. 
Hull,  Oliver,  N.  Y.,  1825. 

Jackson,  George,  R.  I.,  1825. 
Jackson,  Isaac,  Del.,  1817-1821. 
Jackson,  Israel,  Pa.,  1821. 
Jackson,  William,    Jr.,    Pa.,    1821- 

1823. 

Jacobs,  Thomas,  D.  C.,  1829. 
Jacques,  Gideon,  M.  D.,  Del.,  1821- 

1823. 

Janney,  Daniel,  Va.,  1826-1828. 
Janney,  Jacob,  D.  C.,  1828-1829. 


Janney,  Jonathan,  D.  C.,  1829. 
Janney,  Sam.  M.,  D.  C.,  1827-1829. 
Jay,  Peter  A.,  N.  Y.,  1812-1829. 
Jenks,  Jos(eph)  R.,  Pa.,  1809. 
Jenkins,  Sylvanus,  N.  Y.,  1812. 
Jennings,  Obadiah,  Pa.,  1824. 
Johns,  Abraham,  Md.,  1825. 
Johnson,  William,  N.  Y.,  1809-1827. 
Jones,  Aquila,  Md.,  1827. 
Jones,  Isaiah,  Tenn.,  1821-1822. 
Jones,  James,  Tenn.,  1821-1828. 
Jones,  John,  Del.,  1809. 
Jones,  John  T.,  Md.,  1827. 
Jones,  Thomas,  Tenn.,  1825. 
Jones,  William,  Pa.,  1827-1829. 
Jones,  William  R.,  Md.,  1827-1829. 

Keating,  John,  Jr.,  Pa.,  1821-1823. 
Kenworthy,  Jesse,  Pa.,  1826-1827. 
Kerr,  David,  Tenn.,  1825. 
Kesl(e)y,  Rev.  Wm.,  Md.,  1826-1829. 
Ketchum,  Hiram,  N.  Y.,  1821-1829. 
Kinsey,  Edmund,  Pa.,  1809-1812. 
Kirk,  William  J.,  Pa.,  1827. 
Kite,  Jos.  S.,  Pa.,  1821. 

Lamborn,  Jonathan,  Del.,  1817. 
Lancaster,  Moses,  Pa.,  1823. 
Lawton,  William,  N.  Y.,  1827. 
Lea,  Joseph,  Pa.,  1817. 
Lee,  Ephraim,  Tenn.,  1825. 
Leggett,  Aaron,  N.  Y.,  1826-1828. 
Leggett,  Reuben,  N.  Y.,  1817. 
Leggett,  Thomas,  Jr.,  N.  Y.,  1827. 
Lemen,  James,  111.,  1822. 
Lemen,  Josiah,  111.,  1822. 
Lemen,  Jos.,  Jr.,  111.,  1822. 
Lemen,  Moses,  111.,  1822. 
Levering,  Thos.,  D.  C.,  1828-1829. 
*Lewis,  Evan,  Del.,  1817-1823;  N.  Y. 

1827-1828.    (Pa.,  1833.) 
Lewis,  Jehu,  Pa.,  1827. 
Lewis,  Mordecai,  N.  Y.,  1812. 


1  Thomas  Hazard  was  a  former  resident  of  R.  I.  and  member  of  the  R.  I.  Society, 
hence  a  delegate  from  that  society  in  1821. 

2  Hubbard  was  a  student  at  Williams  College.     Nothing  is  known  of  his  home. 


Appendix  A 


257 


Lewis,  William,  Pa.,  1809-1817. 
Lilleston,  John  W.,  Ky.,  1821. 
Lockhart,  Jesse,  Tenn.,  1814-1825. 
Lowber,  Dan.,  Del.,  1809. 
Lowber,  John  C.,  Pa.,  1827. 
Lower,  Abraham,  Pa.,  1821. 
Ltmdy,  Benjamin,  O.,  1815;   Tenn., 
1823-1826;  Md.,  1827-1829. 

Malcum,  William,  Tenn.,  1825. 
Mankin,  Henry,  Md.,  1827-1828. 
Markland,  E.  I.,  Md.,  1828. 
Marshall,  Abraham,  Pa.,  1823. 
Marshall,  Abraham,  Jr.,  Pa.,    1821- 

1823. 

Marshall,  Abraham,  Tenn.,  1823. 
Martin,  Jos.  D.,  Pa.,  1809. 
Martin,  Moses,  Ky.,  1816-1821. 
Mason,  Sam.,  Jr.,  Pa.,  1823-1827. 
Master,  William,  Pa.,  1809-1817. 
Matthews,  Joshua,  Md.,  1828. 
Matthews,  Sam.,  Md.,  1826. 
Matthews,1  S.  H.,  Md.,  1828. 
Matthews,  Thomas,  Md.,  1828. 
Maulsby,  David,  Tenn.,  1814. 
McClellan,  Jos.  B.,  Tenn.,  1823. 
McClelland,  John,  D.  C.,  1829. 
McClintock,  Thomas,  Pa.,  1827-1829. 
McClure,  Robert,  Pa.,  1826. 
McCorkle,  Francis  H.,  Tenn.,  1823. 
McCormick,    Hugh,    N.   Y.,    1821- 

1823. 

McCormick,  John,  Pa.,  1827. 
McCoy,  John,  Pa.,  1825. 
McCoy,  John  C.,  Ky.,  1821. 
McGirr,  William,  Pa.,  1826. 
McGuire,  Samuel,  111.,  1822. 
McLeod,  John,  D.  C.,  1829. 
McNees,  Samuel,  Tenn.,  1825. 
Megear,  Michael,  Del.,  1821. 
Mendenhall,  Eli,  Del.,  1809. 
Mendenhall,  Richard,  N.  C.,    1824- 

1828. 


Meyers,  Sam.,  D.  C.,  1828. 
Michener,  Ezra,  M.  D.,  Pa.,   1821- 

1823. 

Mifflin,  Joseph,  Pa.,  1818. 
Mifflin,  Warner,  Del.,  1817. 
Milnor,  James,  Pa.,  1809-1812. 
Mitchell,  Sam.  L.,  N.  Y.,  1809. 
Montgomery,  James,  Ky.,  1821. 
Moore,  Ben.  P.,  Md.,  1828. 
Moore,  John,  Tenn.,  1823. 
Moore,  Jos.,  Pa.,  1809-1812.    ' 
Moore,  Lindley  M.,  N.  Y.,  1821. 
Moore,  Robert,  Md.,  1817. 
Moore,  Wm.  M.,  Md.,  1817. 
Morgan,  John,  Tenn.,  1814. 
Morgan,  William  H.,  Md.,  1827-1829. 
Morrell,  Elisha,  N.  Y.,  1809. 
Morris,  Lewis,  Pa.,  1826. 
Morris,  Matthias,  Pa.,  1821-1827. 
Mott,  James,  Pa.,  1823-1829. 
Mott,  Richard,  Jr.,  N.  Y.,  1827-1829. 
Mott,  Robert  F.,  N.  Y.,  1821-1825. 
Mott,  William  F.,  N.  Y.,  1827. 
Mott,  William  W.,  N.  Y.,  1823-1827. 
Munro,  Peter  Jay,  N.  Y.,  1812. 
Munro,2  Peter  Say,  N.  Y.,  1809. 
Murphy,  Robert,  Pa.,  1821-1829. 
Murray,  James,  Pa.,  1821. 
Murray,1  James  W.,  Pa.,  1821-1823. 
Murray,  John,  Jr.,  N.  Y.,  1809-1817. 

Neal,  R.  H.,  D.  C.,  1827. 
Neale,  James,  Md.,  1817. 
Needles,  Edward,  Pa.,  1817-1823; 

Md.,  1825. 

Needles,  John,  Md.,  1825-1829. 
Newbold,  George,  N.  Y.,  1809-1829. 
Newbold,  Joshua,  N.  J.,  1812. 
Newbold,  William,  N.  J.,  1809. 
Newlin,  Cyrus,  Del.,  1809. 
Newport,  Jesse  W.,  Pa.,  1827. 
Nicholson,  L.,  Pa.,  1817. 
Nicols,  S.,  Del.,  1809. 


1  Is  this  the  same  as  the  one  preceding? 

2  Probably  as  the  one  just  preceding? 


258 


Appendix  A 


Noble,  Charles,  Pa.,  1829. 
Norris,1  Joseph  P.,  Pa.,  1823-1827. 

Ogle,  Benjamin,  111.,  1822. 


Post,  Henry,  Jr.,  N.Y.,  1809. 
Potter,  Thos.  M.,  N.  J.,  1809. 
Potts,  John.,  N.  J.,  1809. 
Preston,  David,  Md.,  1828. 


Osborn,  Charles,  Tenn.,  1814;  N.  C,      Preston,  Jonas,  Pa.,  1821-1829. 


1816. 

Osborn,  I.,  Tenn.,  1823. 
Owen,  T.,  Jr.,  Pa.,  1817. 

Palmer,  Aaron  H.,  N.  Y.,  1809. 
Palmer,  James,  N.  Y.,  1821-1826. 
Pardoe,  John,  Tenn.,  1825. 
Parker,  Joseph,  Pa.,  1809-1829. 
Parker,  Thos.,  Pa.,  1809-1817. 
Parker,  Thos.,  Jr.,  Pa.,  1827-1829. 
Parrish,  Dr.  Jos.,  Pa.,  1817-1829. 
Parvin,  Ben.  C.,  Pa.,  1817-1821. 
Passy,  John,  Md.,  1825. 
Patterson,  Rob.,  Pa.,  1809-1812. 
Paul,  Joseph  M.,  Pa.,  1812-1827. 
Paxon,  Sam.,  N.  J.,  1812. 
Paxson,Tim.,  Pa.,  1809-1817. 
Paxson,  Wm.  P.,  Pa.,  1821. 
Pearson,  Isaac,  Pa.,  1809-1812. 


Preston,  Mahlon,  Pa.,  1823. 
Price,  Ben.,  Pa.,  1821-1823. 
Price,  Jos.,  Pa.,  1809-1812. 
Price,  Mahlon  C.,  Md.,   1826. 
Price,  Philip,   Jr.,   Pa.,   1817-1823. 
Pryce,  William,  Del.,  1809. 
Pulliam,  James,  111.,  1822. 
Pusey,  Lea,   Pa.,    1821-1823;    Del., 
1827. 

Quarles,  John,  Md.,  1827. 

*Rankin,2   John,  Tenn.,   1814;    Ky., 

1821. 

Rawle,  William,   Pa.,    1809-1829. 
Rawle,  William,  Jr.,  1821-1827. 
Raymond,  Daniel,  Md.,  1825-1829. 
Reed,  Walker,  Pa.,  1809. 
Reese,  John  S.,  Md.,  1826-1829. 


Pennock,  Abraham   L.,    Pa.,  1817-     Reynolds,  John,  Del.,  1809-1827. 


1829. 


Reynolds,  William,  N.  C.,  1829. 


Pennock,  Ben.  J.,  M.  D.,  Pa.,  1823.     Richards,  William   P.,   Del.,    1827. 
Pepper,  Henry  I.,  Del.,  1821-1823.         Ridgeway,  Thos.,  Pa.,  1827-1829. 
Peters,    Richard,     Jr.,    Pa.,     1817-     Robbins,  Willet,  N.  Y.,  1812. 


1821. 

Peterson,  George,  Pa.,  1627-1829. 
Phillipps,  Sol.,  Pa.,  1826. 
Phipps,  Thos.,  Pa.,  1809-1817. 
Pickering,  Ellis,  Tenn.,  1825. 
Pickering,  Enos,  Tenn.,  1825. 
Pidgeon,  Isaac,  Va.,  1828. 

Pierce, ,  Pa.,  1827. 

Pierce,  Isaac,  Del.,  1827. 
Pierce,  John,  Md.,  1825. 
Pike,  Stephen,  Pa.,  1809. 
Plummer,  Thos.  G.,  Md,  1825. 
Poole,  William,  Del.,  1809-1817. 
Porter,   Robert,  Del.,  1827. 


Roberts,  William,  Tenn.,  1825. 
Roberts,  William,  Tenn.,  1825. 
Rogers,  Thos.,  Pa.,  1809-1812. 
Ross,  John,  Pa.,  1817. 
Ross,  Samuel,  Pa.,  1829. 
Rowland,  Jos.  G.,  Del.,  1817-1827. 
Rowland,  Jos.  W.,  Pa.,  1823-1827. 
Rulon,  Ben.,  N.  J.,  1809. 
Rush,  Dr.  Ben.,  Pa.,  1809-1812. 
Rush,  Richard,  Pa.,  1809-1812* 

Sadd,3  J.  M.,  Mass.,  1826. 
Sampson,    William,    N.    Y.,    1817- 
1823. 


1  Possibly  Morris. 

2  Rankin  was  in  Ky.  from  1817-1821,  and  in  Ohio  from  1821-1865.    A  man  of  the 
name  is  mentioned  as  from  N.  Y.  in  1833. 

3  Sadd  was  a  student  at  Williams  College.    Nothing  is  known  of  his  home. 


Appendix  A 


259 


Sanford,  Nathan,  N.  Y.,  1812. 
Sawyer,  Walter,  N.  Y.,  1817. 
Scholfield,  David,  O.,  1827. 
Scrivener,  John,  D.  C.,  1828. 
Seal,  William,  Del.,  1809-1827. 
Seaman,    Valentine,    N.    Y.,    1809- 

1817. 

Seaman,  Willet,  N.  Y.,   1812-1827. 
Sergeant,  John,  Pa.,  1812-1827. 
Sharp,  George,  Va.,  1827. 
Sharpless,  Blakey,  Pa.,  1821. 
Sharpless,  Townsend,  Pa.,  1821. 
Shaw,  Alex.,  Pa.,  1817-1823. 
Sheppard,  Allen,  N.  Y.,  1809. 
Sheppard,  Sam.  C.,  Pa.,  1829. 
Sherwood,  Isaac,  N.  Y.,  1827. 
*Shipiey,  Thos.,   Pa.,   1817-1829. 
Shook,  Samuel,  111.,  1822. 
Shotwell,  Gilbert,  N.  Y.,  1812. 
Shortwell,  Harvey,  N.  Y.,  1827. 
Sitgreaves,  Sam.,  Pa.,  1827. 
Sliver,  Abraham,  Md.,  1828. 
Slocum,  William  T.,  N.  Y.,  1809. 
Slosson,1  William,  N.  Y.,  1809-1827. 
Smith,  Charles,  Pa.,  1817. 
Smith,  D.,  Va.,  1826-1828. 
Smith,     Dan.  (G.),  Pa.,  1809-1821. 
Smith,  Isaac,  Tenn.,  1825. 
Smith,  James,  Pa.,  1821. 
Smith,  Nathan,  Pa.,  1809-1812. 
Smith,  Sam.,  Pa.,  1809-1812. 
Smith,  W.  R.,  Pa.,  1823. 
Stackhouse,  Powell,  Pa.,  1827-1829. 
Stanley,  Jesse,  Pa.,  1827-1829. 
Stanton,  Benjamin,  O.,  1827. 
Starr,  Isaac  H.,  Del.,  1809. 
Stearns,  Dr.   John,  Pa.,   1821-1827. 
Stier,  Fred.,  Md.,  1825-1826. 
Stone,  William  L.,  N.  Y.,  1826-1829. 
Stratton,  N.  Willis,  Md.,  1827. 
Stuart,  Zimri,  N.  C.,  1825-1829. 
Summers,  James,  Md.,  1825. 
Swaim,  Benjamin,  N.  C.,  1826-1830. 
Swaim,  Moses,  N.  C.,  1816-1826. 
Swaim,  William,  N.  C.,  1826-1830. 


Swain,  Elihu,  Tenn.,  1814. 
Swain,  John,  Tenn.,  1814-1823. 
Swayne,  William,  Pa.,  1821-1823. 
Symmes,  Austin,  111.,  1822. 

Tarrant,  Carter,  Ky.,  1811. 
Taylor,  Ben.  F.,  Va.,  1826-1827. 
Taylor,    Henry   S.,  Va.,    1825-1826. 
Taylor,  Yardley,  Va.,  1825-1826. 
Temple,  Sol.,  Pa.,  1821-1826. 
Terry,  Stephen,  111.,  1822. 
Thomas,  John,  Ky.,  1811. 
Thompson,  Jeremiah,  N.  Y.,  1812- 

1821. 

Thompson,  Jonah,  Pa.,  1817. 
Thomson,  J.  L,  Md.,  1827. 
Thorn,  Isaac,  Ky.,  1825. 
Titus,  Michael  M.,    N.    Y.,    1826- 

1829. 

Titus,  Peter  S.,  N.  Y.,  1827. 
Todhunter,  Joshua,  Pa.,  1827-1829. 
Townsend,  Charles,  Pa.,  1809-1812. 
Troth,  Henry,  Pa.,  1817-1829. 
Truman,   Jos.   M.,   Pa.,    1821-1829. 
Tucker,  Ben.,  Pa.,  1817-1829. 
Tucker,   Thos.,   N.    Y.,    1812-1817. 
Tyson,   Elisha,    Md.      (No   definite 

,  dates.) 
Twining,  Alex.,  Conn.,  1825. 

Underbill,  Ira  B.,  N.  Y.,  1809. 
Underbill,  John,  Tenn.,  1814. 
Underbill,  Josh.,  N.  Y.,  1812-1826. 

Vail,   Eli,  N.  Y.,  1826. 

Valentine,  Bond,  Pa.,  1823. 

Van  Hook,  Isaac  A.,  N.  Y.,  1809- 

1812. 

Vaux,  George,  Pa.,  1809. 
Vaux,  Roberts,  Pa.,  1809-1823. 
Veitch,  William,  D.  C.,  1828. 

Wadsworth,  John,  N.  Y.,  1812. 
Wales,  John,  Del.,  1821-1827. 
Walker,  Charles,  N.  Y.,  1829. 


1  Once  found  Slosser. 


260 


Appendix  A 


Walker,  Edward,  Va.,  1827. 
Wain,  Jacob  S.,  Jr.,  Pa.,  1809. 
Walter,  Edwin,  Pa.,  1829. 
Ward,1  John,  N.  Y.,  1821. 
Ward,  Ulysses,  D.  C.,  1829. 
Ware,  N.  H.,  Md.,  1827. 
Waugh,  Townshend,  D.  C.,  1829. 
Wayne,  William,  Pa.,  1829. 
Wayne,  William,  Jr.,  Pa.,  1817. 
Weatherly,  David,  Pa.,  1827-1829. 
Weaver,   Amos,   N.    C.,    1829-1830. 
Webb,  B.,  Del.,  1817-1827. 
Webb,  Sam.,  Pa.,  1817. 
Wells,  George,  Tenn.,  1822. 
Wharton,  William,  Pa.,  1829. 
Wheeler,   Rev.   Charles,   Pa.,   1825- 

1827. 

West,  Amos,  Md.,  1828-1829. 
White,   Robert,   N.    Y.,    1817-1821. 
White,  Wm.  C.,  N.  Y.,  1826-1829. 
Wickes,  William,  Del.,  1817. 
Wiley,  Hugh,  Ky.,  1822. 
Wilkinson,  Francis,  Pa.,  1821. 
Williams,  Ben.,  Pa.,  1809-1821. 
Williams,  Job  M.,  O.,  1826. 
Williams,  Zopa,  111.,  1822. 
Willis,  Jesse,  Tenn.,  1814. 


Willis,  John  R.,  N.  Y.,  1825. 
Willits,  H.,  Pa.,  1821. 
Willits,2  John  H.,  Pa.,  1821. 
Willits,  Sam.,  N.  Y.,  1823. 
Wilson,  Jas.  J.,  1809-1812. 
Wilson,  Jas.  R.,  Pa.,  1829. 
Wilson,  P.  N.,  Tenn.,  1823. 
Wilson,  Sam.,  Md.,  1828. 
Wistar,  Caspar,  Pa.,  1815-1817. 
Witsel,  Henry,  Del.,  1823. 
Wood,  D.  C.,  Pa.,  1829. 
Wood,  Richard  C.,  Pa.,  1821. 
Wood,  Sam.,  N.  Y.,  1823. 
Woods,  W.  W.,  Tenn.,  1823, 
Woolsey,  Theodore,  Conn.,  1825. 
Worrell,  Edw.,  Del.,  1817-1827. 
Wright,  Isaac,  N.  Y.,  1827. 
Wright,  John  B.,  N.  Y.,  1827. 
Wright,  Luther,  Conn.,  1825. 
*Wright,  Peter,  Pa.,  1821-1829. 
Wright,  Thos.,  Va.,  1828. 
Wright,  William,  Pa.,  1818. 

Young,3  John  C.,  Ky.,  1830. 

Zollickkoffer,  Daniel,  Md.,  1827. 
Zollickoffer,  H.  M.,  Pa.,  1829. 


II.    OTHER  NAMES  FOUND  IN  CONNECTION  WITH  ANTI-SLAVERY 


Adamson,4 ,  S.  C.,  1825. 

Allen,  George  R.,  - 
Amphlett,  William,  Ohio  (Eng.). 
Asbury,  Bishop  Francis. 
Austin,  James  T.,  Mass. 

Bankson,  A.,  111.,  1823. 
Bettle,  Edward,  Pa. 
Birkbeck,  Morris,  111. 


Birney,  James  G.,  Ky.,  Ala. 
Blake,  Francis. 
Blake,5  G.,  Mass. 
Blakeman,  Curtis,  111.,  1823. 
Bourne,  George,  N.  Y.,  (Va.?). 
Branagan,  Thomas. 
Bristed,  John.,  N.  Y. 
Bryan,  Daniel,  Va. 
Buchanan,  George. 


1  John  Ward  was  a  former  resident  of  R.  I.  and  member  of  the  R.  I.  society.    He  was 
a  delegate  from  that  society  in  1821. 

2  It  seems  possible  for  some  reasons  to  think  that  the  H.  Willits  above  was  a  mis 
print  for  John  H.  Willits. 

3  Signed  call  for  the  meeting  in  Ky.  in  1830. 

4  Shot  in  1825,  presumably  for  his  anti-slavery  tendencies. 

5  Signed  the  memorial  in  Mass,  against  further  extension  of  slavery  in  Missouri  which 
was  quite  anti-slavery. 


Appendix  A 


261 


Cairns,  Abraham,  111.,  1823. 
Caldwell,  G.,  111.,  1823. 

Cameron, ,  Ky. 

Campbell,  Alex.,  Va.,  Ala.,  Tenn.,  O. 
Carey,  Matthew. 
Chandler,  E.  M.,  Del. 
Churchill,  George,  111.,  1823. 
Clark,  John,  111,  1823. 
Coles,  Edward,  111. 
Cook,  Daniel  P.,  111. 
Cornish,1  Samuel,  N.  Y. 
Corwine,  Amos,  Ky.,  1821. 
Corwine,  George,  Ky.,  1821. 
Crothers,  Rev.  Samuel,  Ky.,  O. 

Cunshawe, ,  Va. 

Cushman,  Joshua,  Maine. 

Dickeys,  The,  of  Ohio. 
Doak,  Samuel,  Tenn.,  N.  C. 

Dodge, ,Ky. 

Dole,  Ebenezer,  Maine. 
Duncan,  James,  Ky.,  Ind. 
Dunlop,  William,  Ky.,  O. 
Dupre,  Lewis. 
Dwight,  Timothy,  Conn. 

Elliott,  John,  Pa. 
Embree,  Elihu,  Tenn. 
Emmett,  John. 
Evans,  Estwick,  N.  H. 
Evarts,  Jeremiah. 

Finlay,  John,  Md. 
Flower,  George,  111. 
Forten,1  James,  Pa. 

Gallison,2  John,  Mass. 
Garngnes,  Samuel  P. 
Garrison,  William  Lloyd. 
Gibbons,  Daniel,  Pa. 
Gibbons,  Joseph,  Pa. 
Gilliland,  James,  S.  C.,  O. 


Goodell,  Wriiam,  R.  I. 
Gross,  Ezra  C.,  N.  Y. 

Hale,  E.,  Jr.,  Mass. 
Hardin,  William,  1821. 
Hicks,  Elias,  N.  Y. 
Hoffman,  Michael,  N.  Y. 
Holman,  Joseph,  Ind. 
Hopkinses,  The,  of  Ohio. 
Hopper,  Isaac  T.,  Pa. 
Hunt,  George,  Ind. 
Huskell. 

Jarvis,  S.  T.,  Mass. 
Jay,  William,  N.  Y. 
Jennings,  Jonathan,  Ind. 

Kenrick,  John.  ^ 

King,  Rufus.  v 

Kinkade,  William,  111.,  1823. 

Kirkpatricks,  The,  of  Ohio. 

Knight,  Henry  C. 

Lamb,  Michael,  Md. 
Law,  Thomas,  D.  C. 
Lawton,  James,  O. 
Leavitt,  Joshua,  Mass.,  N.  Y.,  Conn. 
Livermore,  Edward,  Mass. 
Lockhart,  Jesse,  Tenn. 
Lockwood,  Samuel  D.,  111. 
Lowry,  William,  111.,  1823. 

Magaughy,  John. 
Mahan,  Rev.  Asa. 
Mahan,  Rev.  John,  O. 
Mather,  Trios. ,  111.,  1823. 
Maxwell,  William,  Va. 
McGahey,  David,  111.,  1823. 
McLane,  Del.,  1819. 
McLean,  Prof.,  N.  J. 
Meigs,  Henry,  N.  Y. 
Miner,  Charles,  Pa. 
Minge,  David,  Va. 


1  A  colored  man. 

2  Signed  the  memorial  in  Mass,  against  further  extension  of  slavery  in  Missouri 
which  was  quite  anti-slavery. 


262 


Appendix  A 


Moore,  Risdon,  111.,  1823. 
Morrill,  David  L.,  N.  H. 
Morris,  Thomas,  Va.,  O. 
Mower,  Milo,  La. 

Nelson,  John  M.,  Va. 
Nicholson,  Judge,  Md. 
Niles,  Hezekiah,  Md. 
Nye,  Horace. 

Ogden,  George  W. 
Ogle,  Jacob,  111.,  1823. 
Osborne,  Adila  Lawrence,  S.  C. 

Palmer,  Dr.,  Mass. 

Parker,  Daniel,  111.,  1823. 

Parrott,1  Russell,  Pa. 

Paulding,  James  K. 

Paxton,  John  D. 

Peck,  Rev.  John  M.,  HI. 

Peck,  Solomon. 

Pell,  Gilbert,  111.,  1823. 

Plumer,  William,  N.  H. 

Prentice,  George  D.,  Conn. 

Pugh,  Jonathan. 

Quincy,2  Josiah,  Mass. 

Rice,  David,  Ky. 
Russwurm,1  John  B.,  N.  Y. 


Salsburys,  The,  of  Ohio. 

Schoolcraft. 

Sergeant,  John,  Pa. 

Sewall,  Samuel  E. 

Sims,  James,  111.,  1823. 

Snedigers,  The,  of  Ohio. 

Stewart,  Alvan. 

Stillman,  Stephen,  111.,  1823. 

Stoddard,  Amos. 

Story,  Judge. 

Stroud,  George  M.,  Pa. 

Sturgis,  William,  Mass. 

Sullivan,  Richard,  Mass. 

Sumner,  Brad.,  Mass. 

Tappan,  Arthur. 
Tappan,  John,  Mass. 
Taylor,-  -,  N.  Y. 
Thomas,  David,  N.  Y. 
Thornton. 
Torrey,  Jesse. 
Tyson,  John  S. 

Walley,  S.  H.,  Mass. 
Walker,1  David,  Mass. 
Watson,  Joseph. 
Weld,  Theodore  D. 
Whittier,  John  G. 
Wright,  Judge  Jabez,  O. 
Wright,  John,  N.  Y. 


III.     NAMES  OF  THE  AGENTS  OF  LUNDY'S  "  GENIUS  "  IN  THE 
DIFFERENT  STATES 


MASSACHUSETTS. 

Worcester,  Noah. 
NEW  JERSEY. 

Lundy,  Richard. 
PENNSYLVANIA. 

Hale,  Thomas. 

McKeever,  William. 
MARYLAND. 

Niles,  Hezekiah. 

Stabler,  James  P. 

1  A  colored  man. 

2  Signed  the  memorial  in  Mass,  against  further  extension  of  slavery  in  Missouri 
which  was  quite  anti-slavery. 


VIRGINIA. 

Brown,  Samuel. 

Taylor,  John,  Jr. 

Webb,  William. 
NORTH  CAROLINA. 

Hellen,  Brian. 

Lundy,  Thomas. 

Moore,  (?)  Thos. 
SOUTH  CAROLINA. 

McMillan,  Rev.  H. 


Appendix  A  263 

KENTUCKY.  Lewis,  William. 

Corwine,  Amos,  Jr.  Mason,  James  M. 

Grant,  J.  D.  Pierce,  Richard. 

Zane,  William.  Smith,  Mahlon. 

TENNESSEE.  Williams,  Richard. 

Brazelton  William.  Wilson,  James,  Esq. 

Burkhart,  George.  Wright,  N. 

Deadrick,  David,  Esq.  ILLINOIS. 

Embree,  Elijah.  Gerger,  John. 

Williams,  John.  Piper,  E.  H. 

OHIO.  Roberts,  William  F. 

Embree,  Thomas.  Warren,  Hooper,  Esq. 


APPENDIX    B 


NAMES   OF  ANTI-SLAVERY   SOCIETIES,    1808-1831 

CONNECTICUT. 

New  Haven.     Bacon,  1825. 

New  Haven,  colored.     1827. 
DELAWARE. 

Delaware  Abolition  Society,  1788,  1809,  1815,  1817,  1821,  1823,  1826, 
1827. 

Delaware  Free  Labor  Society,  1827. 

Kent  County,  1817,  1818. 

Wilmington.     1817. 

Wilmington.     1821,  1826. 

Wilmington  Anti-Slavery  Society,  1827. 

Wilmington  Free  Produce.     1826,  1827. 
DISTRICT  OF  COLUMBIA. 

African  Slavery  Abolition  Society  of  Washington.     1827. 

Alexandria.     1827. 

Alexandria  Benevolent  Society.     1826,  1827,  1828,  1829. 

District  of  Columbia.     1827. 

Society  for  Abolition  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  1827,  1828. 

Washington.     1827. 

Washington  City  Abolition  Society.     1827,  1828,  1829. 

Washington  Society  for  Abolition  in  the  District  of  Columbia.     1828. 
ILLINOIS. 

Friends  of  Humanity.     1822,  1824. 
KENTUCKY. 

Friends  of  Humanity,  1807  (and  later). 

Kentucky  Abolition  Society.     1808,  1811,  1812,  1815,  1816,  1821,  1822. 

Near  Frankfort.     1809,  1823. 
MARYLAND. 

Anti-Slavery  Convention  of  Maryland.     1826,  1827,  1828. 

Anti-Slavery  Society  of  Maryland.     1825,  1826,  1827,  1828. 

Baltimore,  1826. 

Baltimore  Society,  1826,  1827. 

Baltimore  Protection  Society. 

Baltimore  Young  Men's  Society.     1825. 

Caecil  County.     1827. 

Easton.     1717,  1821. 

Gunpowder  Branch.     1826. 

264 


Appendix  B  265 

MARYLAND  —  (Continued) 

Jefferson  (Baltimore  Co.).     1827. 

Maryland  Abolition  Society,  1789,  1826,  1827. 

Maryland  Protection  Society.     1818. 

National  Anti-Slavery  Tract  Society.     1827,  1828,  1829. 

Newmarket  (Fred.  Co.)  1825. 

Pike  Creek  Settlement  (Fred.  Co.).     1826. 
MASSACHUSETTS. 

Andover  Seminary.     1826. 
«-      Williams  College.     1826. 
NEW  JERSEY. 

New  Jersey  Abolition  Society.     1809  (dissolved  1817). 
^      Trenton.     1812. 
NEW  YORK. 

Abolition  Society  of  New  York.     1809,  1812. 

Colored  Society.     1812 

New  York.     1821. 

New  York  Abolition  Society.     1812,  1821. 

New  York  Manumission  Society.     1808,  1817,  1818,  1823    1825,  1826, 

1827,  1828,  1829. 

£>     Young  Men's  (Colonization?).     1825. 
NORTH  CAROLINA. 

Bellowes  Creek,  Stokes  Co.,  1825. 

General  Association  of  North  Carolina.     1828. 

Hillsboro.     1824. 

Ladies'  Society,  —  Jamestown.     1826. 

Kennet.     1825,  1826. 
Springfield.     1826. 

Lane  Crook  Meeting  House.     1824. 

Manumission  Society  of  Guilford  County.     1818,  1821. 

Manumission  Society  of  North  Carolina.     1816,  1817,  1818,  1819,  1823, 
1824,  1825,  1826,  1827,  1829,  1830,  1834. 

Near  Yadkin  River.     1826. 

Neighborhood  of  Hopewell.     1824. 

North  Carolina.     1825. 

Orange  County.     1824. 

Randolph  County  Association.     1826. 

South  Fork  Branch.     1826. 

Springfield,  Guilford  County.     1825. 

Surrey  County.     1824. 
»<      Trotter's  Creek.     1825. 
OHIO. 

Abolition  Society  of  Monroe  County.     1826. 

Aiding  Abolition  Society  of  Monroe  County.     1826. 

Aiding  Abolition  Society  of  Ohio.     1826. 

Belmont  County,  colored.     1827. 


266  Appendix  B 

OHIO  —  (Continued) 

Cincinnati  Female  Society.     1821. 
Columbiana  Abolition  Society.     1827. 
Columbiana,  New  Lisbon.     1826,  1827 
Humane  Society  of  Ohio.     1818. 
Mt.  Pleasant.     1815. 
Ohio.     1821,  1827. 
Ripley.      ? 

Salem  Abolition  and  Colonization  Society  of  Columbiana  County.     1827. 
Smithfield.     1827. 

Sunsbury  Meeting  House,  Monroe  County.     1826. 
West  Union.     1818. 
Zanesville.     1826. 
PENNSYLVANIA. 

Brownsville.     1826. 

Centerville.     1818,  1825,  1826. 

Chester  County.     1820,  1821,  1823. 

Columbia.     1818,  1821. 

Convention  of  Abolition  Societies  of  Western  Pa.,  1826,  1827. 

Eastern  Pa.,  1828. 

Franklin.     1827. 

Harmony    Abolition    Society    of    Rostraver    Township,    Westmoreland 

County.     1827. 

Northhuntington  Abolition  Society,  Westmoreland  County.     1827. 
Pennsylvania  Abolition  Society.    1806,  1809,  1811,  1812,  1813,  1815,  1817, 

1818,  1820,  1821,  1822,  1823,  1824,  1825,  1826,  1827,  1828,  1829. 
Philadelphia.     1821. 

Philadelphia  Free  Produce.     1820,  1826,  1827,  1829. 
Philadelphia  Free  Produce,  colored.     1830. 
Washington.     1825. 
West  Chester.     1821. 
West  Middleton.     1826. 

Western  Abolition  Society  of  Washington.     1825,  1826. 
Western  Pennsylvania.     1826,  1827. 
Western  Pennsylvania  Abolition  Society.     1826. 
Western  Pennsylvania  Manumission  Society.     1826. 
RHODE  ISLAND. 

Providence.     1806,  1821,  1823,  1825. 
Rhode  Island  Abolition  Society.     1794,  1826. 
TENNESSEE. 

Bethsaida  Branch.     1822. 

Humane  Protection  Society  of  Tennessee.     1821,  1822,  1823. 

Jefferson.     1822. 

Manumission  Society  of  Tennessee.     1814,  1816,  1821,  1822,  1823,  1824, 

1825,  1826,  1828. 
Manumission  Society  of  West  Tennessee.     1824. 


Appendix  B  267 

TENNESSEE —  (Continued) 

Moral,  Religious,  Manumission  Society  of  West  Tennessee.     1824,  1826 

Nolachucky  Branch.     1826. 

Tennessee.     1821. 
VIRGINIA. 

Applepie  Ridge,  Frederick  Co.     1827. 

Brucetown.     1827. 

Frederick.     1826. 

Gravelly  Run.     1825. 

Loudon.     1823,  1825,  1826. 

Loudon  Manumission  and  Emigration  Society.     1823,  1824. 

Virginia  Convention.     1827,  1828. 

Winchester.     1827. 

NOTE.  These  names  have  all  been  found  in  the  publications  of  the  times. 
It  seems  probable  that  many  of  the  names  are  different  renderings  of  the  name 
of  the  same  society.  There  is,  however,  no  proof  of  that  whatever,  and  as  a 
consequence  all  the  names  have  been  inserted. 


APPENDIX   C 


TABLE    OF    COURT    CASES    CITED 


ADELLE  vs.  Beauregard,  iSio 
Alexander,  The,  1823 
Alice  vs.  Morte,  1824 
Arthur  vs.  Wells,  1818 

Battle  vs.  Miller,  1828 
Beard  vs.  Poydras,  1812 
Betsey  ads.  Shannon,  1809 
Brown  vs.  Compton,  1821 
Burrough's    Adm.    vs.    Negro 

Anna,  1817 
Bush's  Rep.  vs.  White  and  Wife, 

1825 

Butler  et  al.  vs.  Duvall,  1829 
Butt  vs.  Rachel  et  al. 

Case  of  Negro  Tom,  1810 
Com.  vs.  Austin  Montgomery, 

1812 

Com.  vs.  Dolly  Chappie,  1811 
Com.  ex  rel.  Hall  &  Cook,  1822 
Com.  vs.  Hambright,  1818 
Com.  vs.  Holloway,  1816 
Com.  vs.  Rich.  Turner 
Com.  vs.  Robinson,  1822 
Com.     vs.    William     Carver, 

1827  241, 

Conklin  vs.  Havens,  1815 

Davenport  vs.  The  Com.,  1829 
Davis  vs.  Baltzer,  1808 
Delphine  vs.  Deveze,  1824 
Denmark    Vesey    Insurrection . 
Trial  245, 


PAGE 
230 
224 
233 
245 

227 
230 

237 
232 

232 

228 

235 
230 

234 

225 
241 
228 
228 
227 
242 
228 

243 
238 

224 

235 
238 


Dubois  vs.  Allen,  1809 
Dunbar  vs.  Ball,  1821 
Dunn  vs.  Amey  and  others 


PAGE 
225 
227 
232 


Ex  parte  Simmons,  1823        228,  236 


246 


Fanny  vs.  Bryant,  1830 
Fanny  vs.  Dejarnet's  Adm. 
Ferguson  vs.  Sarah,  1830 
Field  vs.  The  State,  1829 
Forsyth  et  al.  vs.  Nash 
Fox  vs.  Lambson 
Frank  ads.  Milam's  Ex'r,  1809 
Fulton  vs.  Lewis,  1815 
Fulton  vs.  Shaw,  1827 

Garretson  vs.  Lingan,  1821 
Girod  vs.  Lewis,  1809 
Gobu  vs.  Gobu 
Griffith  vs.  Fanny,  1820 

Hall  vs.  Mullin,  1821 
Hamilton  vs.  Cragg,  1823 
Hammond  vs.  Hammond 
Harris  vs.  Alexander,  1830 
Hart  vs.  Fanny  Ann,  1827 
Harvy  and  others  vs.  Decker  & 

Hopkins,  1818 
Helm  vs.  Miller,  1820 
Henderson  vs.  Negro  Tom,  1817 
Hook  vs.  Nanny  Pagee,  1811 
Hughes  vs.  Negro  Milly  et  al., 

1821 
Hunter  vs.  Fulcher,  1829 


238 
232 
233 
243 
231 
231 

237 
225 

238 

226 
247 
230 
228 

232 
238 
232 
226 
238 

228 
225 
225 
230 


234 
226 


268 


Appendix  C 


269 


PAGE 

Isaac  vs.  West's  Ex'r,  1828  238 

Jackson  vs.  Lervey,  1827  239 
John  Merry  vs.  Chexnaider, 

1830  227 
John  Merry  vs.  Tiffin  &  Men- 

ard,  1827  227 

Jordan  vs.  Sawyer  226 


Kettletas  vs.  Fleet,  1811 


234 


Labranche  vs.  Watkins,  1816  236 

La  Grange  vs.  Chouteau,  1828  229 

Lunsford  vs.  Coquillon,  1824  228 

Mary  ads.  Shannon,  1809  237 

Mary  Clark,  1821  223 

Matilda  vs.  Mason  et  al.,  1822  240 

Metayer  vs.  Metayer  231 

Meunier  vs.  Duperron,  1814  224 
Miller,  Ex'r  of  Beard,  vs.  Negro 

Charles,  1829  234 

Miller  vs.  Dwilling,  1826  237 

Milly  vs.  Stephen  Smith,  1828  229 

Minchin  vs.  Docker  247 

Nan  et  al.  vs.  Moxley  et  al.  235 

Negro  Cato  vs.  Howard,  1808  234 

Oatfield  vs.  Waring,  1817  231,  232 
Overseers  of  Marbletown  vs. 

Overseers  of  Kingston,  1822  239 

Palfrey  vs.  Rivas,  1820  237 
Pepoon,  guardian  of  Phebe,  vs. 

Clarke,  1816  231 

Phoebe  vs.  Jay,  1828  223 

Pierce  vs.  Meyrick  245 
Pilie  vs.  Lalande  et  al., 

1829  230,  232 

Potts  vs.  Harper,  1813  231 

Quando  vs.  Clagett,  1830  233 

Queen  vs.  Hepburn,  1810  247 


PAGE 

Rankin  vs.  Lydia,  1820  228,  229 
Real  Estate  of  Mrs.  Hardcastle 

vs.  Porcher,  etc.,  1826  248 
Rebecca  et  al.  vs.  Pumphrey, 

1824  235 

Redding  vs.  Hall,  etc.,  1809  241 

Reeler  vs.  Robinson,  1820  226 

Remick  vs.  Chloe  230 
Rice  ads.  Spear  &  Galbraith, 

1823  233 

Richard  vs.  Van  Meter,  1827  235 

Rodgers  vs.  Norton,  1823  248 

Sarah  vs.  Henry,  1808  235 

Sarah  vs.  Taylor,  1818  238 

Scott  vs.  Waugh,  1826  237 

Scott  vs.  Williams,  1828  230 

Simmins  vs.  Parker,  1826  232 

Simon  et  al.  vs.  Paine,  1830  237 

Spotts  vs.  Gillespie,  1828  227 
Sprigg  vs.  Negro  Mary, 

1814  226,  247 

Sprigg  vs.  Negro  Presley,  1814  226 

State  vs.  Cecil,  1812  230 

State  vs.  Hale,  1823  241 
State  vs.  Isaac  Jones,  1820  243,  244 

State  vs.  Jim  240 

State  vs.  Lasselle,  1820  222 

State  vs.  Mann  242 

State  vs.  Reed,  1823  243 
State  vs.  Smith  &  Smith, 

1817  244 

State  vs.  Washington  240 
State  vs.  William  H.  Taylor, 

1822  244 

Stewart  vs.  Oakes,  1813  226 

Thompson  vs.  Wilmot,  1809  234 

Tom  ads.  Smith,  1809  237 

Ulzire  vs.  Poey  Fane  230 

U.  S.  vs.  Andrews,  1820  225 

U.  S.  vs.  Brockett,  1823  242 

U.  S.  vs.  Bruce,  1813  233 


270 


Appendix  C 


PAGE 

U.  S.  vs.  Butler,  1812  241 

U.  S.  vs.  Douglass,  1813  247 

U.  S.  vs.  Gray,  1829  241 

U.  S.  vs.  La  Coste,  1820  224 

U.  S.  vs.  Malebran,  1820  224 

U.  S.  vs.  Mullany,  1808  247 

U.  S.  vs.  Neale,  1821  247 

U.  S.  vs.  Smith,  1809  224 

U.  S.  vs.  The  Kitty,  1808  225 


PAGE 

Vaughan  vs.  Phebe  230 

Vincent  vs.  James  Duncan,  1830  229 

Wells  vs.  Lane,  1812  231 

Williams  vs.  Van  Zandt,  1826  226 

Windsor  vs.  Hartford,  1817  238 

Winny  vs.  Whitesides,  1824  229 
Witsell  vs.  Earnest   &  Parker, 

1818  245 


APPENDIX   D 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

THE  books  named  below  are  those  which  have  proved  of  actual  use  in  the 
investigations  of  which  this  monograph  is  the  result.  A  very  large  number  of 
other  books  were  found  named  in  many  authorities,  or  in  the  catalogues  or  on 
the  shelves  of  the  libraries,  which  were  read  in  the  course  of  the  investigation, 
which  added  nothing  whatever  to  the  knowledge  in  the  hands  of  every  reader 
of  history.  Many  were  too  late,  others  too  early.  Others  gave  no  real  in 
formation  with  respect  to  the  period. 

There  were  quite  a  number  of  books  and  pamphlets  which  were  not  found 
by  the  writer,  although  diligent  search  was  made.  Some  of  these  might  not 
have  been  of  any  value  to  the  purpose,  could  they  have  been  found.  Others 
would  certainly  have  been  invaluable.  All  those  which  seemed  to  have  a  value 
for  the  investigator  of  this  period  are  named,  in  the  last  section  of  this  bibli 
ography.  The  writer  would  be  very  glad  to^learn  of  the  whereabouts  of  any 
there  named. 

A.     BOOKS    OF    TRAVEL 

•» 

I.     BY  FOREIGN  TRAVELERS 

ANON.  "The  Americans  as  they  are;  described  in  a  Tour  through  the 
valley  of  the  Mississippi.  By  the  Author  of  'Austria  as  it  is.'"  (London, 
1828.) 

ARFWEDSON,  C.  D.  "The  United  States  and  Canada  in  1832,  1833,  and 
1834."  Two  volumes.  (London,  1834.) 

~BERNHARD,  DUKE  or  SAXE-WEIMAR  EISENACH.  "Travels  through  North 
America  during  the  years  1825  and  1826."  Two  volumes.  (Phila.,  1828.) 

ELAINE,  WILLIAM  NEWNHAM.  "An  Excursion  through  the  United  States 
and  Canada  during  the  years  1822-23.  By  an  English  Gentleman."  (London, 
1824.) 

IBID.  "Travels  through  the  United  States  and  Canada."  (London,  1828.) 
Identical  with  the  preceding. 

BRISTED,  JOHN.  "The  Resources  of  the  United  States  of  America."  (New 
York,  1818.) 

^  CANDLER,  ISAAC.  "A  Summary  View  of  America  .  .  .  being  the  result  or 
Observations  and  Enquiries  during  a  Journey  in  the  United  States.  By  an 
Englishman."  (London,  1824.) 

271 


272  Appendix  D 

DUNCAN,  JOHN  MORISON.  "Travels  through  part  of  the  United  States  and 
Canada  in  1818  and  1819."  Two  volumes.  (Glasgow,  1823.) 

FAUX,  W.  "Memorable  Days  in  America;  being  a  Journal  of  a  Tour  to 
the  United  States.  (1818-1820.)"  (London,  1823.) 

FEARON,  HENRY  BRADSHAW.  "Sketches  of  America.  A  Narrative  of  a 
Journey  of  Five  Thousand  Miles  through  the  Eastern  and  Western  States  of 
America."  (London,  1818.) 

FINCH,  JOHN,  ESQ.  "Travels  in  the  United  States  of  America  and  Canada." 
(London,  1833.) 

FLINT,  JAMES.     "Letters  from  America."     (London,  1822.) 

HALL,  CAPT.  BASIL.  "Travels  in  North  America,  in  the  years  1827  and 
1828.  By  Capt.  Basil  Hall,  Royal  Navy."  Three  volumes.  (Edinburgh, 
1829.) 

V/HALL,  LIEUT.  FRANCIS.  "Travels  in  Canada  and  the  United  States  in 
1816,  1817.  By  Lieut.  Francis  Hall,  i4th  Light  Dragoons."  (London,  1818; 
2d  edition,  1819.) 

V/HAMILTON,  THOMAS.  "Men  and  Manners  in  America.  By  the  Author 
of  'Cyril  Thornton,'  etc."  (Philadelphia,  1833.) 

^/tiARRis,  WILLIAM  TELL.  "Remarks  made  during  a  Tour  through  the 
United  States  of  America  in  the  years  1817,  1818  and  1819."  (London, 
1821.) 

HODGSON,  ADAM.  "Letters  from  North  America,  written  during  a  tour  in 
the  United  States  and  Canada."  Two  volumes.  (London,  1824.) 

HOLDITCH,  ROBERT.  "The  Emigrant's  Guide  to  the  United  States  of 
America.  By  Robert  Holditch,  Esq.,  of  the  Royal  College  of  Surgeons." 
(London,  1818.) 

HOLMES,  ISAAC.  "An  Account  of  the  United  States  of  America,  derived 
from  actual  Observation,  during  a  Residence  of  Four  Years  in  that  Republic." 
(London,  1823.) 

HOWITT,  E.  "Selections  from  Letters  written  during  a  Tour  through  the 
United  States,  in  the  Summer  of  1819."  (Nottingham,  1820.) 

INGERSOLL,  CHARLES  JARED  (?).  "Inchiquin  the  Jesuit's  Letters  during 
a  Late  Residence  in  the  United  States  of  America;  being  a  fragment  of  a 
private  correspondence  accidentally  discovered  in  Europe."  By  some  un 
known  foreigner.  (New  York,  1810.) 

x/  LAMBERT,  JOHN.  "Travels  through  .  .  .  the  United  States  of  North 
America,  in  the  years  1806,  1807,  and  1808."  Three  volumes.  (London, 
1810.) 

^MELISH,  JOHN.  "Travels  in  the  United  States  of  America  in  the  years  1806 
and  1807,  and  1809,  1810  and  1811."  Two  volumes.  (Philadelphia,  1812.) 

MURAT,  PRINCE  ACHILLE.  "Lettres  sur  les  Etats  Unis,  par  le  Prince 
Achille  Murat,  fils  de  1'ex-roi  de  Naples,  a  un  de  ses  amis  d'Europe."  (Paris, 
1830.)  The  first  letter  is  dated  July,  1826. 

IBID.  "America  and  the  Americans."  (New  York,  1849.)  This  is  an 
account  of  the  same  journey  as  the  above,  translated  into  English.  If,  how 
ever,  it  is  intended  as  a  translation  of  the  book  above  it  is  exceedingly  free, 


Appendix  D  273 

taking  actual  liberties  with  matter  and  order.  It  seems  more  probable  that 
it  is  either  the  translation  of  a  second  book,  giving  a  second  account  of  the 
same  journey,  or  a  work  written  originally  in  English. 

"-^PALMER,  JOHN.  "Journal  of  Travels  in  the  United  States  of  North  Amer 
ica,  etc.,  performed  in  the  year  1817."  (London,  1818.) 

TROLLOPS,  MRS.  FRANCES  MILTON.     "  Domestic  Manners  of  the  Amer 
icans."    (London,  1832.    An  edition  was  also  printed  in  New  York.) 

WELBY,  ADLARD,  ESQ.    "A  Visit  to  North  America  and  the  English  Settle 
ments  in  Illinois."     (London,  1821.) 

WOODS,  JOHN.     "Two  Years'  Residence  in  the  Settlement  on  the  English 
Prairie,  in  the  Illinois  Country,  United  States."     (London,  1822.) 


II.     BY  FOREIGN  TRAVELERS,  LATER  SETTLING  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES 

AMPHLETT,  WILLIAM.  "The  Emigrant's  Directory  to  the  Western  States 
of  North  America."  (London,  1819.) 

BIRKBECK,  MORRIS.  "Notes  on  a  Journey  in  America  from  the  Coast  of 
Virginia  to  the  Territory  of  the  Illinois."  (2d  edition,  London,  1818;  ist 
probably  earlier  in  the  same  year.) 

IBID.  "Letters  from  Illinois."  (English  edition,  London,  1818;  Amer 
ican  edition,  Philadelphia,  1818.) 

FLOWER,  RICHARD.  "Letters  from  Lexington  and  the  Illinois."  (London, 
1819.) 

-WRIGHT,  FRANCES.  "Views  of  Society  and  Manners  in  America;  in  a 
series  of  letters  written  from  that  country  to  a  friend  in  England  during  the 
years  1818,  1819  and  1820.  By  an  Englishwoman."  (English  edition,  not 
found;  American  edition,  from  the  ist  English  edition,  with  corrections  by 
the  author,  New  York,  1821.) 


III.     BY  AMERICANS 

BROWN,  SAMUEL  R.  "The  WTestern  Gazetteer;  or  Emigrant's  Directory." 
(Auburn,  N.  Y.,  1817.) 

COOPER,  JAMES  FENIMORE.  "Notions  of  the  Americans:  picked  up  by  a 
Travelling  Bachelor."  Two  volumes.  (London,  1828;  Philadelphia,  1832.) 

DARBY,  WTILLIAM.  "A  Geographical  Description  of  the  State  of  Louisiana." 
(Philadelphia,  1816.) 

DWIGHT,  TIMOTHY.  "Travels  in  New  England  and  New  York.  (1796- 
1815.)  By  Timothy  Dwight,  S.T.D.,  LL.D.  Late  President  of  Yale  Col 
lege."  (New  Haven,  1821-1822.)  Printed  for  the  author. 

EVANS,  ESTWICK.  "A  Pedestrious  Tour  of  Four  Thousand  Miles  through 
the  Western  States  and  Territories  during  the  Winter  and  Spring  of  1818." 
(Concord,  N.  H.,  1819.) 

KNIGHT,   HENRY  C.     "Letters  from  the  South  and  West.     By  Arthur 
Singleton,  Esq."     (Boston,  1824.) 
18 


274  Appendix  D 

OGDEN,  GEORGE  W.  "Letters  from  the  West."  (New  Bedford,  Mass., 
1823.) 

•^PAULDING,  JAMES  KIRKE.  "Letters  from  the  South,  written  during  an 
excursion  in  the  summer  of  1816.  By  the  author  of  John  Bull  and  Brother 
Jonathan,  etc.,  etc."  Two  volumes.  (New  York,  1817.) 

ROYALL,  ANNE.  "Sketches  of  History,  Life  and  Manners  in  the  United 
States.  By  a  Traveler."  (New  Haven,  1826.)  The  author  lived  principally 
in  Washington,  D.  C.,  and  Alabama. 

STODDARD,  AMOS.  "Sketches,  Historical  and  Descriptive,  of  Louisiana. 
By  Major  Amos  Stoddard,  Member  of  the  U.S.M.P.S.  and  of  the  New  York 
Historical  Society."  (Philadelphia,  1812.) 

THOMAS,  DAVID.  "Travels  through  the  Western  Country  in  the  summer 
of  1816."  (Auburn,  N.  Y.,  1819.) 

B.     BIOGRAPHY    AND    AUTOBIOGRAPHY 
I.    BIOGRAPHY 

APPLETON'S  "Cyclopedia  of  American  Biography."    (New  York,  1888.) 

ADAMS,  HENRY.  "John  Randolph."  American  Statesmen  Series.  (Boston, 
1882.) 

BATES,  BARNABAS.  "Remarks  on  the  Character  and  exertions  of  Elias 
Hicks  in  the  abolition  of  slavery,  being  an  address  delivered  before  the  African 
Benevolent  Societies,  in  Zion's  Chapel,  New  York,  March  15,  1830."  (New 
York,  1830.)  The  societies  were  composed  of  colored  men  and  women;  Bates 
was  a  white  man. 

BIRNEY,  JUDGE  WILLIAM.  "James  G.  Birney  and  His  Times."  (New 
York,  1890.) 

BOUTELL,  LEWIS  HENRY.  "Thomas  Jefferson,  the  Man  of  Letters." 
(Chicago,  1891.)  Privately  printed. 

BOWEN,  CLARENCE  WINTHROP,  PH.D.  "Arthur  and  Lewis  Tappan.  A 
Paper  read  at  the  fiftieth  anniversary  of  the  New  York  City  Anti-Slavery 
Society,  at  the  Broadway  Tabernacle,  New  York,  Oct.  2,  1883." 

CHILD,  LYDIA  MARIA.  "Isaac  T.  Hopper:  A  True  Life."  (Boston,  1853; 
also  Cleveland,  O.) 

COFFIN,  WILLIAM.  "Life  and  Times  of  Hon.  Samuel  Lockwood."  (Chicago, 
1889.) 

COLTON,  CALVIN.  "The  Life  and  Times  of  Henry  Clay."  Two  volumes. 
(New  York,  1846.) 

CURTIS,  GEORGE  TICKNOR.  "Life  of  Daniel  Webster."  Two  volumes. 
(New  York,  1870.) 

EARL,  THOMAS.  "The  Life,  Travels,  and  Opinions  of  Benjamin  Lundy. 
Compiled  under  the  direction  of  his  Children."  (Philadelphia,  1847.)  This 
might  almost  be  called  an  autobiography,  so  much  is  taken  from  Lundy's 
oT"n  writings  and  reminiscences. 

EDWARDS,  NINIAN  W.  "History  of  Illinois,  1778-1833,  and  Life  and  Times 
of  Ninian  Edwards;  by  his  Son."  (Springfield,  111.,  1870.) 


Appendix  D  275 

GARLAND,  HUGH  A.    "Life  of  John  Randolph  of  Roanoke  "    (New  York 
1857-) 
GARRISON,  FRANCIS  J.  and  WENDELL  P.    "William  Lloyd  Garrison,  1805- 

1879.  The  Story  of  his  Life  told  by  his  Children."    Four  volumes.    (Boston 
and  New  York,  1894.) 

GURLEY,  RALPH  RANDOLPH.  "Life  of  Jehudi  Ashmun,  Late  Colonial 
Agent  in  Liberia."  (Washington,  1835.) 

HALLOWELL,  A.  D.  "James  and  Lucretia  Mott;  Life  and  Letters."  (Bos 
ton,  1884.) 

HART,  ALBERT  BUSHNELL,  Pn.D.  "Salmon  Portland  Chase."  American 
Statesmen  Series.  (Boston  and  New  York,  1899.) 

HUNT,  FREEMAN,  A.M.  "Lives  of  American  Merchants."  Two  volumes. 
(New  York,  1856.) 

JOHNSON,  OLIVER.     "William  Lloyd  Garrison  and  His  Times."    (Boston, 

1880.  New  edition,  revised  and  enlarged,  Boston,  1881.) 

MORRIS,  BENJAMIN  F.  "The  Life  of  Thomas  Morris,  edited  by  his  son." 
(Cincinnati,  O.,  1856.) 

MORSE,  JOHN  T.  "John  Quincy  Adams."  American  Statesmen  Series. 
(Boston,  1882.) 

MORSE,  JOHN  T.  "Thomas  Jefferson."  American  Statesmen  Series. 
(Boston,  1883.) 

PARRISH,  ISAAC.  "Brief  Memoir  of  Thomas  Shipley  and  Edwin  P.  Atlee, 
read  before  the  Pennsylvania  Society  for  Promoting  the  Abolition  of  Slavery, 
etc.,  zoth  Mo.  1837."  (Philadelphia,  1838.) 

PARTON,  JAMES.     "Life  of  Thomas  Jefferson."     (Boston,  1878.) 

PIERSON,  REV.  HAMILTON  W.,  D.D.  "Jefferson  at  Monticello."  (New 
York,  1862.) 

QUINCY,  JOSIAH.  "Memoirs  of  the  Life  of  John  Q.  Adams."  (Boston,  1858.) 

RANDALL,  HENRY  S.,  LL.D.  "The  Life  of  Thomas  Jefferson."  Three 
volumes.  (New  York,  1858.) 

RANKIN,  REV.  A.  T.,  D.D.  "Truth  Vindicated  and  Slander  Repelled." 
(Ironton,  O.,  1883.)  An  account  of  Rev.  John  Rankin.  The  only  copy  seen 
is  at  Johns'  Hopkins  University,  Baltimore. 

ROOSEVELT,  THEODORE.  "Life  of  Thomas  H.  Benton."  American  States 
men  Series.  (Boston  and  New  York,  1887.) 

RUSSELL,  J.  G.  "Life  of  Thomas  Jefferson."  Pamphlet.  (Philadelphia, 
1844.) 

SARGENT,  EPES.    "Life  of  Henry  Clay."    Edited  by  Horace  Greeley. 

SAWYER,  LEMUEL.  "A  Biography  of  John  Randolph  of  Roanoke."  (New 
York,  1844.) 

SCHUCKERS,  J.  W.  "The  Life  and  Public  Services  of  Salmon  Portland 
Chase.  (New  York,  1874.) 

SCHURZ,  CARL.    "Life  of  Henry  Clay."    Two  volumes.    (Boston,  1887.) 

SIMPSON,  HENRY.  "The  Lives  of  Eminent  Philadelphians,  now  deceased. 
Collected  from  Original  and  authentic  sources  by  Henry  Simpson,  member  of 
the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania."  (Philadelphia,  1859.) 


276  Appendix  D 

TAPPAN,  LEWIS.     "Life  of  Arthur  Tappan."     (New  York,  1870.) 
^  TUCKERMAN,  BAYARD.     "William  Jay  and  the  Constitutional  Movement 
for  the  Abolition  of  Slavery."     (New  York,  1893.) 

TYSON,  JOHN  S.  "Life  of  Elisha  Tyson,  the  Philanthropist.  By  a  Citizen 
of  Baltimore."  (Baltimore,  1825.) 

WASHBURN,  ELIHU  BENJAMIN.  "  Sketch  of  Edward  Coles,  second  Governor 
of  Illinois,  and  of  the  Struggle  of  1823-4.  Prepared  for  the  Chicago  Historical, 
Society."  (Chicago,  1882.) 

WHARTON,  T.  I.,  ESQ.  "A  Memoir  of  William  Rawle,  LL.D.,  President  of 
the  Historical  Society,  etc.  Read  at  a  meeting  of  the  Council,  held  on  the 
22d  day  of  Feb.,  1837."  Memoirs  of  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania, 
vol.  iv.,  part  i. 

II.     AUTOBIOGRAPHY 

ADAMS,  JOHN  QUINCY.  "Memoirs  of  John  Quincy  Adams,  comprising 
portions  of  his  Diary  from  1795-1848."  Edited  by  Charles  Francis  Adams. 
Twelve  volumes.  (Philadelphia,  1875.) 

ASBURY,  BISHOP  FRANCIS.  "The  Journal  of  the  Rev.  Francis  Asbury, 
Bishop  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  from  Aug.  7,  1781  to  Dec.  7,  1815." 
Three  volumes.  (New  York,  1821.) 

BENTON,  THOMAS  H.  "Thirty  Years'  View.  1820-1850."  (New  York, 
1854.)  This  of  course  contains  much  besides  the  autobiography,  but  little 
that  was  of  value  to  this  work  except  Benton's  own  views,  and  extracts  from 
his  speeches. 

COFFIN,  LEVI.  "Reminiscences  of  Levi  Coffin,  reputed  President  of  the 
U.  G.  R.  R."  (2d  edition,  Cincinnati,  1880.) 

COMLY,  JOHN.  "Journal  of  the  Life  and  Religious  Labors  of  John  Comly." 
(Philadelphia,  1853.) 

DOUGLASS,  FREDERICK.     "Narrative  of  the  Life  of  Frederick  Douglass,  as 
an  American  Slave.     Written  by  Himself."     (Boston,  1845.) 
,    DRAKE,  CAPT.  RICHARD.    "Revelations  of  a  Slave-smuggler."    (1807-1857.) 
(1860.) 

FLINT,  TIMOTHY.  "Recollections  of  the  last  Ten  Years,  a  series  of  Letters 
to  the  Rev.  Jos.  Flint  of  Salem,  Mass.,  by  T.  Flint,  Principal  of  the  Seminary 
of  Rapide,  La."  (Boston,  1826.) 

HICKS,  ELIAS.  "Journal  of  the  Life  and  Religious  Labors  of  Elias  Hicks. 
Written  by  himself."  (5th  edition,  New  York,  1832.) 

REYNOLDS,  JOHN.     "My  Own  Times."     (Illinois,  1879.) 


C.      HISTORY 
I.     GENERAL  HISTORIES 

FRAMERY,  M.(?)  "Recherches  Statistiques  sur  la  Pennsylvanie,  etc.  Ac- 
compagnies  de  quelques  Remarques  sur  le  Sol,  le  Commerce,  sur  les  Manu 
factures  et  sur  le  Gouvernement  des  Etats-Unis,  sur  les  Moeurs  des  Americains, 


Appendix  D  277 

par  M.  Framery(?).     Consul  aux  Etats-Unis."    This  is  a  manuscript  in  the 
possession  of  the  Boston  Public  Library. 

HILDRETH,  RICHARD.     "History  of  the  United  States  of  America."     Six 
Volumes.     (1855.) 

MCMASTER,  JOHN  B.    "History  of  the  People  of  the  United  States."     Five 
volumes. 

SCHOULER,  JAMES.    "History  of  the  United  States  under  the  Constitution." 
Six  volumes.     (Washington,  1880.) 

(^STATISTICAL  ABSTRACT  of  the  United  States,  1898.     Prepared  by  the 
Bureau  of  Statistics."     (Washington,  1899.) 

'/'"  STATISTICAL  VIEW  of  the  Population  of  the  United  States,  A.    1790- 
1830."     Published  by  the  Department  of  State,  1835. 

VON  HOLST,  HERMANN,  PH.D.    "The  Constitutional  and  Political  History 
of  the  United  States  of  America."    Seven  volumes.    (Chicago,  1877,  etc.) 


II.    STATE  HISTORIES 
x.    Connecticut. 

STEINER,  DR.  BERNARD  CHRISTIAN.  "History  of  Slavery  in  Connecticut." 
Johns  Hopkins  University  Studies,  1893. 

2.  District  of  Columbia. 

TREMAIN,  MARY,  M.A.  "Slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia."  University 
of  Nebraska  Seminary  Papers,  Apr.,  1892. 

3.  Georgia. 

JONES,  CHARLES  COLCOCK,  JR.    "History  of  Georgia."    (Boston,  1883.) 

4.  Illinois. 

BROWN,  HENRY.  "The  History  of  Illinois,  from  its  first  Discovery  and 
settlement,  to  the  present  time."  (New  York,  1844.) 

BROWN,  HON.  WILLIAM  H.  "An  Historical  Sketch  of  the  Early  Movement 
in  Illinois  for  the  Legalization  of  Slavery;  read  at  the  Annual  Meeting  of  the 
Chicago  Historical  Society,  Dec.  5,  1864."  (Chicago,  1865.) 

FLOWER,  GEORGE.  "History  of  the  English  Settlement  in  Edwards  Co., 
Illinois."  Chicago  Historical  Society  Collections,  vol.  i,  1882. 

FORD,  Gov.  THOMAS.  "A  History  of  Illinois,  from  its  commencement  as  a 
state  in  1818  to  1847."  (Chicago,  1854.) 

MOSES,  JOHN.  "Illinois:  Historical  and  Statistical."  Two  volumes. 
(Chicago,  1889.) 

"  SLAVERY  IN  ILLINOIS.    1818-1824."    Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Collections,  vol.  10. 

5.  Indiana. 

DUNN,  JACOB  PRATT,  JR.  "Indiana:  A  Redemption  from  Slavery." 
American  Commonwealth  Series.  (Boston,  1888.) 

HINSDALE,  BURKE  A.    "The  Old  Northwest."    (New  York,  1888.) 
SMITH,  WTILLIAM  HENRY.    "History  of  the  State  of  Indiana  from  the  Earliest 
Explorations  by  the  French  to  the  Present  Time."    Two  volumes.    (Indian 
apolis,  1897.) 


278  Appendix  D 

YOUNG,  ANDREW  W.  "History  of  Wayne  County,  Indiana."  (Cincinnati, 
1872.) 

6.  Kentucky. 

COLLINS,  LEWIS.  "Historical  Sketches  of  Kentucky."  (Maysville,  Ky., 
and  Cincinnati,  O.,  1847.) 

SHALER,  N.  S.  " Kentucky:  A  Pioneer  Commonwealth."  American 
Commonwealth  Series.  (Boston,  1885.) 

7.  Maryland. 

u  BRACKETT,  JEFFREY  R.,  PH.D.    "The  Negro  in  Maryland."    Johns  Hop 
kins  Studies.     (Baltimore,  1889.) 

8.  Massachusetts. 

BEARSE,  AUSTIN.  "Reminiscences  of  Fugitive  Slave  Days  in  Boston." 
(Boston,  1880.) 

9.  Ohio. 

"HISTORY  of  Washington  County,  Ohio."    (Cleveland,  1881.) 
HOWE,  HENRY.     "Historical  Collections  of  Ohio."     Two  volumes.     (Co 
lumbus,  1889.) 
SMITH,  WILLIAM  HENRY.    "The  First  Fugitive  Slave  Case  in  Ohio."  (1893.) 

10.  Pennsylvania. 

BETTLE,  EDWARD.  "Notices  of  Negro  Slavery,  as  connected  with  Penn 
sylvania.  Read  before  the  Historical  Society  of  Penn.,  8th  Mo.,  7th,  1826." 
Memoirs  of  Hist.  Soc.  of  Penn. 

SMEDLEY,  R.  C.,  M.D.  "History  of  the  Underground  Railroad  in  Chester 
and  the  Neighboring  Counties  of  Pennsylvania."  (Lancaster,  Pa.,  1883.) 

11.  South  Carolina. 

HOUSTON,  DAVID  FRANKLIN,  A.M.  "A  Critical  Study  of  Nullification  in 
South  Carolina."  Harvard  Historical  Studies,  vol.  3.  (1896.) 

III.    CHURCH  HISTORIES 

BANGS,  NATHAN,  D.D.  "A  History  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church." 
Four  volumes.  (3d  edition,  New  York,  1845.) 

BENEDICT,  DAVID,  A.M.  "A  General  History  of  the  Baptist  Denomination 
in  America  and  in  other  parts  of  the  World."  (Boston,  1813.) 

DAVIDSON,  REV.  ROBERT,  D.D.  "History  of  the  Presbyterian  Church  in 
the  State  of  Kentucky;  with  a  preliminary  Sketch  of  the  Churches  in  the 
Valley  of  Virginia."  (New  York,  Pittsburg,  Lexington,  Ky.,  1847.) 

TV.    GENERAL  HISTORIES  OF  SLAVERY 

BURLEIGH,  CHARLES  C.     "Slavery  and  the  North."    Anti-slavery  Tracts, 

No.  10. 

CLARKE,  JAMES  FREEMAN.     "Anti-Slavery  Days."     (New  York,  1884.) 
COBB,  T.  R.    "Historical  Sketch  of  Slavery."    (Philadelphia  and  Savannah, 

1858.)    Also  bound  with  his  book  on  the  law  of  slavery,  q.  v. 


Appendix  D  279 

DREW,  BENJAMIN.  "The  Refugee:  or  the  Narratives  of  the  Fugitive  Slaves 
in  Canada."  (Boston,  Cleveland,  O.,  and  London,  1856.) 

Du  Bois,  WILLIAM  EDWARD  BURGHARDT.  "The  Suppression  of  the 
African  Slave  Trade  to  the  United  States  of  America,  1638-1870."  Harvard 
Historical  Studies,  1896. 

GOODELL,  WILLIAM.    "Slavery  and  Anti-Slavery."    (3d  edition,  New  York, 


GREELEY,  HORACE.    "The  American  Conflict."    (Hartford,  1864.) 
viocKE,  MARY  S.    "Anti-Slavery  in  America,  1619-1808."    Radcliffe  Mon 
ographs,  No.  n,  1901. 

MAY,  SAMUEL  J.  "Some  Recollections  of  our  Anti-Slavery  Conflict." 
(Boston,  1869.) 

MCDOUGALL,  MARION  GLEASON.  "Fugitive  Slaves,  1619-1865."  Fay 
House  Monographs,  No.  3,  1891. 

NEEDLES,  EDWARD.  "An  Historical  Memoir  of  the  Pennsylvania  Society 
for  Promoting  the  Abolition  of  Slavery,  etc."  (Philadelphia,  1848.) 

SIEBERT,  WILBUR  H.  "The  Underground  Railroad  from  Slavery  to  Free 
dom."  (New  York,  1898.) 

SMITH,  THEODORE  CLARKE,  PH.D.  "The  Liberty  and  Free  Soil  Parties  in 
the  Northwest."  (New  York,  1897.) 

STILL'S  "Underground  Railroad  Records.  Revised  edition."  (Philadel 
phia,  1883.) 

WEEKS,  STEPHEN  B.,  PH.D.  "Southern  Quakers  and  Slavery."  Johns 
Hopkins  Studies,  1896. 

.WILLEY,  REV.  AUSTIN.  "The  History  of  the  Anti-Slavery  Cause  in  the 
State  and  Nation  "  (Portland,  Me.,  1886.) 

WILLIAMS,  REV.  GEORGE  W.    "The  American  Negro  from  1776  to  1876." 
Oration  delivered  July  4,  1876,  at  Avondale,  Ohio.     (Cincinnati,  O.,  1876.) 
uJVViLLiAMS,  REV.  GEORGE  W.     "History  of  the  Negro  Race  in  America, 
from  1619  to  1880."     (New  York,  1883.) 

-WILSON,  HON.  HENRY.  "History  of  the  Rise  and  Fall  of  the  Slave  Power 
in  America  "  Three  volumes. 

WOODBUPN,  JAMES  ALBERT.  "The  Historical  Significance  of  the  Missouri 
Compromise."  Amer.  Hist.  Soc.  Publications,  1893. 

\xYATES,  WILLIAM.  "  Rights  of  Colored  Men  to  Suffrage,  Citizenship,  and 
Trial  by  Jury."  (Philadelphia,  1838.)  This  contains  a  good  many  facts, 
extracts  from  speeches,  etc.,  belonging  to  the  earlier  period. 

D.     BOOKS  AND   PAMPHLETS   PUBLISHED,    1808-1831 

ALLEN,  REV.  JOHN,  A.M.  "An  Essay  on  the  Policy  of  Appropriations  being 
made  by  the  government  of  the  United  States,  for  purchasing,  liberating  and 
colonizing  without  the  territory  of  the  said  states,  the  slaves  thereof:  in  num 
bers,  some  of  which  have  been  published  in  the  Baltimore  American,  and  the 
whole  of  them  in  the  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation.  By  a  citizen  of 
Maryland."  (Baltimore,  1826.)  The  Essays  are  signed  "Sidney." 


280  Appendix  D 

AMERICAN  CONVENTION.  "  Constitution  of  the  American  Convention,  etc., 
adopted  on  the  nth  day  of  Dec.,  1818,  to  take  effect  on  the  5th  day  of  Oct., 
1819."  Pamphlet.  (Philadelphia,  1819.) 

AMERICAN  CONVENTION.  "  Address  to  the  Clergy  and  pastors  throughout 
the  United  States."  Pamphlet.  (Philadelphia,  1826.) 

AMERICAN  CONVENTION.  "  Address  of,  etc.,  to  the  Citizens  of  the  United 
States."  Pamphlet.  (Baltimore,  1828.) 

BINGHAM,  CALEB,  A.M.  "The  Columbian  Orator."  (Boston,  1814.)  This 
contains  a  dialogue  used  later  by  Fred.  Douglass. 

BIRKBECK,  MORRIS.  "An  Appeal  to  the  People  of  Illinois  on  the  Question 
of  a  Convention,  1823."  Signed  by  the  Minority  of  the  Legislature. 

BOSTON.  "A  Memorial  to  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  on  the  subject 
of  restraining  the  increase  of  slavery  in  new  states,  etc.  1819." 

BOURNE,  GEORGE.  "The  Book  and  Slavery  Irreconcileable."  (Phila 
delphia,  1816.)  The  only  copy  found  is  in  the  New  York  State  Library. 

BOURNE,  GEORGE.  "Picture  of  Slavery  in  the  United  States."  (Boston, 
1818.)  This  contains  many  quotations  from  his  earlier  book. 

BRANAGAN,  THOMAS.  "Rights  of  God,  written  for  the  Benefit  of  Man;  or 
the  impartiality  of  Jehovah  vindicated."  (New  edition,  Philadelphia,  1812.) 

BRUTUS.     See  ROBERT  JAMES  TURNBULL. 

CAREY,  MATTHEW.  "A  Calm  Address  to  the  People  of  the  Eastern  States 
on  the  Subject  of  the  Representation  of  Slaves ;  the  representation  in  the  Senate ; 
and  the  hostility  to  Commerce  ascribed  to  the  Southern  States."  (Boston, 
1814.) 

CAREY,  MATTHEW.    "Miscellaneous  Essays."    Collected  1830. 

"CAVEAT,  A.;  or  Considerations  against  the  admission  of  Missouri,  with 
slavery  into  the  Union."  (New  Haven,  1820.) 

CHANDLER,  ELIZABETH  MARGARET.  "Poems  and  Essays  by  E.  M.  C." 
Published  by  Lundy,  who  wrote  an  introduction  in  the  form  of  a  memoir. 

CHILLICOTHE,  OHIO,  Presbytery  of.  "  Two  letters  on  the  subject  of  slavery, 
from  the  presbytery  of  Chillicothe  to  the  Churches  under  their  care."  (Cincin 
nati,  O.,  1830.)  Gilliland  and  Crothers  prepared  them,  and  Gilliland  signed 
them  first. 

CLARK,  JOHN.  "Considerations  on  the  Purity  of  the  Principles  of  William 
H.  Crawford,  Esq.,  etc.  To  which  is  added  some  remarks  upon  the  intro 
duction  of  Africans  into  this  state,  contrary  to  the  laws  of  the  United  States, 
with  suggestions  as  to  the  probable  concern  of  the  Indian  agent  wich  one  of 
higher  standing  in  that  business."  (New  York,  1823.) 

CLAY,  HENRY.    "Speech  before  the  American  Colonization  Society,  1827." 

CLAY,  HENRY.  "  An  Address  delivered  before  the  Colonization  Society  of 
Kentucky,  Dec.  17,  1829."  (Lexington,  Ky.,  1829.) 

COLEMAN,  ELIHU.  "A  Testimony  against  that  antichristian  practice  of 
making  slaves  of  men,  wherein  it  is  shewed  to  be  contrary  to  the  dispensation 
of  the  law  and  time  of  the  gospel,  and  very  opposite  both  to  grace  and  nature. 
Printed  in  the  year  1733  and  reprinted  in  New  Bedford,  Mass.,  in  1825." 

COLONIZATION  SOCIETY,  AMERICAN.     "Address  of  the  Board  of  Managers 


Appendix  D  281 

...  to  the  Auxiliary  Societies  and  to  the  People  of  the  United  States." 
(Washington,  1820.) 

COLONIZATION  SOCIETY,  AMERICAN.  "Correspondence  relative  to  the  emi 
gration  to  Hayti  of  the  Free  People  of  Colour,  in  the  United  States."  (New 
York,  1824.) 

COLONIZATION  SOCIETY.  "A  Few  Facts  respecting  the  American  Coloniza 
tion  Society  and  the  Colony  at  Liberia."  (Washington,  1830.) 

COLONIZATION.  "  Report  made  at  an  adjourned  meeting  of  the  friends  of 
the  American  Colonization  Society  in  Worcester  County.  Held  at  Worcester, 
Mass.,  Dec.  8,  1830."  (Worcester,  1831.) 

COLONIZATION.  "  Sparks,  Jared.  Extracts  from  an  article  in  the  North 
American  Review  for  January,  1824."  Pamphlet.  (Princeton,  1824.) 

"CRISIS,  No.  i,  THE;  or  Thoughts  on  Slavery  occasioned  by  the  Missouri 
Question."  (New  Haven,  1820.) 

"CRISIS,  No.  2,  THE;  or  Thoughts  on  Slavery  occasioned  by  the  Missouri 
Question."  (New  Haven,  1820.) 

DARLINGTON,  WILLIAM.  "Desultory  Remarks  on  the  Question  of  Extend 
ing  Slavery  into  Missouri:  as  enunciated  during  the  first  session  of  the 
sixteenth  Congress  by  the  representatives  from  Chester  County,  State  of  Penn 
sylvania.  Extracted  from  the  American  Republican  Newspaper  of  1819- 
1820."  (West  Chester,  Pa.,  1856.)  Pamphlet. 

DISTRICT  or  COLUMBIA.  "Memorial  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  District  of 
Columbia,  praying  for  the  Gradual  Abolition  of  Slavery  in  the  District  of 
Columbia."  March  24,  1828.  Printed  as  House  Document.  2oth  Congress, 
ist  Session,  Doc.  No.  215.  Ho.  of  Rep. 

DUNCAN,  JAMES.  "A  Treatise  on  Slavery.  In  which  is  shown  forth  the 
evil  of  slaveholding  both  from  the  light  of  nature  and  divine  revelation." 
•(Vevay,  Ind.,  1824.  Reprinted  or  reissued  in  1840,  at  New  York.) 

DUPRE,  LEWIS.  "An  Admonitory  Picture,  and  a  Solemn  Warning  princi 
pally  addressed  to  professing  Christians  in  the  Southern  States  of  North 
America.  Being  an  Introduction  and  pressing  invitation  to  the  establishment 
of  a  system  of  progressive  emancipation.  Printed  for  the  author.  Charles 
ton  Neck,  Apr.  16,  1810." 

DUPRE,  LEWIS.  "A  Rational  and  Benevolent  Plan  for  averting  some  of  the 
calamitous  consequences  of  slavery,  being  a  Practicable,  Seasonable,  and  Pro 
fitable  Institution  for  the  Progressive  emancipation  of  Virginia  and  Carolina 
Slaves.  Printed  for  the  Author,  1810." 

"EMANCIPATING  the  slaves  of  the  United  States  of  North  America,  An  at 
tempt  to  demonstrate  the  practicability  of,  and  of  removing  them  from  the 
country,  without  impairing  the  right  of  private  property,  or  subjecting  the 
nation  to  a  tax.  By  a  New  England  Man."  Pamphlet.  (New  York,  1825.) 

FORTEN,  JAMES.  "  Letters  from  a  Man  of  Colour  on  a  Late  Bill  before 
the  Senate  of  Pennsylvania."  Pamphlet.  Four  Letters.  (1813.) 

FOWLER,  GEORGE.  "The  Wandering  Philanthropist;  or  Letters  from  a 
Chinese,  written  during  his  residence  in  the  United  States.  Discovered  and 
edited  by  George  Fowler  of  Virginia."  (Philadelphia,  1810.) 


282  Appendix  D 

FURMAN,  REV.  DR.  RICHARD.  "Exposition  of  the  Views  of  the  Baptists 
relative  to  the  Coloured  Population  in  the  United  States,  in  a  communication 
to  the^governor  of  South  Carolina."  (ist  edition,  Dec.  1822;  2d,  1833.)  He 
believed  in  the  righteousness  of  slavery,  but  not  of  cruelty  to  slaves. 

GILES,  WILLIAM  B.    "  Political  Miscellanies."    (Virginia,  1830.) 

GLOUCESTER,  JEREMIAH.  "An  Oration  delivered  on  January  i,  1823,  in 
Bethel  Church :  on  the  Abolition  of  the  Slave  Trade,  by  Jeremiah  Gloucester, 
'a  person  of  Colour.'"  (Philadelphia,  1823.) 

GRAY,  THOMAS.  "A  Sermon  delivered- in  Boston  before  the  African  Society 
on  the  i4th  day  of  July,  1818;  the  Anniversary  of  the  Abolition  of  the  Slave 
Trade.  By  Thomas  Gray,  A.  M.,  Minister  of  the  Church  of  Christ  on  Jamaica 
Plain,  Roxbury.  Published  by  request  of  the  society."  (Boston,  1818.) 

HAMILTON.  Pseudonym  of  Matthew  Carey.  Essays  published  in  his  col 
lection  of  "Miscellaneous  Essays." 

HARRIS,  THADDEUS  MASON.  "Discourse  delivered  before  the  African 
Society  in  Boston,  the  i5th  of  July,  1822,  on  the  Anniversary  of  the  Abolition 
of  the  Slave  Trade."  (Boston,  1822.)  He  was  probably  a  white  man. 

HIERONYMUS.     See  Palmer,  Dr. 

"HUMANITAS.    A  new  and  interesting  view  of  slavery."    (Baltimore,  1820.) 

ILLINOIS.  "Remarks  addressed  to  the  Citizens  of  Illinois,  on  the  Proposed 
Introduction  of  Slavery." 

ILLINOIS.  "An  Impartial  Appeal  to  the  Reason,  Justice  and  Patriotism  of 
the  people  of  Illinois  on  the  Injurious  Effects  of  Slave  Labour."  (Philadelphia ; 
reprinted  1824.) 

"ILLINOIS,  Appeal  to  the  People  of."    See  BIRKBECK. 

1  JAY,  WILLIAM.    "Miscellaneous  Writings  on  Slavery."    (Boston,  Cleveland, 
London,  1853.) 

JEFFERSON,  THOMAS.  "Works,  edited  by  T.  J.  Randolph."  Four  volumes. 
(Boston,  1830.) 

JEFFERSON,  THOMAS.  "Letter  to  Edward  Coles  on  the  slavery  question, 
Aug.,  1814."  Bound  as  a  separate  pamphlet,  and  only  three  copies  printed. 
One  is  in  the  Harvard  Library.  It  came  originally  from  the  National  Intel 
ligencer. 

JONES,  ABSALOM.  "A  Thanksgiving  Sermon,  preached  January  i,  1808,  in 
St.  Thomas's,  of  the  African  Episcopal,  Church,  Philadelphia:  on  account  of 
the  abolition  of  the  African  Slave  Trade  on  that  day,  by  the  Congress  of 
the  United  States.  By  Absalom  Jones,  rector  of  the  said  church.  Philadelphia: 
printed  for  the  use  of  the  congregation,  1808." 

KENNEDY,  JOHN  H.  'Sympathy,  its  foundation  and  legitimate  exercise 
considered,  in  special  relation  to  Africa:  a  discourse  delivered  on  the  Fourth 
of  July,  1828,  in  the  sixth  Presbyterian  Church,  Philadelphia." 

KENRICK,  JOHN.  "Horrors  of  Slavery.  In  Two  Parts.  Part  I.  Contain 
ing  Observations,  Facts  and  Arguments,  extracted  from  the  speeches  of  Wil- 
berforce,  Grenville,  Pitt,  Burke,  Fox,  Martin,  Whitbread,  and  other  dis 
tinguished  members  of  the  British  Parliament.  Part  II.  Containing  extracts, 
chiefly  American,  compiled  from  authentic  sources ;  demonstrating  that  slavery 


Appendix  D  283 

is  impolitic,  anti-republican,  unchristian,  and  highly  criminal ;  and  proposing 
measures  for  its  complete  abolition  through  the  United  States."  (Cambridge, 
1817.)  » 

KINGSLEY,  Z.  "A  Treatise  on  the  patriarchal,  or  co-operative  system  of 
society  as  it  exists  in  some  governments,  and  colonies  in  America,  and  in  the 
United  States,  under  the  name  of  Slavery,  with  its  necessity  and  advantages. 
By  an  inhabitant  of  Florida."  (ist  edition,  1829;  2d,  edition,  1833.)  Not 
anti-slavery,  but  anti-cruelty. 

LEARNED,  JOSEPH  D.,  ESQ.  "A  View  of  the  Policy  of  Permitting  Slaves  in 
the  States  West  of  the  Mississippi,  being  a  Letter  from  a  Member  of  Congress." 
(Baltimore,  1820.) 

LEWIS,  Evan.  "An  Address  to  Christians  of  all  Denominations,  on  the 
Inconsistency  of  Admitting  Slaveholders  to  Communion  and  Church  Member 
ship."  (Philadelphia,  1831.) 

MARCUS.  Pseudonym.  "An  Examination  of  the  Expediency  and  Constitu 
tionality  of  Prohibiting  Slavery  in  the  State  of  Missouri."  (New  York, 
1819.) 

MINER,  CHARLES.  "Extract  from  a  speech  in  the  House  of  Representa 
tives  (U.  S.)  in  1829  on  Slavery  and  the  Slave  Trade."  (Philadelphia,  1829). 

MISSOURI.  "Free  Remarks  on  the  Spirit  of  the  Federal  Constitution;  the 
Practice  of  the  Federal  Government,  Respecting  the  Exclusion  of  Slavery  from 
the  Territories  and  New  States.  By  a  Philadelphian."  (Philadelphia,  1819.) 

"NATIONAL  Dangers  and  Means  of  Escape."  Anonymous  pamphlet,  about 
1820. 

OSBORNE,  ADLAI  LAWRENCE.  "Fragment  found  at  Salisbury  C.  H..  N.  C." 
Now  in  the  possession  of  Albert  Bushnell  Hart,  Ph.D.  Written  about  1830. 

PALMER,  DR.  (?)  "Essays  on  Slavery;  republished  from  the  Boston  Re 
corder  and  Telegraph  for  1825."  The  essays  were  by  four  authors:  A  Car 
olinian,  Hieronymus,  Philo,  and  Vigornius.  Pub.  as  a  separate  pamphlet, 
Amherst,  Mass.,  1826. 

PALMER,  WILLIAM  PITT.  "Poem  Spoken  July  4,  1828,  before  the  anti-slavery 
Society  of  Williams  College."  (Williamstown,  1828.) 

PARROTT,  RUSSELL.  "An  Address,  on  the  Abolition  of  the  Slave  Trade, 
delivered  before  the  different  African  Benevolent  Societies,  on  the  ist  of  Jan 
uary,  1816.  And  Published  at  their  Particular  Bequest.  By  Russell  Parrott, 
Member  of  the  Benezet  Benevolent  Society  (colored)."  (Philadelphia,  1816.) 

PAXTON,  JOHN  D.  "Letters  on  Slavery  Addressed  to  the  Cumberland  Con 
gregation,  Virginia,  by  John  D.  Paxton,  their  former  Pastor."  (Kentucky, 
1833.)  These  were  written  considerably  earlier. 

PEABODY,  WILLIAM  B.  O.  "An  Address  delivered  at  Springfield,  before  the 
Hampden  Colonization  Society,  July  4th,  1828."  (Springfield,  1828.) 

"PENNSYLVANIA,  Memoirs  of  the  Historical  Society  of."  (Philadelphia, 
1826.) 

IBID.  "Being  a  Replica."  (Philadelphia.)  The  later  edition  contains  a 
good  number  of  notes  regarding  the  deceased  members,  of  value  in  this  study. 
Vol.  i  contains  a  note  on  William  Rawle. 


284  Appendix  D 

PENNSYLVANIA  ABOLITION  SOCIETY.  "Address  from  the  Pennsylvania 
Society  for  Promoting  the  Abolition  of  Slavery,  etc.,  on  the  Origin,  Purposes 
and  Utility  of  their  Institution."  (Philadelphia,  1819.) 

PINCKNEY,  THOMAS  (?).  "Reflections,  Occasioned  by  the  late  Disturbances 
in  Charleston.  By  Achates."  (Charleston,  1822.) 

PLUMER,  WILLIAM.  "Speech  on  the  Missouri  Question  delivered  in  Con 
gress.  House  of  Representatives,  Feb.  21,  1820."  (New  Hampshire,  1820.) 
Plumer  was  a  representative  from  New  Hampshire. 

"POCAHONTAS;  A  Proclamation:   with  Plates."     (Conn.,  1820.) 

PROVIDENCE.  "A  Short  History  of  the  African  Union  Meeting  and  School- 
house,  erected  in  Providence  (R.  I.),  in  the  years  1819,  '20,  '21;  with  rules 
for  its  future  Government.  Published  by  particular  request."  (Providence, 
1821.) 

RANKIN,  REV.  JOHN.  "Letters  on  American  Slavery,  addressed  to  Mr. 
Thomas  Rankin,  Merchant  at  Middlebrook,  Augusta  County,  Virginia.  By 
John  Rankin,  Pastor  of  the  Presbyterian  Churches  of  Ripley  and  Strait  Creek, 
Brown  Co.,  Ohio."  (2d  edition,  Newburyport,  1836.) 

RAYMOND,  DANIEL.  "Thoughts  on  Political  Economy.  In  two  parts.  By 
Daniel  Raymond,  Counsellor  at  Law."  (Baltimore,  1820.) 

RAYMOND,  DANIEL.  "The  Elements  of  Political  Economy.  In  Two  Parts. 
By  Daniel  Raymond,  Counsellor  at  Law.  Second  edition."  Two  volumes. 
(Baltimore,  1823.) 

RAYMOND,  DANIEL.     "The  Missouri  Question."     (Baltimore,  1819.) 

RICE,  REV.  DAVID.  "A  Kentucky  Protest  against  Slavery.  Slavery  incon 
sistent  with  Justice  and  good  Policy,  proved  by  a  Speech  delivered  in  the  Con 
vention,  held  at  Danville,  Kentucky,  by  the  Rev.  David  Rice."  (Reprint  1862.) 
The  address  was  delivered  in  1792;  and  reprinted  once  in  1812.  The  title  is 
that  of  the  reprint  of  1862. 

SAUNDERS,  PRINCE.  "A  Memoir  presented  to  the  American  Convention  for 
promoting  the  Abolition  of  Slavery,  etc.,  December  nth,  1818;  etc."  (Phila 
delphia,  1818.)  This  gives  a  good  account  of  the  condition  of  Hayti  at  this 
time,  and  plans  for  emigration  there. 

SERGEANT,  JOHN.  "Speech  on  the  Missouri  Question  in  the  House  of  Rep 
resentatives  of  the  U.  States."  Pamphlet.  (1820.) 

SEWALL,  SAMUEL  E.  "On  Slavery  in  the  United  States."  Pamphlet  reprint 
of  articles  in  the  Christian  Examiner,  vol.  4. 

SLAVE  TRADE.  "A  View  of  the  Present  State  of  the  Slave  Trade.  Pub 
lished  by  direction  of  a  meeting  representing  the  Religious  Society  of  Friends 
in  Pennsylvania,  New- Jersey,  etc."  (Philadelphia,  1824.) 

"SLAVE  TRADE,  Information  concerning  the  Present  State  of  the."    (1824.) 

"SLAVERY,  A  TREATISE  ON.  By  an  unknown  Author,  of  Virginia."  The 
date  is  not  given,  but  it  is  after  the  independence  of  San  Domingo,  and  appar 
ently  before  the  independence  of  the  Greeks. 

SOUTH  CAROLINIAN.  "Practical  Considerations  founded  on  the  Scriptures, 
relative  to  the  Slave  Population  of  South  Carolina.  Respectfully  dedicated 
to  'The  South-Carolina  Association.'"  (Charleston,  1823.)  He  believes  that 


Appendix   D  285 

slavery  is  not  forbidden  by  the  Bible,  but  that  the  slaves  should  receive  religious 
instruction. 

''SPIRIT  OF  SLAVERY."    Two  letters  from  the  Presbytery  of  Chillicothe,  q.  v. 

STEWART,  ALVAN.  "Writings  and  Speeches  of  Alvan  Stewart.  Edited  by 
Luther  Rawson  Marsh."  (New  York,  1860.) 

STORY,  JUDGE  JOSEPH.  "A  Charge  delivered  to  the  Grand  Jury  of  the  Cir 
cuit  Court  of  the  United  States,  at  its  first  session  in  Portland,  for  the  Judicial 
Circuit  of  Maine,  May  8,  1820,  and  Published  at  the  Unanimous  request  of  the 
Grand  Jury  and  of  the  Bar."  Pamphlet.  (Portland,  1820.) 

SW.AIM,  WILLIAM.  "An  Address  to  the  People  of  North  Carolina,  on  the 
Evils  of  Slavery.  By  the  Friends  of  Liberty  and  Equality.  William  Swaim, 
Printer."  (Greensborough,  N.  C.,  1830.)  This  was  from  the  Manumission 
Society,  but  written  by  Swaim.  The  copy  seen  was  the  facsimile  of  the  old 
edition,  reprinted  in  1860,  or  thereabouts.  Pamphlet. 

TALLMADGE,  JAMES.  "Speech  in  the  House  of  Representatives  on  the  Mis 
souri  Question."  (New  York,  1819.)  He  was  a  representative  from  New  York. 
Pamphlet. 

TANEY,  ROGER  B.  Defence  of  Rev.  Jacob  Gruber.  In  "Views  of  American 
Slavery  Taken  a  Century  Ago."  Appendix,  q.  v. 

TAYLOR,  COL.  JOHN.  "Arator:  being  a  series  of  Agricultural  Essays, 
practical  and  political:  in  sixty-one  numbers.  Second  edition.  Revised  and 
enlarged.  By  John  Taylor  of  Caroline  County,  Virginia."  (Georgetown, 
Columbia,  1814.) 

TORREY,  JESSE.  "A  Portraiture  of  Domestic  Slavery,  in  the  United  States: 
with  Reflections  on  the  Practicability  of  restoring  the  Moral  Rights  of  the  Slave 
without  impairing  the  Legal  Privileges  of  the  Possessor;  and  a  Project  of  a 
Colonial  Asylum  for  Free  Persons  of  Colour:  etc.  By  Jesse  Torrey,  Jun. 
Physician.  Published  by  the  author."  (Philadelphia,  1817.) 

TURNBULL,  ROBERT  JAMES.  "The  Crisis:  or  Essays  on  the  Usurpations  of 
the  Federal  Government.  By  Brutus."  (Charleston,  1827.) 

WTAINWRIGHT,  J.  M.  "A  Discourse,  on  the  Occasion  of  forming  the  African 
Mission  School  Society,  delivered  in  Christ  Church,  in  Hartford,  Connecticut, 
on  Sunday  Evening,  Aug.  10,  1828.  By  Rev.  J.  M.  Wainwright,  D.D.,  Rector 
of  Grace  Church,  New  York.  Published  at  the  request  of  the  Directors  of  the 
Society."  (Hartford,  1828.)  This  advocates  colonization.  The  object  of  the 
society  was  to  send  missionaries  to  Africa. 

WALKER,  DAVID.  "Walker's  Appeal,  in  Four  Articles,  together  with  a 
preamble,  to  the  Colored  Citizens  of  the  World,  but  in  particular  and  very 
expressly  to  those  of  the  United  States  of  America.  Written  in  Boston,  State  of 
Massachusetts,  September  28,  1829."  (2d  edition,  1830.)  Other  editions 
followed.  Walker  was  a  colored  man.  See  account  of  this  in  text,  pp.  93-95. 

WHEATON,  JOSEPHUS,  A.  M.  "The  Equality  of  Mankind  and  the  Evils  of 
Slavery,  Illustrated:  A  Sermon,  delivered  on  the  day  of  the  Annual  Fast, 
April  6,  1820.  By  Josephus  Wheaton,  A.  M.,  Pastor  of  the  church  in  Holliston 
(Mass.).  Published  by  Request."  (Boston,  1820.) 

WOOLMAN,  JOHN.    "Considerations  on  Slavery,  addressed  to  the  Professors 


286  Appendix  D 

of  Christianity  of  every  denomination,  and  affectionately  recommended  to  their 
sober,  unprejudiced  attention,  by  John  Woolman."  (An  edition  published  in 
Baltimore  in  1821,  "about  70  years"  after  the  original.) 


E.     NEWSPAPERS  AND   PERIODICALS 

I.   ANTI-SLAVERY  PERIODICALS.     1808-1831 

"  AFRICAN  OBSERVER,  THE.  Edited  by  Enoch  Lewis,  No.  21  Powell  Street, 
Philadelphia.  To  be  continued  monthly.  Price  Two  Dollars  per  annum,  pay 
able  in  advance.  No.  i.  Vol.  i.  Fourth  Month,  1827." 

"  FREEDOM'S  JOURNAL.  Devoted  to  the  improvement  of  the  colored  popula 
tion.  By  John  Russwurm.  New  York."  The  date  of  the  first  number  is  not 
found.  That  for  April  4,  1828,  was  vol.  2,  No.  2.  It  was  also  published  in 
1829,  the  number  for  March  of  that  year  being  the  latest  found. 

"  GENIUS  OF  LIBERTY.     Union,  Pa.     1821." 

"  GENIUS  OF  UNIVERSAL  EMANCIPATION,  THE.  Containing  Original  Essays 
and  Selections  on  the  Subject  of  African  Slavery.  Benjamin  Lundy,  Editor." 
Vol.  i.  1821.  For  an  account  of  this  see  text,  pp.  26,  45-47.  A  complete  set 
with  the  exception  of  vols.  3  and  9  is  in  the  Boston  Public  Library;  vol.  3  is 
at  Oberlin  University ;  and  vol.  9  at  Johns  Hopkins  University.  Other  libraries 
have  single  volumes. 

"  PHILANTHROPIST,  THE.  Mt.  Pleasant,  Ohio."  1817-1819.  Two  volumes 
of  this  are  at  Johns  Hopkins  University. 

II.    MISCELLANEOUS.     1808-1831 

"  ALEXANDRIA  GAZETTE." 

"  AMERICAN  REPUBLICAN."  Quoted  in  Darlington  on  the  Missouri  Ques 
tion,  q.  v. 

"  CHRISTIAN  EXAMINER  AND  GENERAL  REVIEW.  (Boston  and  London.)" 
Bi-monthly  Quotations  on  Colonization  from  vol.  13. 

"  CHRISTIAN  OBSERVER,  THE,  conducted  by  Members  of  the  Established 
Church.  (London.)"  Article  in  vol.  23  (1823),  on  Slavery  in  the  United  States. 

"  CHRISTIAN  SPECTATOR,  conducted  by  an  Association  of  Gentlemen.  (New 
Haven.)  Monthly."  References  to  Colonization  in  vols.  5,  N.  s.  2 ;  and  on 
Slavery  in  vol.  7. 

"  ILLINOIS  GAZETTE,  Shawneetown,  Illinois."    Number  for  March  2,  1822. 

"  INDIANA  GAZETTE,  Corydon,  Indiana." 

"JOURNAL  OF  THE  TIMES;  Bennington,  Vt.,"  1818,  1819.  Edited  by 
Garrison. 

"NATIONAL  PHILANTHROPIST.    Boston."    1826-1827. 

"  NATIONAL  REGISTER,  THE.  Washington,  D.  C."  Published  by  Joel  K. 
Mead,  1816,  1817. 

"  NEW  ENGLAND  WEEKLY  REVIEW.  Hartford,  Conn."  1829-1832.  Edited 
by  George  D.  Prentice-and  then  by  John  G.  Whittier. 


Appendix  D  287 

"  NILES'  WEEKLY  REGISTER.  Edited  by  Hezekiah  Niles,  Baltimore,  Md." 
This  was  published  during  the  whole  of  the  period,  and  beyond  it,  and  is  most 
invaluable. 

"  NORTH  AMERICAN  REVIEW,  Vol.  18  (1824),  and  Vol.  35  (1832).  (Bos 
ton.)"  The  references  are  to  Colonization. 

"  REGISTER  OF  PENNSYLVANIA,  THE.    Samuel   Hazard,   Editor."    1828- 

1836- 

"  SOUTHERN  REVIEW,  THE.   Charleston,  S.  C."   Vol.  i.  1828.    Colonization. 
"  WASHINGTON  GAZETTE."     1818-1822,  etc 

III.    NEWSPAPERS  AND  PERIODICALS  AFTER  1831 

"  ABOLITIONIST,  THE,  or  Record  of  the  New  England  Anti-Slavery  Society. 
Edited  by  a  committee."  First  number  Jan.,  1833.  Some  account  of  earlier. 

"  AMERICAN  JURIST."    1829-1843.    Reference  to  vol.  7. 

"  LIBERATOR,  THE."  Edited  by  William  Lloyd  Garrison.  First  number 
1831. 

"  LIBERIA.  The  Bulletins  of  the  American  Colonization  Society."  Refer 
ence  to  No.  15,  Nov.,  1899;  and  No.  16,  Feb.  1900. 

IV.    MAGAZINE  ARTICLES 

COLONIZATION.  Relation  of  Colonization  and  Abolition.  Four  articles. 
"  Spirit  of  the  Pilgrims,"  vol.  6,  pp.  322,  396,  539,  569. 

COLONIZATION,  Article  on.    '*  National  Register."    Jan.  n,  1817,  p.  17. 

COLONIZATION,  African,  Review  of  articles  on.  "  Christian  Quarterly  Re 
view,"  1830. 

COLONIZATION.  Report  of  the  first  meeting  of  the  Massachusetts  Coloniza 
tion  Society.  The  constitution  pledged  the  members  to  aid  the  slaves  by  sup 
porting  the  society,  or  in  any  other  way.  "  Niles'  Register,"  23.  39.  Quoted 
from  the  "  Boston  Advertiser." 

COLONIZATION.  Report  of  the  Committee  of  the  U.  S.  House  of  Represen 
tatives,  to  whom  was  referred  the  memorial  of  the  American  Colonization 
Society  in  1818.  "  Niles'  Register,"  vol.  15,  supplement,  p.  42. 

COLONIZATION.  Reports  of  the  meetings  of  the  American  Colonization 
Society.  "  National  Register,"  Jan.  4,  1817;  "  Niles'  Register,"  vol.  15,  supple 
ment,  p.  44. 

COLONIZATION.  Review  of  the  Reports  of  the  Meetings  of  the  American 
Colonization  Society,  1818-1825.  "  American  Monthly  Spectator,"  5.  485, 
540. 

COLONIZATION  SOCIETY.  Address  to  the  Public,  1819.  "  Niles'  Register," 
16.  165,  233. 

DISTRICT  OF  COLUMBIA.  Extract  from  the  speech  of  Charles  Miner  in  the 
House  of  Representatives,  on  Slavery  and  the  Slave  Trade  in  the  District  in 
1829.  "  American  Quarterly  Review,"  14.  54. 

FUGITIVE  SLAVES.  "National  Register,"  Feb.  22,  1817,  p.  122;  "Free 
dom's  Journal,"  1828-1829,  p.  325. 


288'  Appendix  D 

ILLINOIS.    Appeal  to  the  People  of  Illinois.    "  Monthly  Review,"  103.    171. 

INDIANA.  Memorial  for  permission  to  form  a  state,  1815.  "  Niles'  Regis 
ter,"  9.  352. 

JOHNSON,  OLIVER.  Charles  Osborn's  Place  in  Anti-Slavery  History.  "  In 
ternational  Review  "  for  Sept.,  1882. 

JULIAN,    GEORGE  W.    The    Genesis   of   Modern   Abolitionism.     "  Inter 
national  Review,"  June,  1882. 
t/jmiAN,  GEORGE  W.    The  Truth  of  Anti-Slavery  History.    Ibid.  Nov.  1882. 

MARYLAND.  Valuation  of  lands,  dwelling  houses  and  slaves  by  counties. 
"  Niles'  Register,"  10.  103.  (1816.) 

'-POPULATION,    Comparative  Tables  of.     "  Niles'    Register,"    i.    264,   308, 
358,  388;   9.    238. 

PRESBYTERIAN  GENERAL  ASSEMBLY,  1818,  on  the  subject  of  slavery.  "  Niles' 
Register,"  vol.  16.  supplement,  153. 

SLAVES.  Restoration  of  slaves  by  the  British,  1815.  "  Niles'  Register," 
vol.  8.  supplement,  155. 

SLAVE  TRADE.  Documents  presented  to  the  House  of  Commons.  Includes 
those  involving  the  United  States.  "  Niles'  Register,"  8.  302;  9.  78;  9.  172. 

SOUTH  CAROLINA.  Act  to  prohibit  the  introduction  of  slaves  from  any  other 
state.  "  National  Register,"  vol.  3,  No.  2,  p.  32. 

UNDERGROUND  RAILROAD.  Address  by  Hon.  John  Hutchins  before  Mahon- 
ing  County  Pioneer  Society.  "  Mag.  of  Western  Hist.,"  5.  672.  This  is  the 
number  for  March,  1887;  the  address  was  "some  years  earlier,"  no  date  given. 

UNDERGROUND  RAILROAD,  LIGHT  ON  THE.  Wilbur  H.  Siebert.  "  American 
Historical  Magazine,"  April,  1896. 

There  were  of  course  many  more  articles  in  Niles'  Register  than  are  named 
in  this  list.  The  aim  was  to  give  here  the  names  of  articles  in  that  publication 
which  were  not  quoted  in  the  text  of  this  work,  but  which  were  of  interest  to 
the  reader  and  investigator  of  this,  subject.  The  whole  work  is  of  importance, 
and  was  named  earlier  in  the  bibliography. 


F.    REPORTS 
I.    REPORTS  OF  THE  AMERICAN  CONVENTION,  1808-1831 

"  MINUTES  OF  THE  AMERICAN  CONVENTION  for  Promoting  the  Abolition  of 
Slavery  and  improving  the  Condition  of  the  African  Race.  For  1809."  (In  the 
libraries  of  the  New  York  Historical  Society;  Historical  Society  of  Pennsyl 
vania;  Rhode  Island  Historical  Society;  and  American  Antiquarian  Society, 
Worcester,  Mass.) 

IBID,  for  1812.  (In  the  libraries  of  Brown  University;  Cornell  University; 
the  New  York  Historical  Society ;  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania ;  and 
the  Rhode  Island  Historical  Society.) 

IBID,  for  1815,  adjourned  to  1816.  (Brown  University;  New  York  Historical 
Society.) 


Appendix  D  289 

IBID,  for  1817.  (Brown  University;  Congregational  Library,  Boston; 
Pennsylvania  Historical  Society;  and  Rhode  Island  Historical  Society.) 

IBID,  for  1818.  (Boston  Athenaeum;  Cornell  University;  Boston  Public 
Library;  Massachusetts  Historical  Society;  New  York  Historical  Society; 
Pennsylvania  Historical  Society;  Library  Company  of  Philadelphia,  Ridgway 
Branch.) 

IBID,  for  1819.  (Brown  University;  Cornell  University ;  Pennsylvania  His 
torical  Society;  Rhode  Island  Historical  Society;  American  Antiquarian 
Society,  Worcester.) 

IBID,  for  1821.  (Brown  University;  New  York  Historical  Society;  Pennsyl 
vania  Historical  Society.) 

IBID,  for  1823.  (Brown  University;  New  York  Historical  Society;  Penn 
sylvania  Historical  Society;  Rhode  Island  Historical  Society.) 

IBID,  for  1825.  (Brown  University;  Cornell  University;  Library  of  Con 
gress;  Johns  Hopkins  University;  Rhode  Island  Historical  Society.) 

IBID,  for  1826,  adjourned  session.  (Brown  University;  Pennsylvania  His 
torical  Society;  Rhode  Island  Historical  Society.) 

IBID,  for  1827.  (Brown  University;  Cornell  University;  Johns  Hopkins 
University;  Pennsylvania  Historical  Society.) 

IBID,  for  1828,  adjourned  session.  (Cornell  University;  Johns  Hopkins 
University;  New  York  Historical  Society.) 

IBID,  for  1829.  (Library  of  Congress;  Harvard  University;  New  York 
Historical  Society.) 

II.    REPORTS  OF  ANTI-SLAVERY  SOCIETIES,  1808-1831 
REPORT  of  the  National  Anti-Slavery  Tract  Society,  1816. 

III.    REPORTS  OF  LATER  ANTI-SLAVERY  SOCIETIES.    (Valuable  here  for  names 
of  those  active  in  both  periods.) 

ANNUAL  REPORTS  of  the  American  Anti-Slavery  Society,  i833-end. 
ANNUAL  REPORTS  of  the  Massachusetts  (or  New  England)  Anti-Slavery 
Society,  i83i-end. 
REPORTS  of  the  National  Anti-Slavery  Conventions,  i833-end. 

IV.     REPORTS  OF  COLONIZATION  SOCIETIES 

BALTIMORE.  "  Proceedings  of  a  meeting  of  the  Friends  of  African  Coloni 
zation,  held  in  the  City  of  Baltimore  on  the  17  October,  1827."  (Pamphlet, 
signed  copy  in  the  Harvard  Library.) 

NEW  JERSEY.    Proceedings  of  the  Second  Annual  Meeting  of  the  New  Jersey 
Colonization  Society.      Held  at  Princeton,  N.  J.,  July  10,  1826.      (Princeton 
Press,  1826.) 
^REPORTS  of  the  American  Colonization  Society,  1818-1832. 

19 


290  Appendix  D 


V.    REPORTS  OF  CONVENTIONS  OF  PEOPLE  OF  COLOR 

"  MINUTES  AND  PROCEEDINGS  of  the  First  Annual  Convention  of  the  People 
of  Color.  Held  by  Adjournment  in  the  City  of  Philadelphia,  from  the  sixth 
to  the  eleventh  of  June,  inclusive,  1831."  (Philadelphia,  1831.) 

"  MINUTES  AND  PROCEEDINGS  of  the  Second  Annual  Convention,  for  the 
Improvement  of  the  Free  People  of  Color  in  these  United  States.  Held  by 
Adjournments  in  the  City  of  Philadelphia,  from  the  4th  to  the  i3th  of  June, 
inclusive,  1832."  (Philadelphia,  1832.) 

These  reports  are  useful  for  giving  the  name  of  prominent  colored  people, 
and  also  for  the  account  they  give  of  the  condition  of  the  free  colored  people 
at  the  North  as  well  as  at  the  South,  and  of  the  colony  in  Canada. 


G.    LEGISLATION 
I.    CONGRESS 

American  State  Papers,  Miscellaneous,  Vol.  2. 

Annals  of  Congress. 

House  Documents.     (Many  printed  as  separate  pamphlets.) 

Register  of  Debates. 

II.     STATE 

PENNSYLVANIA.  "  An  Act  to  give  effect  to  the  provisions  of  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States  relative  to  Fugitives  from  Labor,  for  the  protection  of  Free 
People  of  Color,  and  to  prevent  Kidnapping,  1826." 

PENNSYLVANIA.  William  Dunlop.  "  New  Digest  of  the  Acts  of  the  Penn 
sylvania  Assembly."  (Philadelphia,  1853.) 

SOUTH  CAROLINA.  "  Important  Act  of  the  Legislature  of  South  Carolina. 
Passed  at  the  Session  in  December,  1823,  to  prevent  Free  Negroes  and  Persons 
of  Colour  from  entering  this  State."  (Charleston,  1830.) 

TEXAS.  "  Laws  of  the  State  of  Coahuila  and  Texas."  Published  in  1839. 
A  parallel  edition  in  Spanish  and  English. 

VIRGINIA.  "  Proceedings  and  Debates  of  the  Virginia  State  Convention  of 
1829-1830.  To  which  are  subjoined,  The  New  Constitution  of  Virginia,  and 
the  Votes  of  the  People."  (Richmond,  1830.) 


H.    LAW  REPORTS,  DIGESTS,   ETC. 
I.     GENERAL  WORKS 

COBB,  T.  R.  R.  "Inquiry  into  the  Law  of  Negro  Slavery."  (1858.)  With 
this  is  usually  published  his  History  of  Slavery. 

FEDERAL  CASES,  THE.  "Comprising  Cases  argued  and  determined  in  the 
Circuit  and  District  Courts  of  the  United  States,  from  the  earliest  times  to  the 


Appendix  D  291 

beginning  of  the  Federal  Reporter."  (1789-1880).  Thirty  volumes,  and  two 
digests.  This  is  invaluable.  (St.  Paul,  1895,  etc.) 

KURD,  JOHN  CODMAN.  "The  Law  of  Freedom  and  Bondage  in  the  United 
States.  Two  volumes."  (Boston  and  New  York,  1858.)  This  was  intended  as 
a  text-book,  the  first  volume  being  a  general  dissertation  on  common  law  and 
the  law  of  slavery.  The  second  volume  contains  accounts  of  many  court 
decisions  in  illustration  of  the  law,  and  is  invaluable,  especially  as  it  gives  many 
which  were  tried  in  the  lower  courts  of  the  various  states. 

KENT,  JUDGE  JAMES.  "  Commentaries  on  American  Law."  Four  volumes. 
(i2th  edition,  Boston,  1873.) 

JONES,  LEONARD  AUGUSTUS.  "Index  to  Legal  Periodical  Literature."  Two 
volumes.  (Boston,  1888,  1891.) 

SERGEANT,  THOMAS.    "Constitutional  Law."    (Philadelphia,  1830,  2d  ed.) 

STROUD,  GEORGE  M.  "A  Sketch  of  Laws  relating  to  Slavery  in  the  several 
States  of  the  United  States  of  America."  (Philadelphia,  ist  edition,  1827;  2d 
edition,  enlarged  and  improved,  1856.)  This  is  invaluable  for  the  practical 
application  of  the  laws.  Stroud  was  an  anti-slavery  man,  though  not  a  member 
of  any  abolition  society,  and  his  book  presents  the  law  from  that  standpoint. 

WHEELER,  JACOB  D.  "A  Practical  Treatise  on  the  Law  of  Slavery,  being 
a  Compilation  of  all  the  Decisions  on  that  Subject,  in  the  several  Courts  of  the 
United  States  and  State  Courts."  (New  York  and  New  Orleans,  1837.)  This 
is  the  most  comprehensive  work  of  its  kind,  and  is  invaluable.  It  gives  the  law 
and  its  applications  from  the  Southern  point  of  view,  but  while  apparently 
partizan,  shows  that  failing  only  in  the  deductions  drawn  from  the  facts,  not 
at  all  in  the  facts  themselves. 

It  is  only  in  the  above  works  that  we  can  learn  of  the  decisions  in  the  lower 
courts,  and  they  are  especially  valuable  for  that  reason.  The  digest,  "Federal 
Cases,"  contains  all  cases  on  all  subjects  before  the  Federal  Courts,  which 
means,  of  course,  all  the  cases  of  any  real  importance  in  the  District  of  Columbia. 


II.    STATE  REPORTS,  ETC. 

1.  Alabama. 

MARTIN,  WILLIAM  J.  "  The  Code  of  Alabama  (1896-97).  Prepared  by 
William  J.  Martin,  Commissioner."  This  gives  the  earlier  constitution. 

MINOR,  HENRY.  "  Reports  of  Cases  argued  and  determined  in  the  Supreme 
Court  of  Alabama."  (1820-1826.) 

STEWART,  GEORGE  N.  "  Reports  of  Cases  argued  and  determined  in  the 
Supreme  Court  of  Alabama."  (1827-1831.)  (The  dates  given  refer  to  that 
part  of  the  period  1808-1831  covered  in  the  authority.  When  the  dates  1808 
and  1831  occur  the  entire  period  covered  by  the  authority  is  not  necessarily 
named.) 

2.  Connecticut. 

DAY,  THOMAS  B.  "  Reports  of  Cases  argued  and  determined  in  the  Supreme 
Court  of  Errors  of  the  State  of  Connecticut."  Two  volumes,  i,  1808-1813;  2, 
1814-1831.  The  latter  was  published  in  1848. 


292  Appendix  D 

3.  District  of  Columbia. 

CRANCH  C.  C.  REPORTS,  quoted  in  "  Federal  Cases." 

"  THE  SLAVERY  CODE  OF  THE  DISTRICT  OF  COLUMBIA,  together  with  Notes 
and  Judicial  Decisions  explanatory  of  the  Same.  By  a  member  of  the  Washing 
ton  Bar."  (Washington,  1862.) 

WASHINGTON  C.  C.  REPORTS,  quoted  in  "  Federal  Cases." 

4.  Illinois. 

BREESE,  SIDNEY.  "  Reports  of  Cases  at  Common  Law  and  in  Chancery 
argued  and  determined  in  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  State  of  Illinois."  (1819- 
1831.)  Published  in  1831. 

"  GENIUS  OF  LIBERTY;  An  Extra.  Slave  Code  of  the  State  of  Illinois." 
This  is  quite  late,  but  it  gives  earlier  dates. 

5.  Indiana. 

BLACKFORD,  ISAAC.  "  Reports  of  Cases  argued  and  determined  in  the  Su 
preme  Court  of  Judicature  of  the  State  of  Indiana."  (1819-1831.) 

6.  Kentucky. 

BIBB,  GEORGE  M.  "  Reports  of  Cases  at  Common  Law  and  in  Chancery 
argued  and  decided  in  the  Court  of  Appeals  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Ken 
tucky."  (1808-1817.) 

LITTELL,  WILLIAM.  "  Reports  of  Cases  at  Common  Law  and  in  Chancery 
decided  by  the  Court  of  Appeals  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Kentucky."  (1822- 
1824.) 

MARSHALL,  ALEXANDER  K.  "  Decisions  of  the  Court  of  Appeals  of  Ken 
tucky."  (1817-1821.) 

MARSHALL,  J.  J-.  "  Reports  of  Cases  at  Common  Law  and  in  Equity  argued 
and  decided  in  the  Court  of  Appeals  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Kentucky." 
(1825-1828.) 

MONROE,  THOMAS  B.  "  Reports  of  Cases  at  Common  Law  and  in  Equity 
argued  and  decided  in  the  Court  of  Appeals  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Ken 
tucky."  (1829-1831.) 

7.  Louisiana. 

MARTIN,  FRANCOIS -XA VEER.  "  Reports  of  Cases  argued  and  determined  in 
the  Supreme  Court  of  the  State  of  Louisiana."  (1809-1830.) 

8.  Maryland. 

BLAND,  THEODORICK.  "  Reports  of  Cases  decided  in  the  High  Court  of 
Chancery  of  Maryland." 

DORSEY,  CLEMENT.     "  Laws  of  Maryland,  1692-1839." 

GILL  &  JOHNSON.  "  Reports  of  Cases  argued  and  determined  in  the  Court 
of  Appeals  in  Maryland."  (1829-1831.)  By  Richard  W.  Gill  and  John 
Johnson. 

HARRIS  &  GILL.  "  Reports  of  Cases  argued  and  determined  in  the  Court  of 
Appeals  in  Maryland."  (1827-1829.)  By  Thomas  Harris  &  Rich.  W.  Gill. 

HARRIS  &  JOHNSON.  "  Reports  of  Cases  argued  and  determined  in  the  Court 
of  Appeals  in  Maryland."  (1808-1826.)  By  Thomas  Harris  and  Reverdy 
Johnson. 


Appendix  D  293 

9.  Massachusetts. 

MASON'S  REPORTS,  quoted  in  "  Federal  Cases." 

PICKERING,  OCTAVIUS.  "  Reports  of  Cases  argued  and  determined  in  the 
Supreme  Judicial  Court  of  Massachusetts."  (1822-1831.) 

TYNG,  DUDLEY  ATKINS.  "  Report  of  Cases  argued  and  determined  in  the 
Supreme  Court  of  Judicature  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts."  (1808- 
1822.) 

10.  Mississippi. 
HUTCHINSON'S  CODE. 

WALKER,  R.  J.  "  Reports  of  Cases  adjudged  in  the  Supreme  Court  of 
Mississippi."  (1818-1831.) 

11.  Missouri. 

GEYER.     "  Digest  of  the  Laws  of  Missouri  Territory." 

"  LAWS  OF  THE  STATE  of  Missouri,  1825." 

MISSOURI  SUPREME  COURT  REPORTS.  "The  Decisions  of  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  State  of  Missouri."  1821-1827,  by  P.  H.  McBride,  Sec'y  of  State; 
1828-1831,  by  J.  C.  Edwards,  Sec'y  of  State. 

12.  New  Jersey. 

HALSTED,  WILLIAM,  JR.  "  Reports  of  Cases  argued  and  determined  in  the 
Supreme  Court  of  Judicature  of  the  State  of  New  Jersey."  (1822-1831.) 

PENNINGTON,  HON.  WM.  S.  "  Report  of  Cases  argued  and  determined  in 
the  Supreme  Court  of  Judicature  of  the  State  of  New  Jersey."  (1806- 
1813.) 

SOUTHARD,  SAMUEL  L.  "  Reports  of  Cases  argued  and  determined  in  the 
Supreme  Court  of  Judicature  of  the  State  of  New  Jersey."  (1816-1820.) 

13.  New  York. 

ANTHON,  JOHN,  ESQ.  "  The  Law  of  Nisi  Prius,  being  Reports  of  Cases 
determined  at  Nisi  Prius,  in  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  State  of  New  York, 
with  notes  and  commentaries  on  each  case."  (2d  edition,  New  York, 
1858.) 

COWEN,  ESEK.  "Reports  of  Cases  argued  and  determined  in  the  Supreme 
Court  and  in  the  Court  for  the  Trial  of  impeachments  and  the  correction  of 
errors  of  the  State  of  New  York."  (1823-1827.) 

JOHNSON,  WILLIAM.  "Reports  of  Cases  argued  and  determined  in  the  Su 
preme  Court  of  Judicature  and  in  the  Court  for  the  trial  of  impeachments, 
and  the  correction  of  errors  in  the  State  of  New  York."  (1808-1822.) 

"SELECTIONS  FROM  THE  REVISED  STATUTES  of  the  State  of  New  York.  Con 
taining  all  the  laws  of  the  State  relative  to  Slaves,  and  the  law  relative  to  the 
offence  of  kidnapping;  which  several  laws  commenced  and  took  effect  January 
i,  1830.  Together  with  extracts  from  the  laws  of  the  United  States  respecting 
slaves.  Published  on  behalf  of  the  New  York  Manumission  Society,  by  direc 
tion  of  the  Standing  Committee.  (New  York,  1830.)" 

WENDELL,  JOHN  L.  "Reports  of  Cases  argued  and  determined  in  the  Su 
preme  Court  of  Judicature  and  in  the  Court  for  the  trial  of  impeachments  and 
the  correction  of  errors  of  the  State  of  New  York."  (1828-1831.) 


294  Appendix  D 

14.  North  Carolina. 

DEVEREUX,  THOMAS  P.  "Reports  of  Cases  argued  and  determined  in  the 
Supreme  Court  of  North  Carolina."  (1826-1831.) 

"EQUITY  CASES  argued  and  determined  in  the  Supreme  Court  of  North 
Carolina."  (1828-1831.) 

HAWKES,  FRANCIS  L.  "Report  of  Cases  argued  and  adjudged  in  the  Su 
preme  Court  of  North  Carolina."  (1820-1826.) 

HAYWOOD,  "Manual  of  Laws." 

MURPHEY,  A.  D.  "Reports  of  Cases  argued  and  adjudged  in  the  Supreme 
Court  of  North  Carolina."  (1814-1819.) 

TAYLOR,  J.  L.  "North  Carolina  Reports,  embracing  the  'Carolina  Law 
Repository,'  etc."  (1816-1818.) 

15.  Pennsylvania. 

BINNEY,  HORACE.  "Reports  of  Cases  adjudged  in  the  Supreme  Court  of 
Pennsylvania."  (1808-1814.) 

RAWLE,  WILLIAM,  JR.  "Reports  of  Cases  adjudged  in  the  Supreme  Court 
of  Pennsylvania."  (1828-1831.) 

SERGEANT  AND  RAWLE.  "  Reports  of  Cases  adjudged  in  the  Supreme  Court 
of  Pennsylvania."  (1814-1828.) 

YEATES,  HON.  JASPER.  "Reports  of  Cases  adjudged  in  the  Supreme  Court 
of  Pennsylvania,  with  some  select  cases  at  Nisi  Prius  and  in  the  Circuit 
Courts." 

16.  South  Carolina. 

BAILEY,  H.  "Reports  of  Cases  argued  and  determined  in  the  Court  of 
Appeals  of  South  Carolina  on  appeal  from  the  courts  of  law."  (1828-1831.) 

BREVARD,  HON.  JOSEPH.  "Reports  of  Judicial  Decisions  in  the  State  of 
South  Carolina."  (1809-1816.) 

DENMARK  VESEY  INSURRECTION.  "An  Official  Report  of  the  Trials  of 
sundry  Negroes,  charged  with  an  attempt  to  raise  an  insurrection  in  the  State  of 
South  Carolina:  preceded  by  an  Introduction  and  Narrative;  and  in  an  Ap 
pendix,  a  report  of  the  trials  of  four  white  persons,  on  indictments  for  attempt 
ing  to  excite  the  slaves  to  insurrection.  Prepared  and  published  at  the  request 
of  the  Court.  By  Lionel  H.  Kennedy  and  Thomas  Parker,  Members  of  the 
Charleston  Bar,  and  the  Presiding  Magistrates  of  the  Court.  (Charleston, 
1822.)"  Pamphlet.  The  copy  in  the  Boston  Public  Library  has  eight  pages 
missing. 

McCoRD.  "Reports  of  Cases  determined  in  the  Constitutional  Court  of 
South  Carolina."  (1821-1828.) 

MILL.  "Reports  of  Judicial  Decisions  in  the  Constitutional  Court  of  the 
State  of  South  Carolina."  (1812-1816.) 

"REPORTS  OF  JUDICIAL  DECISIONS  in  the  Constitutional  Court  of  the  State 
of  South  Carolina."  (1817-1818.) 

"REPORTS  OF  CASES  determined  in  the  Constitutional  Court  of  South  Caro 
lina.  By  Henry  Junius  Nott,  and  David  James  McCord."  (1817-1820.) 

"STATUTES  AT  LARGE.    (Collected  by  David  J.  McCord,  1839.)" 


Appendix  D  295 

17.  Tennessee. 

MARTIN  AND  VERGER'S  Reports. 

YERGER,  GEORGE  S.  "Reports  of  Cases  argued  and  determined  in  the  Su 
preme  Court  of  Tennessee."  (1818-1831.) 

18.  Virginia. 

GILMER,  FRANCIS  W.  "Report  of  Cases  decided  in  the  Court  of  Appeals  of 
Virginia."  (1820-1821.) 

HARPER'S  REPORTS. 

HENING  AND  MUNFORD.  "Reports  of  Cases  argued  and  determined  in  the 
Supreme  Court  of  Appeals  of  Virginia.  By  William  W.  Hening  and  William 
Munford."  (1809-1810.) 

LEIGH,  BENJAMIN  WATKINS.  "Reports  of  Cases  argued  and  determined  in 
the  Court  of  Appeals  (of  Virginia)."  (1829-1831.) 

MUNFORD,  WILLIAM.  "Reports  of  Cases  argued  and  determined  in  the  Su 
preme  Court  of  Appeals  of  Virginia."  (1810-1820.) 

RANDOLPH,  PEYTON.  "  Report  of  Cases  argued  and  determined  in  the  Court 
of  Appeals  of  Virginia,  etc.  "  (1822-1828.) 

VIRGINIA  CASES.  "A  Collection  of  cases  decided  by  the  General  Court  of 
Virginia,  etc.  Judges  Brockenburgh  and  Holmes."  (1808-1814.) 

I.    MISCELLANEOUS 

AMERICAN  ANTI-SLAVERY  ALMANACS.    Earliest,  1836.    Good  for  early  dates. 

ARMISTEAD,  WILSON.  "A  'Cloud  of  Witnesses'  against  Slavery  and  Op 
pression.  Containing  the  Acts,  Opinions  and  Sentiments  of  Individuals  and 
Societies  in  all  ages."  (London,  1853.)  Contains  some  Americans. 

CHILD,  DAVID  L.  "The  Despotism  of  Freedom:  or  the  Tyranny  and 
Cruelty  of  American  Republican  slave-masters,  shown  to  be  the  worst  in  the 
world ;  in  a  speech,  delivered  at  the  first  anniversary  of  the  New  England  Anti- 
Slavery  Society,  1833."  (Boston,  1833.)  This  gives  some  account  of  kidnap 
ping  and  slave  trade  during  the  earlier  period. 

"DEMOCRATIC  OPINIONS  on  Slavery,  1776-1863." 

"HANCOCK"  ;  an  apology  for  voting  for  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  of  1851. 

"LIBERTY."  A  compilation  (1837),  giving  some  quotations  from  the  early 
period. 

LIBERTY  ALMANACS.    Useful  for  dates.    (New  York  and  Boston.) 

LOSSING,  B.  J.     Cyclopedia. 

MAY,  SAMUEL,  JR.  Catalogue  of  Anti-Slavery  Publications  in  America.  A 
very  good  list,  with  dates. 

PENNSYLVANIA  on  the  Missouri  Question.    Pamphlet.    (1856.) 

POOLE,  WILLIAM  F.  "Anti-Slavery  Opinions  before  the  Year  1800.  Read 
before  the  Cincinnati  Literary  Club,  Nov.  16,  1872,  by  William  Frederick 
Poole,  Librarian  of  the  Public  Library  of  Cincinnati."  (Cincinnati,  1873.) 
There  are  also  later  opinions  cited. 

SABIN.  "Dictionary  of  Books  relating  to  America."  This  will  be  of  great 
service  when  it  is  completed  through  "Slavery."  There  is  only  occasionally 


296  Appendix  D 

a  book  mentioned  under  other  heads  that  is  of  service  to  the  student  of  this 
subject. 

"VIEWS  OF  AMERICAN  SLAVERY  Taken  a  Century  Ago."  (Philadelphia, 
1858.)  The  Appendix  gives  later  opinions. 

WELD,  THEODORE  DWIGHT.  "American  Slavery  as  it  is:  Testimony  of  a 
Thousand  Witnesses."  (New  York.  Published  by  the  American  Anti-Slavery 
Society,  1839.) 

YOUNG,  A.  W.     "American  Statesman." 

A  good  many  books,  pamphlets,  etc.,  are  named  in  the  books  published  in 
the  period  under  discussion,  and  in  later  works,  which  the  present  writer  has 
not  been  able  to  find  in  any  of  the  libraries  in  which  the  work  has  been  done, 
nor  in  those  with  which  correspondence  has  been  had.  Many  of  these  would 
be  exceedingly  valuable  were  they  to  be  found,  and  a  goodly  number  have  been 
mentioned  in  the  text.  The  following  are  the  more  valuable  of  this  sort,  judging 
from  contemporary  evidence.  Those  prefixed  by  *  are  of  especial  importance. 

I.    BOOKS  OF  TRAVEL 

GOULD,  WILLIAM.  The  name  was  found,  but  no  more.  It  may  be  the  one 
who  traveled  in  1794. 

MEAD,  WHITMAN.  "Travels  in  North  America."  (New  York,  1820.) 
This  is  mentioned  in  Weld,  "American  Slavery  as  it  is." 

ROCHEMONT,  PICTET  DE.  "Travels."  The  name  alone  was  found.  It  may 
be  an  earlier  traveler. 

II.  BIOGRAPHY 

COFFIN,  ELIJAH,  Life  of.    1863. 
KENDALL.     Funeral  Sermon  of  Samuel  Dexter. 

LEWIS,  ENOCH.    Memoir  by  Joseph  J.  Lewis.    (West  Chester,  Pa.  1882.) 
TARRANT,  CARTER.    "Biographical  Sketches  of  the  Kentucky  Emancipa 
tionists."    Mentioned  by  Birney.    Tarrant  lived  in  the  early  part  of  the  period. 


III.  AUTOBIOGRAPHY 

BROOKES,  EDWARD.     "Life  and  Journal."     (In  Friends'  Miscellany,  XII, 

1839.)    He  visited  North  Carolina  in  1813. 
CADWALLADER,  PRISCILLA.    Memoirs.     (Philadelphia,  1864.) 
EVANS,  WILLIAMS.     Journal  of  Life  and  Religious  Labors.     (Philadelphia, 

1870.) 

FORSTER,  WILLIAM.    Memories.    (London,  1865.) 
HEALEY,  CHRISTOPHER.    Memoir.    (Philadelphia,  1886.) 
HOAG,  JOSEPH.     Journal.     (Auburn,  1861;   London,  1862.) 
MORRIS,  JOSEPH.    Reminiscences.     (Ohio.) 
WILLIAMS,  WILLIAM.    Journal.    (Cincinnati,  1828.) 


Appendix  D  297 


IV.   HISTORIES 

DUNLEVY.    "History  of  the  Miami  Association." 

SPENCER.    "History  of  the  Kentucky  Baptists."    Mentioned  in  Birney. 

V.   BOOKS  AND  PAMPHLETS  PUBLISHED,  1808-1831 

ANTI-SLAVERY  PETITIONS.     (1828). 

*BARROW,  REV.  DAVID.  "Involuntary,  Unmerited,  Perpetual,  Absolute, 
Hereditary  Slavery  Examined,  on  the  Principles  of  Nature,  Reason,  Justice, 
Policy  and  Scripture."  Published  in  Paris,  Ky.,  between  1807  and  1813.  This 
is  mentioned  and  described  in  Benedict,  History  of  the  Baptists,  which  was 
published  in  1813. 

*BREWSTER,  JARVIS.  "An  Exposition  of  the  Treatment  of  Slaves  in  the 
Southern  States,  particularly  in  the  States  of  Maryland,  Virginia,  North  Caro 
lina,  South  Carolina,  and  Georgia."  (New  Brunswick,  N.  J.,  1815.)  This  is 
given  as  quoted  in  Kenrick,  "Horrors  of  Slavery,"  published  in  1817. 

*BURGESS,  DYER.  Pamphlet  against  slavery  published  in  Ripley,  Ohio,  in 
1827.  Mentioned  in  Birney. 

CLARKSON,  THOMAS.  "Essay  on  Slavery,"  republished  by  J.  N.  Lyle,  in 
Kentucky  in  1816.  Mentioned  in  Birney. 

"EMIGRATION  TO  HAYTI."    (Philadelphia,  1825.)    Mentioned  in  Birney. 

FINLEY,  JAMES.  Letter  to  Asa  Mahan.  Mentioned  in  Weld,  "American 
Slavery  as  it  is." 

*GILLILAND,  REV.  JAMES.  "Dialogues  on  Slavery."  Published  at  Ripley, 
Ohio,  in  1820.  Mentioned  by  Birney. 

HICKS,  ELIAS.  "  Observations  on  the  slavery  of  Africans  and  their  Descend 
ants. "  1814. 

SLAVERY  IN  INDIANA.     1824. 

RANDOLPH,  JOHN.    Address  before  the  Virginia  Legislature  in  1820. 

IBID.     Letter  to  Josiah  Quincy  in  1814. 

"IMPOLICY  OF  SLAVERY.     1823.     Mentioned  in  Birney. 

*PICTURES  OF  SLAVERY.     1823.     Mentioned  in  Birney. 

*!MPOLICY  OF  SLAVERY  ILLUSTRATED.     1825. 

"  TENNESSEE,  Address  before  the  Emancipation  Society  of."  Quoted  by 
Wm.  D.  Kelly,  House  of  Representatives,  Jan.  16,  1865.  Printed  by  Huskell 
and  Brown,  1817. 

THORNTON.  1822.  The  writer  is  mentioned  by  Blane  as  writing  against 
slavery.  Not  even  the  title  or  particular  subject  is  given. 

*WRIGHT,  JOHN.  Pamphlet  against  slavery.  Mentioned  by  W.  Faux  in 
his  "Travels."  No  more  details  are  given. 

VI.   NEWSPAPERS,  ETC.,  1808-1831 

*ABOLITION  INTELLIGENCER.  A  monthly  paper  published  by  Rev.  John 
Finley  Crowe  under  the  auspices  of  the  Kentucky  Abolition  Society,  about  1822. 


298  Appendix  D 

AFRICAN  REPOSITORY.  There  were  proposals  in  the  Christian  Spectator  for 
1823,  for  the  publication  of  a  monthly,  "The  African  Repository  and  Colonial 
Journal,"  by  the  American  Colonization  Society.  One  or  two  other  notices  of 
it  have  been  found,  but  no  copy  of  the  paper  itself. 

EDWARDSVILLE  SPECTATOR.  Illinois,  1822.  Edited  by  Hooper  Warren.  A 
number  of  the  communications  to  the  people  of  Illinois  by  the  friends  of  freedom 
during  the  Illinois  struggle  were  first  printed  in  this  paper,  which  did  a  good 
work  for  the  slave  in  the  period. 

*EMANCIPATOR.  Published  by  Elihu  Embree,  at  Jonesboro',  Tenn.,  in  1820. 
An  octavo  monthly.  The  same  name  is  also  given  with  the  name  of  Lambert 
as  publisher,  and  the  dates  1819  (?)  and  1822. 

ILLINOIS  INTELLIGENCER,  1823-1824.    Edited  by  David  Blackwell. 

INVESTIGATOR,  Providence,  R.  I.     1827. 

*LIBERALIST,  THE.    New  Orleans,  La.    Edited  by  Milo  Mower. 

*MANUMISSION  INTELLIGENCER.     Tennessee,  1818. 

*MANUMISSION  JOURNAL.     Greenville,  Tenn.  (?)  1825. 

*PATRIOT,  THE.     North  Carolina. 

PHILANTHROPIST  AND  INVESTIGATOR,  Boston,  1829.    Mentioned  by  Birney. 

VII.   MAGAZINE  ARTICLES 

FUGITIVE  SLAVES.     Democratic  Review,  April,  1851. 
MISSOURI  COMPROMISE.     Ibid.  vol.  34. 
NEGRO  SLAVERY,  1823.     Eel.  R.  46.    490. 

VIII.   REPORTS,  ETC. 

*MINUTES  of  the  North  Carolina  Manumission  Society,  1815-1835.    Prop 
erty  of  the  No.  Carolina  Yearly  Meeting.     (MSS  ?) 
PENNSYLVANIA  Anti-Slavery  Convention,  1837. 

IX.   MISCELLANEOUS 

AMES,  JULIUS  R.  "Sentiments  expressed  by  Southerners.  A  Compilation." 
I  think  this  was  found  at  one  time,  but  has  been  lost  sight  of,  and  cannot  now 
be  found. 

CHURCHES,  Testimony  of  the,  etc.,  etc.,  1767,  1819. 


INDEX 


Abolition  by  abstinence  from  slave- 
products,  175,  181;  candidate  in 
Maryland,  20,  135;  in  North,  causes 
of,  i ;  constitution  of  Alabama  on, 
51;  formal  argument  for,  179;  in 
the  District  of  Columbia,  American 
Convention  on,  170,  181,  182,  183; 
in  the  District  of  Columbia,  memo 
rials  for,  48,  49>  I25>  185-188,  220; 
in  Maryland,  memorials  for,  48,  49; 
in  Pennsylvania,  memorials  for,  143; 
Intelligencer,  45,  130;  Intelligencer, 
proposals  for,  45;  sentiment  in  the 
North,  growth  of,  108,  109;  senti 
ment,  old  fashioned,  108;  societies 
enemies  of  the  American  Coloniza 
tion  Society,  204;  universal,  methods 
discussed,  171-174;  was  it  a  mistake ? 
94.  See  Anti-slavery. 
Activity  against  slavery,  34. 
Adams,  John,  attitude  towards  slavery, 

62. 

Adams,  John  Quincy,  attitude  towards 
slavery,  62,  63 ;  on  the  Missouri  Com 
promise,  216;    his  opinion  of  the  col 
onization  scheme,  205. 
Addresses  published  by  the  anti-slavery 

societies,  123. 
Address  of  the  Manumission  Society  of 

North  Carolina,  123,  124. 
African  Observer,  The,  83. 
African  slave  trade,  15,  162,  195. 
Aggressive     work,     beginnings    of      in 

North,    140. 
Alabama,  constitution    of,  on  abolition, 

51;   on  slave  trials,  51,  240. 
Alarm  of  pro-slavery  advocates,  34. 
Alexandria  (Va.),  Benevolent  Society  of, 

218. 
American    Colonization    Society,    104, 

199-204. 

American  Convention,  abolition  dis 
cussed  in  the,  167,  179;  abolition  in 
the  District  of  Columbia,  170,  181, 
182,  183;  in  individual  states,  170, 
175;  universal,  170,  171;  addresses 
to  the  societies,  177;  address  to  the 


Kentucky     Abolition     Society,     178; 
advance  in  anti-slavery  opinion,  182; 
attendance,    155;   business    of,    158; 
Colonization  Society  in  the,  172;  com 
mittee  on  African  Slave  Trade,  162; 
committee  on  Internal  Slave  Trade, 
163;   committee  on  Kidnapping,  163, 
164;   compilation  of  Black  Codes  by, 
164;   did  denounce  slavery,  193;   dis 
cussion  of  Domestic  Slave  Trade,  162, 
163;     discussion    of    Foreign    Slave 
Trade,  162 ;  discussion  of  Kidnapping, 
163,  164;    distribution  of  tracts,  157, 
160,  181;    education  of  free  negroes 
advocated,    165,    167;     education   of 
slaves  advocated,  165,  166;    emanci 
pation  discussed  in,  172;  first  memo 
rial  to  Congress,  158;  for  promoting 
the    Abolition    of    Slavery    and    Im 
proving  the  Condition  of  the  African 
Race,  154;  formal  argument  for  abo 
lition,  179;    free  and  slave  labor  in, 
150,  167,  168,  169;    history  of  slavery 
attempted  by,  161;    immediate  eman 
cipation    in,     171,     173;     individual 
emancipation   urged   in,    175;     influ 
ence  of  the,    177,    191;    laws  aiding 
manumissions     recommended,     169; 
like    Confederation,     191;    manumis 
sions   recommended,    169;     meetings 
held,  154;    memorials.  144,  185-190; 
method   of   attack   on   slavery,    193; 
methods  of  arousing  public  sentiment, 
160,  161 ;  of  Delegates  from  Abolition 
Societies,  154;  opinion  on  compulsory 
colonisation,    178;     opinion  on   Mis 
souri    Compromise,    178;     power   of 
execution,     191;      primacy    of,     192; 
publications  of,   157,   158,   160,   161; 
relation     to     American    Anti-Slavery 
Society,  191;  representation  in,  155; 
resolutions  of,    158,   159,   161;    state 
abolition  urged  in,   170,   175;    topics 
discussed  in,   158,   159,   167;    use  of 
profits  of  public  lands  advocated  in, 
174,175;  value  of  its  work,  192;  was 
it  aggressive?    193. 


299 


300 


Index 


Amphlett,  William,  on  Southern  oppo 
sition  to  slavery,  32. 

Andover  Society  of  Inquiry  concerning 
Missions,  66. 

Anti-slavery  activity  in  the  North,  two 
centers  of,  57;  articles  causing  ner 
vousness,  in;  articles  in  Boston  Re 
corder  and  Telegraph,  40,  41,  78; 
articles  in  Southern  press,  42,  43; 
contest,  elements  of,  15;  contest, 
real  beginning  of  the  active,  29,  33; 
contest,  three  periods  of  the,  2;  men 
elected  to  Legislature  in  North  Car 
olina,  and  Virginia,  36;  men,  posi 
tive  measures  against,  112;  Neglected 
Period  of,  2 ;  opinion,  why  radical  in 
northwestern  states,  148;  organiza 
tions,  increase  in,  104;  pamphlets, 
denunciation  of,  in. 

Anti-slavery  Societies,  addresses  pub 
lished  by,  123;  compared  with  later 
ones,  153;  enumeration  of,  116;  im 
mediate  emancipation  in,  120;  in 
Kentucky,  35,  119,  129;  in  North, 
140-150;  in  North,  location  of  ma 
jority  of,  140;  in  North  Carolina, 
121,  137,  138;  in  Ohio,  119,  148,  149; 
in  South,  characteristics  of,  139;  in 
South,  location  of  majority  of,  137; 
in  Tennessee  and  North  Carolina  the 
largest,  121;  names  of,  119,  App.  B.; 
names  of  members  of,  121,  App.  A.; 
opposed  to  domestic  slave  trade,  197; 
organization  of,  122;  representation 
in  American  Convention,  122;  size 
of,  120;  table  of,  117;  totals  by 
states,  118;  work  done  by,  122. 

Anti-slavery  society  in  Wilmington, 
Delaware,  work  of,  119. 

Anti-slavery  state  ticket  in  Maryland, 
135;  ticket  in  Philadelphia,  86; 
workers  in  New  England,  66;  work, 
South  the  leader  in,  249. 

Apprentice  system  of  Indiana,  208;  of 
Ohio,  72. 

"Arator,"  31. 

Associate  Synod,  Cannonsburg,  Penn., 
99. 

Atlee,  Edwin  Pitt,  M.  D.,  of  Philadel 
phia,  64. 

Bacon,  Leonard,  66. 

Baltimore,  free  produce  store  in,  151; 
memorial  from,  against  slavery,  48; 
memorial  from,  against  slavery  ex 
tension,  48;  memorial  from  for  abo 


lition  in  District  of  Columbia,  48; 
petition  from,  against  slavery  in  Mis 
souri,  48;  Protection  Society,  136. 

Baptists  and  slavery,  100. 

Barrow,  David,  of  Kentucky,  on  slavery, 

J7- 

Barton,  Isaac,  resolutions  on  free  labor, 
168. 

Beginning  of  active  anti-slavery  con 
test,  29,  33. 

Benedict,  David,  on  slavery,  n. 

Beneficiary  societies  in  Philadelphia,  73. 

Benton,  Thomas  H.,  on  free  state  agi 
tation,  216;  on  slavery  in  the  ab 
stract,  22. 

Bettle,  Edward,  of  Philadelphia,  65. 

Bingham,  Caleb,  79. 

Birkbeck,  Morris,  on  attitude  of  the 
South,  32;  work  in  Illinois,  219. 

Birney,  James  G.,  influence  in  Alabama, 
20;  personal  attitude  towards  slavery, 
20. 

Black  codes,  compiled  by  American 
Convention,  164. 

Blacks,  memorials  for  protection  of ,  125. 

Blane,  William  Newnham,  on  slavery, 

J3- 

Boston  Recorder  and  Telegraph,  anti- 
slavery  articles  in,  40,  41,  78. 

Bourne,  George,  on  immediate  emanci 
pation,  80-82. 

Branagan,  Thomas,  writings  on  slavery, 
76. 

Breeding  states,  198. 

Bristed,  John,  writings  on  slavery,  76. 

Bryan,  Daniel,  poems,  21. 

Canada,  escape  of  slaves  to,  198. 

Candler,  Isaac,  on  opinions  of  Virgin 
ians,  38;  opinion  of  attitude  of  Con 
gress,  56. 

Carey,  Matthew,  writings  on  slavery,  77. 

Catholics  and  slavery,  101. 

Causes  of  growth  of  abolition  in  the 
North,  i;  of  slavery  in  the  South,  i. 

Census  Tables,  3-7 ;  discussion  of  the, 
2,  8,  9. 

Centers  of  activity  in  the  North,  57. 

Centerville  (Penn.)  Soc.,  147. 

Centralization  lacking  in  early  societies, 

153- 
Chandler,  Elizabeth  Margaret,  writings 

on  slavery,  42. 

Chester  County  (Penn.)  Soc.,  147. 
Children  of  slaves,  status  of,   237,  238. 
Children's  work  for  slaves,  42. 


Index 


301 


Chillicothe  Presbytery,  address  on  slav 
ery,  100. 

Churches,  attitude  of  the,  96. 
Churches  for  colored  people,  13,  14,  15, 

73- 

Cincinnati  (O.)  Female  Society,  148. 

Clarkson's  History  of  the  Abolition  of 
the  Slave  Trade,  161. 

Clay,  Henry,  and  emancipation  in  Ken 
tucky,  19;  attitude  towards  Ken 
tucky  Abolition  Society,  20;  on 
slavery,  19. 

Clergy,  indifference  of,  towards  slavery, 
96. 

Coles,    Edward,    Governor  of   Illinois, 

57,  2I7- 

Collection  of  slave  laws,  79. 

Colonization,  African,  199;  compul 
sory,  opinion  of  the  American  Con 
vention,  178;  opposed  by  colored 
people,  202;  societies,  table  of,  106; 

Colonization  Society,  104,  199-204; 
attitude  of  members  toward  slavery, 
202;  combated  by  both  sides,  205; 
denounced  by  anti-slavery  societies, 
204;  discussed  in  American  Conven 
tion,  172;  growth  of,  104;  probable 
deduction  as  to  anti-slavery  tendency, 
205,  206. 

Colored  churches  in  North,  73:  citizen, 
his  work  for  the  slave,  91;  free  labor 
societies,  151 ;  people  on  public  lands, 
129;  schools,  13,  14,  73,  74,  126,  142, 
143 ;  Seamen's  Act  in  South  Carolina, 
246. 

Columbian,  The,    a  pro-slavery  paper, 

34- 

Columbian  Orator,  The,  79. 

Congress,  action  on  Louisiana  Constitu 
tion  Convention,  55;  action  on  peti 
tion  of  Marigny  D'Auterive,  55;  gen 
eral  attitude  on  slavery,  56. 

Congressmen,  attitude  of  individuals 
on  slavery,  63,  64;  on  slavery  per  se 
in  Missouri,  215,  216. 

Constitution  of  Alabama  on  abolition, 
51;  on  trials  of  slaves,  51,  240. 

Constitutional  nervousness  of  the  South 
on  the  subject  of  slavery,  in. 

Contest,  elements  of  the  anti-slavery, 
15;  three  periods  of  the,  2. 

Convention  in  Illinois,  218,  219. 

Convention  system,  191. 

Conventions  of  colored  men,  92,  93. 

Cooper,  James  Fenimore,  on  slavery,  12. 

Cornish,  Samuel,  of  New  York,  92. 


Court  decisions,  222-248. 

Crawford,  William,  of  Georgia;    letter 

to  Gov.  Coles  of  Illinois,  22. 
"Crisis,  The,"  by  "Brutus,"  114. 
Crowe,  John  Finley,  45. 

Dark  side  of  slavery  described,  78. 

Degradation  of  negroes  in  the  North,  72. 

Delaware,  Abolition  Society,  127 ;  eman 
cipations  in,  34;  Free  Labor  So 
ciety,  150,  152;  laws  to  aid  manu 
mission,  52;  memorial  for  abolition 
in,  49;  resolution  of  Legislature  for 
slavery  prohibition  in  new  states,  55; 
Weekly  Advertiser  refuses  advertise 
ment  of  runaway  slave,  44. 

Delegate  system,  191. 

"Delicacy"  in  South  on  subject  of 
slavery,  251;  when  aroused,  no. 

Denmark  Vesey  Insurrection,  245,  246. 

Denunciation  of  anti-slavery,   in. 

Discussion  of  slavery  impossible  in 
South,  112;  in  Kentucky,  34. 

District  of  Columbia,  abolition  in,  16, 
219-221;  abolition  in,  discussed  in 
American  Convention,  170,  181,  182, 
183;  attitude  of  Congress  towards 
abolition  in,  37,  220;  memorials  for 
abolition  in,  48,  49,  125,  185-188, 
220;  petitions  against  slavery  in,  87, 
219;  property  of  whole  nation,  183; 
resolutions  for  abolition  in,  90; 
right  of  Congress  to  abolish  slavery 
in,  183,  219;  slavery  in,  a  disgrace, 
182. 

Domestic  slave  trade,  15,  196,  197; 
discussed  in  American  Convention, 
162,  163 ;  memorials  against,  144. 

Drayton,  William,  of  South  Carolina 
on  slavery,  22. 

Dred  Scott  Decision,  a  parallel  case, 
230;  sentiment  before  1831  directly 
opposed  to,  228. 

Duncan,  James  M.,  on  immediate  eman 
cipation,  80;  on  slavery  in  North,  71. 

Dupre,  Lewis,  of  Charleston,  S.  C.,  book 
on  slavery,  30;  plan  for  emancipa 
tion,  30. 

Earle,  Thomas,  of  Philadelphia,  64. 

Education  of  colored  children,  165,  166, 
167,  181,  182,  183;  of  slaves  for 
freedom,  152,  166,  173,  179. 

Elements  of  the  anti-slavery  contest, 
1808-1831,  15. 

Emancipation,  attempt  at,  in  Kentucky, 


302 


Index 


53;  by  individuals,  34,  232;  first 
discussed  in  American  Convention, 
172;  gradual,  plans  for,  173-176; 
immediate,  16,  80,  105,  107,  108; 
immediate,  bad  for  slave,  171,  173; 
immediate,  feasible  in  District  of 
Columbia,  175;  immediate,  not  fea 
sible  in  the  United  States,  173;  im 
mediate,  societies  for,  120;  in  Dela 
ware,  34;  in  Maryland,  34;  in 
Tennessee,  34;  law  in  North  Caro 
lina,  52;  less  easy  in  1831  than  in 
1808,  251;  memorials  for,  in  Dela 
ware,  49;  memorials  for,  in  District 
of  Columbia,  48,  49,  125,  185-188, 
220;  memorials  for,  in  Maryland,  48, 
49;  petitions  for,  in  Tennessee,  49; 
plans  for,  39,  40,  79,  173,  174,  175; 
resolutions  for  gradual,  91. 

Emancipator,  The,  45. 

Embree,  Elihu,  45. 

Episcopalians  and  slavery,  101. 

Escape  of  slaves,  198. 

Evans,  Estwick,  attitude  towards  sla 
very,  75;  plan  for  emancipation,  79. 

Evarts,  Jeremiah,  66. 

Faux,  W.,  criticism  of  slavery  in  South 
Carolina,  in;  on  slavery,  12,  72. 

Female  anti-slavery  societies,  148. 

Finch,  John,  on  opinions  of  Americans, 
38;  on  slavery,  13. 

Finley,  Rev.  Robert,  D.D.,  of  New 
Jersey,  founder  of  the  American 
Colonization  Society,  104. 

Flint,  James,  on  slavery,  13. 

Florida,  a  test  case,  190;  attitude 
towards  slavery  in,  146;  evasion  of 
slave  trade  laws,  190;  law  concerning 
trials  of  slaves,  51;  memorials  for 
prohibition  of  slavery,  189,  190. 

Foreign  slave  trade,  15,  162,  195. 

Forten,  James,  of  Philadelphia,  92. 

Fowler,  George,  of  Virginia,  30. 

Fox,  C.  J.,  on  slavery,  77. 

Franchise  in  North  Carolina,  52. 

Franklin  (Penn.)  Society,  147. 

Free  and  slave  labor,  150;  address  on, 
by  American  Convention,  150,  167, 
168,  169,  181. 

Free  colored  children  cared  for  in 
Mississippi,  248. 

Freedmen   not   to   be   reenslaved,  233. 

Freedom,  actual  enjoyment  of,  a  prima 
facie  proof  of  right,  232;  French  law 
in  Hispaniola,  232;  Spanish  law  in 


Louisiana,   231;    of  slaves  given  by 

courts,  225-230. 
Freedom's  Journal,  83. 
Freedom  suits,  slave   protected  in,  234, 

235- 

Free  labor  prohibited  by  slavery,  190; 
labor  societies,  150—151;  negroes  in 
South,  13,  247;  produce  societies  in 
Pennsylvania,  150,  151;  produce 
stores,  151,  I52>  state  agitation, 
Benton  on,  216. 

Free  State,  birth  in,  gave  freedom,  227; 
removal  to,  gave  freedom,  227-229. 

Friends,  Society  of,  101. 

Fugitive  slave,  advertisement  for  re 
fused  in  Delaware,  44;  in  Boston,  85; 
laws  executed,  235,  236. 

Fugitive  slaves,  16,  145;  in  South,  236, 
237;  rescue  of,  236. 

Garrignes,  Samuel  P.,  of  Philadelphia, 
work  against  kidnapping,  164. 

Garrison,  William  Lloyd,  and  Benjamin 
Lundy,  comparison  of  attitude,  69; 
and  Benjamin  Lundy,  in  the  "Gen 
ius,"  47,  68,  69;  attitude  before  1831, 
67;  connection  with  Southern  "deli 
cacy,"  114,  115;  editorial  work,  67; 
life  in  Baltimore  before  1828,  68; 
work  in  Vermont,  68. 

General  Assembly  of  the  Presbyterian 
church,  and  slavery,  98. 

"Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation," 
26,  45,  68,  69;  attitude,  45;  details 
of  publication,  45-47;  proposals  for, 

45- 
Georgia,  law  concerning  trials  of  slaves, 

51;    non-importation  law,  51. 
Gibbons,      Daniel,     of      Pennsylvania, 

work  for  fugitive  slaves,  65. 
Gilliland,    James,    of    Ohio,    60,    100; 

letter    from    Chillicothe    Presbytery, 

100. 

Goodell,  William,  85. 
Gradual  emancipation  a  result  of  the 

American  Colonization  Society?  202- 

204;  plans  for,  173-176. 
"Gradualism  "  the  characteristic  of  the 

period,  249. 

Gross,  Ezra  C.,  of  New  York,  64. 
Growth  of  abolition  sentiment  in  North, 

causes  of,   i,   109;    of  slavery  in   the 

South,  causes  of,  i. 

Hall,  Basil,  on  opinions  of  Virginians, 
33. 


Index 


3°3 


Hall,  Francis,  on  slavery,  12. 
Hamilton,  Thomas,  on  free  negroes,  13; 

on  opinions  in  Maryland,  38. 
Harris,  William  Tell,  on  slavery,  12. 
Harrison,  William  Henry,  of  Ohio,  on 

slavery,  85. 

Hicks,  Elias,  of  Long  Island,  65. 
"Hieronymus,"    Southern   opponent  of 

slavery,  41. 
Hodgson,    Adam,    on   slavery,    13;     on 

Southern  opposition  to  slavery,  33. 
Hoffman,  Michael,  of  New  York,  64. 
Holmes,  Isaac,  on  anti-slavery  in  the 

North,  71. 

Hopper,  Isaac  T.,  of  Philadelphia,  65. 
Horton,  Gilbert,  case  of,  220. 

Illinois,  anti-slavery  societies  in,  150, 
218;  constitution  ambiguous,  88,  217; 
Governor  Coles  of,  217;  immediate 
emancipation  in,  250;  indenture  sys 
tem,  88;  pro-slavery  convention  in, 
218,  219;  slavery  in;  88,  217;  struggle, 
57,  216-219;  struggle,  economic,  not 
moral,  218;  struggle,  influence  on 
abolition  sentiment,  109;  workers  in, 

57,  58- 

Immediate  emancipation,  16,  80,  105, 
107,  108;  bad  for  slave,  171,  173; 
feasible  in  District  of  Columbia,  175; 
not  feasible  in  United  States,  173; 
societies,  120;  was  the  cry  success 
ful?  193. 

Immediate  emancipationists  in  minority 
in  the  period,  249;  majority  of  in 
Illinois  and  Ohio,  250. 

Importation  from  outside  the  United 
States  freed  slave,  225;  from  another 
State  freed  slave,  226,  227. 

Inchiquin  on  slavery,  n. 

Increase  of  slaves  in  United  States,  2. 

Indiana,  anti-slavery  struggle  in,  16, 
89,  208-210;  apprentice  system,  208; 
constitution  ambiguous,  89,  210; 
fugitive  slave  act  of  1824,  210;  in 
denture  system,  89,  208,  223;  legality 
of  slavery  in,  222,  229;  "Log  Con 
vention,"  209;  practical  slavery  in, 

89,    208,    210. 

Individual  emancipation,  34,  232. 
Inflammatory  pamphlets,  246. 
Inheritance  of  slaves,  239. 
Insurrection,     Denmark     Vesey,     245; 

justification  of  homicide,  245. 
Investigator,  The,  85. 
Irritability  of  the  South,  in,  112. 


Jay,  William,  legal  work  for  slavery,  65. 

Jefferson  on  slavery,  18. 

Jones,  James,  of  Tennessee,  address  of, 

133- 

Journal  of  the  Times,  resolution  con 
cerning,  in  American  Convention,  161. 

Kenrick,  John,  writings,  78. 

Kentucky,  amendment  of  the  Constitu 
tion  to  provide  for  abolition,  35;  anti- 
slavery  societies  in,  119,  129;  attempt 
at  abolition,  53 ;  attempt  to  form  State 
abolition  society,  35,  119,  129;  Bap 
tists  in,  loo,  101;  growing  senti 
ment  against  slavery,  35. 

Kidnapping  discussed  in  American 
Convention,  163,  164;  illegal,  223; 
memorial  against,  144;  punished, 
223,  224;  work  of  Watson  and 
Garrignes  of  Philadelphia,  164. 

Killing  of  slave,  243;    penalty  for,  244, 

245- 
Knight,    Henry    C.,    attitude    towards 

slavery,  76. 

Labor,   free  and  slave,    150,   167,    168, 

169,  175,  181;  James  Raymond  on,  43. 

Lamb  and  Ludny,  free  produce  store, 

IS1- 

Lambert,  John,  on  slavery,  n. 

Laws  concerning  trials  of  slaves,  51,  52; 
laws  to  check  slave  trade,  50. 

Legislatures,  refusal  to  consider  plans 
for  emancipation,  40. 

Lewis,  Enoch,  83. 

Lewis,  Evan,  essay  against  slavery,  79. 

Liberalist,  The,  45. 

Liberia  purchased,  104. 

"Little  William,"  article  on  slavery,  42. 

Livermore,  Edward,  of  Massachusetts, 
resolution  for  amendment  of  the  Con 
stitution  to  prohibit  slavery,  63. 

Loudon,  Va.,   report    from    society  in, 

131- 

Louisiana,  constitution  allowed  colored 
militia,  51;  constitutional  convention, 
action  of  Congress,  55;  non-impor 
tation  act,  52;  Spanish  law  of  free 
dom  in,  231. 

Lundy,  Benjamin,  and  Garrison,  25,  47, 
68,  69;  attitude  on  anti-slavery,  26;  at 
titude  on  Texas  question,  27 ;  common 
characterization  of,  24;  conversion  of, 
to  abolition,  24;  delivery  of  lectures 
on  slavery,  24,  25;  editorial  work 
against  slavery.  26;  Garrison's  de- 


3°4 


Index 


scription  of,  25 ;  "  Genius  of  Universal 
Emancipation,"  26;  journey  to  North, 
25;   organization  of  societies,  24,  25; 
plans  for  emancipation,  26,  27. 
Lutherans  and  slavery,  101. 

Manumisson,  a  formal  promise  must  be 
kept,  233,  234;  Journal,  133;  laws  to 
aid,  52;  recommended  in  American 
Convention,  169. 

Marigny  D'Auterive,  Petition  of,  55. 

Markets,  slave,  198. 

Marriage  of  slaves  in  North,  239. 

Maryland,  Abolition  Society,  134,  135; 
anti-slavery  ticket  in,  135;  emanci 
pations  in,  34;  indications  that  it 
would  become  free,  34,  38,  48;  law  fa 
cilitating  manumission,  52 ;  memorials 
for  abolition  in,  48,  49;  Methodists 
in,  97;  opinions  in,  38;  Protection 
Society,  134;  Raymond  a  candidate 
in,  20,  135;  Societies  in,  134,  135,  136. 

Massachusetts,  consideration  of  expul- 
sory  laws  in,  72. 

Master,  convictions  for  cruelty  to  slave, 
242,  243;  rights  over  person  of  slave, 
242. 

Maxwell,  William,  articles  on  slavery, 
41. 

Mead,  Joel  K.,  Editorials  on  slavery,  43. 

Meigs,  Henry,  of  New  York,  64. 

Memorial  from  Baltimore  against  sla 
very  expansion  48 ;  for  gradual  aboli 
tion  in  Maryland,  48 ;  from  Frederick 
Co.,  Md.,  for  abolition  in  Maryland, 
49;  Harford  Co.,  Md.,  for  abolition 
in  Maryland,  49 ;  Maryland,  for  abo 
lition  in  Maryland,  49;  for  gradual 
emancipation  in  Delaware,  49;  in 
Kentucky  to  colonize  blacks  on  pub 
lic  lands,  129;  to  Virginia  Conven 
tion  of  1829,  50. 

Memorials  against  slavery  in  Missouri, 
87,  211,  212;  against  the  slave  trade, 
125;  and  petitions  by  anti-slavery 
societies,  125,  143,  144;  for  abolition 
in  District  of  Columbia,  48,  49,  125, 
185-188,  220;  for  abolition  in 
Maryland,  48,  49;  for  prohibition 
of  slavery  in  Florida,  189,  190;  for 
protection  of  blacks,  125;  from 
American  Convention,  185-190;  from 
Baltimore  against  s^ery,  48;  from 
citizens  against  slavery  in  Missouri, 
211,  212;  from  Manumission  So 
ciety  of  Tennessee  against  slavery 


extension,  132;  for  abolition  in  Dis 
trict  of  Columbia,  and  United  States, 
132;  in  relief  of  colored  people, 
132;  from  Pennsylvania  Abolition 
Society,  143,  144;  from  State  leg 
islatures  against  slavery  in  Missouri, 
in. 

Methodists  and  slavery,  97;  General 
Conference  and  slavery,  97;  Quar 
terly  Conference  in  Maryland,  97. 

Middletown,  West  (Penn.),  Abolition 
Society  in,  147. 

Miner,  Charles,  of  Pennsylvania,  reso 
lution  on  slavery  in  District  of  Co 
lumbia,  64,  221. 

Minge,  David  of  Virginia,  his  manu 
mission  of  slaves,  34. 

Mississippi  Constitution  on  slave  trials, 
240. 

Missouri,  admission  of,  15;  Compro 
mise,  opinion  of  the  American  Con 
vention  on,  irS-^,  constitution  on 
killing  slaves,  52;  constitution  on 
trials  of  slaves,  52,  240;  meetings,  me 
morials  and  petitions  against  slavery 
in,  48,  87;  resolutions  against  slavery 
in,  90,  91;  struggle,  210-216;  strug 
gle,  era  of,  29;  struggle,  influence  of 
on  anti-slavery  sentiment,  109;  strug 
gle,  slavery  per  se  in,  210-213,  215, 
216. 

Morrill,  David  L.,  of  New  Hampshire, 
64. 

Mower,  Milo,  of  New  Orleans,  45. 

Murder  of  slave,  by  master  or  stranger, 
243,  244. 

National    Anti-Slavery    Tract    Society, 

136. 
Neglected  period  of  anti-slavery,  2 ;  four 

divisions  of,  29. 
Negro  schools,  13,  14,  7.3.  74,  126,  142, 

143- 

Negroes,  actual  position  of,  in  North, 
72;  expelled  from  Ohio,  72;  expul 
sion  of  from  Massachusetts  consid 
ered,  72. 

Nestor's  plan  for  emancipation,  39. 

New  England,  part  of,  in  work  of  period, 
249;  slave  trade  in,  72;  Weekly  Re 
view,  84. 

New  Haven,  anti-slavery  society  in, 
founded  by  Leonard  Bacon,  66,  141 

New  Jersey,  gradual  emancipation  act 
of,  89. 

New  Lisbon,  Ohio,  society  in,  123,  149. 


Index 


305 


Newmarket,  Md.,  Anti-Slavery  Society 
of,  134. 

Newspapers  at  the  North,  83. 

New  York  abolition  act,  90;  abolition 
society,  142;  and  Pennsylvania  al 
ways  active  in  anti-slavery,  250;  col 
ored  soldiers,  89;  legality  of  slavery 
in,  223;  legislation  for  benefit  of 
slave,  89;  meeting  against  slavery  ex 
tension  in  Missouri,  212. 

Nicholson,  Judge,  of  Baltimore  Co., 
Md.,  work  for  slave,  23. 

Niles,  Hezekiah,  editorials  by,  44. 

Ninan  Edwards  of  Illinois  on  slavery,  32. 

Non-importation  acts,  53. 

North,  actual  position  of  negroes  in,  72; 
and  South  compared,  10;  attitude 
of  people  of,  71. 

North  Carolina,  addresses  of  Manu 
mission  Society  of,  123,  124;  anti- 
slavery  man  elected  State  Senator,  36; 
attitude  of,  towards  slavery,  36;  con 
stitution  gave  franchise  to  "all  free 
men,"  52;  constitution  on  slave  trials, 
240;  emancipations  in,  34;  general 
emancipation  law  in,  52;  growing 
sentiment  against  slavery  in,  36;  laws 
concerning  killing  of  slaves,  52; 
Manumission  Society  of,  137,  138; 
other  societies  in,  138;  Quakers  in, 
102. 

North,  newspapers  in  the,  83;  two 
centers  of  activity,  57. 

Northern  anti-slavery  societies;  begin 
ning  of  aggressive  work,  140;  loca 
tion  of  majority  of,  140. 

Northern  legislatures,  anti-slavery  reso 
lutions  in,  90;  plans  for  emancipation, 
79;  travelers,  sentiments  of,  74. 

Northwestern  states,  reason  for  radical 
opinion  in,  148. 

Ogden,  George  W.,  attitude  on  slavery, 

75- 

Ohio,  anti-slavery  societies  in,  119,  148, 
149;  apprentice  system  in,  72;  ex- 
pulsory  laws  in,  72 ;  immediate  eman 
cipation  in,  250;  Presbyterians  in,  99; 
rumor  of  desire  for  slavery,  85 ;  work 
ers  in,  59,  60,  61. 

Old-fashioned  abolition  sentiment,  109. 

Onus  probandi  not  on  "people  of  color," 
230;  on  pure  negro,  230. 

Osborn,  Charles,  of  Ohio,  59,  60,  83. 

Osborne,  Adlai  Laurence,  of  North 
Carolina,  43. 

20 


Palmer,  John,  on  attitude  of  South,  32; 
on  slavery,  12;  on  Wilmington  Anti- 
Slavery  Society,  119. 

Panama  Congress,  slavery  not  to  be  dis 
cussed,  in. 

Paulding,  James  K.,  attitude  on  slavery, 
75;  on  condition  of  slaves,  12. 

Paxton,  John,  of  Virginia,  18;  "Letters 
on  Slavery,"  18. 

Pennsylvania  Abolition.  Society,  143; 
attitude  on  Florida,  146;  attitude  on 
Missouri,  146;  benevolent  work,  144; 
fugitive  slaves,  145;  memorial  against 
domestic  slave  trade,  144;  memorial 
against  kidnapping,  144;  memorial 
for  total  abolition  in  Pennsylvania, 
143;  schools,  144;  work  for  District 
of  Columbia,  145. 

Pennsylvania,  fugitive  slaves  in,  86,  90; 
meeting  in  Chester  Co.,  against 
slavery  in  Missouri,  211;  Presbyte 
rians  in,  99;  sentiment  in,  86;  so 
cieties  in,  143,  147,  148;  workers  in, 
always  active,  250. 

Period,  characterization  of,  252. 

Periods  of  anti-slavery  contest,  three,  2. 

Petition  against  slavery  in  Missouri, 
from  Baltimore,  48;  for  gradual  eman 
cipation  in  Tennessee,  49. 

Petitions  from  anti-slavery  societies,  125. 

Philadelphia,  beneficiary  societies  in, 
73;  prominent  anti-slavery  workers 
in,  64,  65. 

Philanthropist,  The,  60,  83. 

Plumer,  William,  Jr.,  of  Massachusetts, 
denunciation  of  slavery,  64. 

"Pocahontas:  a  proclamation,"  213,  214. 

Politics,  anti-slavery  in,  20,  36,  86,  135, 
148,  149. 

Prentice,  George  D.,  84. 

Presbyterian  church  and  slavery,  98; 
General  Assembly  of,  98. 

Presbyteries,  action  of,  99. 

Press,  Southern,  articles  on  slavery,  42, 

43- 
Presumption  arising  from  color  not  on 

"persons  of  color,"  230;   arising  from 

color  on  pure  negro,  230;  arising  from 

color   reversed   by   other   conditions, 

230,  231. 

Princeton  College  and  abolition,  86. 
Pro-slavery,  Alarm  of,  34;  paper,  "The 

Columbian,"  34. 

Protection  of  blacks,  memorials  for,  125. 
Purchase  of  days  by  slave,  Schoolcraft, 

40. 


Index 


Quaker  influence  in  anti-slavery,  101- 
103,  136. 

Randolph,  John,  of  Virginia,  on  slavery, 
22;  speech  on  domestic  slave  trade, 
21. 

Rankin,  John,  of  Ohio,  60;  attitude 
toward  slavery,  61;  "Letters  on 
Slavery,"  61,  62. 

Rawle,  William,  of  Philadelphia,  64. 

Raymond,  Daniel,  of  Maryland,  a  can 
didate,  20,  135;  on  Missouri  Ques 
tion,  20;  Political  Economy,  21;  reso 
lution  on  state  abolition,  170. 

Raymond,  James,  on  slave  and  free 
labor,  43. 

Resolution  in  Delaware  for  prohibition 
of  slavery  in  new  states,  55. 

Resolutions,  anti-slavery,  by  State  Leg 
islatures,  90. 

Rhode  Island,  anti-slavery  society  in, 
141. 

Rice,  David,  of  Kentucky,  on  slavery, 

I?- 
Rodney,    Caleb,    on    emancipations   in 

Delaware,  34. 

Royall,  Anne,  on  anti-slavery,  42. 
Russian  system  of  serfdom  advocated, 

173- 
Russwurm,  John  B.,  83,  93. 

Schoolcraft,  plan  for  purchase   of  days. 

40. 
Schools,  Negro,  13,  14,  73,  74,  126,  142, 

143- 

Sectional  jealousy,  112,  179,  251;  in 
South  Carolina,  113,  114. 

Serfdom,  Russian,  advocated,  173. 

Servile  insurrection,  245. 

Shipley,  Thomas,  of  Philadelphia,  64. 

Slave,  America's  debt  to  the.  173,  179. 

Slave,  basis  for  freedom  suits,  222-230; 
breeding  states,  198;  conviction  for 
cruelty  to,  242,  243;  freedom  given 
by  courts,  222-230;  given  land  to 
earn  freedom,  173;  ill-treatment  of, 
241,  242;  killing  of,  243,  244;  labor, 
abstinence  from,i75,  181  ;  labor  versus 
free,  150,  167,  168,  169,  181;  laws, 
collection  of,  79;  markets,  principal, 
198;  plan  to  attach  to  land,  173, 
175;  right  of  master  over  person,  242; 
right  of,  to  freedom,  180. 

Slavers,  ownership  of,  i^. 

Slavery,  activity  against,  34;  as  a  dis 
grace,  1 80;  causes  of  growth  in 


South,  i ;  dark  side  of,  78 ;  denunci 
ation  of,  183 ;  discussed  in  Kentucky, 
34,  35;  extension,  memorial  against, 
from  Baltimore,  48;  in  District  of 
Columbia  a  disgrace,  182;  in  Illinois, 
88,  217;  in  Indiana,  88,  208,  210;  in 
new  States  prohibits  free  laborers,  190; 
in  Northern  States,  legality  of,  222, 
223,  229;  not  to  be  discussed  in 
Panama  Congress,  in;  per  se  in 
Missouri  Question,  210-213,  215,  216; 
satirical  defence  of,  213,  214;  what 
abolished?  193. 

Slaves,  escapes  of,  198;  killing  of,  laws 
concerning,  52,  53,  54;  treatment  of, 
in  South,  n,  12,  13;  trials  of,  laws 
concerning,  51,  52,  240. 

Slave  trade,  African,  15,  162,  195;  de 
clared  piracy,  195;  discussed  in 
American  Convention,  162;  in  New 
England,  72;  laws  to  check,  50;  laws 
evaded  in  Florida,  190;  laws 
strengthened,  195. 

Slave  trade,  domestic,  15,  196,  197;  de 
nunciation  of,  196;  discussed  in 
American  Convention,  162,  163,  197; 
growth  unchecked,  196;  memorials 
against,  144;  opposition  to,  196,  197. 

Slave  traders  before  courts,  224,  225; 
not  easily  convicted,  196. 

Slave  trials  in  North  were  under  com 
mon  law,  239;  in  South  not  under 
common  law,  240;  witnesses  in 
courts,  241. 

South,  attitude  of,  towards  slavery,  17, 
32,  33- 

South  Carolina  Colored  Seamen's  Act, 
246. 

South  Carolina  law  concerning  killing 
of  slaves,  53 ;  non-importation  act,  53 ; 
sectional  jealousy  in,  113,  114. 

South,  growth  of  spirit  of  emancipation 
in,  37;  irritability  of,  112;  leader  in 
anti-slavery  work  of  period,  249. 

Southern  anti-slavery  societies,  char 
acteristics  of,  139;  location  of,  137. 

Southern  press,  articles  on   slavery  in, 

37,  42,  43- > 
State     abolition     recommended,      170, 

J75- 

States,  slave-breeding,  198. 

Stoddard,  Amos,  on  Louisiana  and 
slavery,  75;  plan  for  emancipation,  79. 

Stone,  W.  L.,  plan  for  universal  aboli 
tion,  171,  174;  resolution  on  slave  ed 
ucation,  1 66. 


Index 


3°7 


Stroud,  George  M.,  collection  of  slave 

laws,  79. 

Sunsbury  (Ohio)  Society,  149. 
Swaim,  William,  of  North  Carolina,  23. 
Synod,  Presbyterian,  action  on  slavery, 

99. 

Table  of  anti-slavery  societies  117;  of 
colonization  societies,  106. 

Tables  of  censuses,  3-7;  discussion  of, 
2,  8-10. 

Taney,  Roger  B.,  defence  of  Rev 
Jacob  Gruber,  22. 

Taylor  Col.  John,  "Arator,"  31. 

Tennessee,  aid  to  manumissions,  53; 
emancipations  in,  34;  manumission 
society  of,  131,  132,  133;  Moral,  Re 
ligious,  Manumission  Society  of,  133; 
non-importation  act,  53;  petitions 
for  gradual  emancipation,  49;  Pres 
byterians  in,  100. 

Territories  common  property  of  all 
States,  190. 

Texas,  slavery  in,  53. 

Thomas,  David,  attitude  of,  75. 

Torrey,  Jesse,  writings,  78. 

Tracts,  distribution  of,  181. 

Travelers'  testimony  as  to  slavery  in  the 
South,  ii,  12,  13,  31. 

Trials  of  slaves,  how  conducted,  239, 
240;  laws  concerning,  51,  52. 

Trollope,  Frances  (Milton),  on  slavery, 
12. 

Turnbull,  Robert  J.,  "The  Crisis,"  114. 

Tyson,  Flisha,  of  Philadelphia  and 
Baltimore,  23,  24;  and  the  Protec 
tion  Society  of  Maryland,  24. 


Underground  railroad,  198. 

Vaux,  Roberts,  of  Philadelphia,  atti 
tude  of,  64. 

Vermont,  legality  of  slavery  in,  223. 

"Vigornius,"  attack  on  slavery,  78. 

Virginia,  anti-slavery  man  elected  to 
legislature  in,  36;  code,  killing  of 
slaves,  54;  constitutional  convention 
of  1829-1830,  50,  54,  55;  Convention, 
130;  opinion  in,  38,  39;  Quakers  in, 
103;  society  in  Alexandria,  128;  so 
ciety  in  Loudon,  131. 

Walker,  David,  of  Boston,  93. 

Walker's  "Appeal,"  93-95. 

"Wandering  Philanthropist,"  30. 

Washington  (D.C.),  Anti-Slavery  So 
ciety,  123,  128;  (Penn.)  Convention, 
148' 

Watson,  Joseph,  of  Philadelphia,  his 
work  against  kidnapping,  164. 

Webster,  Daniel,  his  equivocal  attitude 
towards  slavery,  63. 

Welby,  Adlard,  on  opinions  of  Ameri 
cans,  37. 

Western  Pennsylvania,  societies  in, 
148. 

WThittier,  John  G.,  84. 

Williams  College  Anti-Slavery  Society, 
85,  123,  140. 

Wilmington  (Del.)  Anti-Slavery  Society, 
work  of,  119. 

Witness  of  slaves  in  South,  241. 

Wright,  Frances,  slave  establishment  in 
Tennessee,  152. 


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